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Martin-Huff, Ellen Marie

PARENTAL AND CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON CHILDREN’S EARLY ADJUSTMENT TO KINDERGARTEN

The Ohio State University Ph.D. 1983

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Copyright 1982

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University Microfilms International PARENTAL AND CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON CHILDREN'S

EARLY ADJUSTMENT TO KINDERGARTEN

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Ellen Marie Martin-Huff, B.S., M.A.

* * * * *

The Ohio State University

1982

Reading Committee: Approved By

Dr. C. Ray Williams

Dr. Martha L. King

Dr. Ellen Hock

Dr. Patrick McKenry O' Adviser Educational Theory and Practice To Steven whose patience, devotion, and unfailing belief

in me has made this project possible.

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For any project of this kind, there are many people whose help and moral support have contributed to the final product. I would like to briefly mention those people who have greatly helped me in conducting this research project.

I want to acknowledge the tremendous contribution made by my reading committee. I would like to thank my major advisor, Dr. C. Ray

Williams for his support and guidance throughout the course of my graduate study. He taught me the value of asking complex questions and doubting easy answers. Many of the issues involved in this research were first raised in discussions with Dr. Williams. I would also like to express my regard and gratitude to Dr. Martha L. King who through her vast knowledge and unflinching belief in the capabilities of all students has shown me what it is to truly be an educator. Much of the credit for the specific questions and quantitative procedures employed in this study belongs to Dr. Ellen Hock. I am grateful to her for insisting that I look for empirical evidence to test theoretical ideas and personal beliefs. She taught me to question and to system­ atically analyze problems. I would also like to thank Dr. Patrick

McKenry who has been a source of encouragement and inspiration during my

iii work on this study and throughout my degree program. I am deeply grateful to these people who have not only contributed to this dissertation research but who have also influenced my personal and professional education and development.

My family has also played an important role in this research project. I want to thank my husband, my parents, and my sisters for all

the hours spent encouraging and consoling me, for their unswerving faith in my ability and for their constant love.

Finally I would like to thank the children and parents who participated in this research. I owe a great debt to the school districts, principals, and teachers whose interest in this problem and belief in the value of educational research made this project possible.

iv VITA

July 14, 1953 ...... Born - Danville, Illinois

1974...... B.S., Northwesten University, Evanston, Illinois

1974-1975 ...... Classroom Teacher, Saint Patrick School, Danville, Illinois

1975-1978 ...... Classroom Teacher, Pope John XXIII School, Columbus, Ohio

1978...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1978-1982 ...... Graduate Associate, The Academic Faculty of Early and Middle Childhood Education, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

PUBLICATIONS

Chapman, D. , Williams, R., and Martin-Huff, E. Early reading experiences: Some linguistic perspectives of parent/child interaction in book sharing situations. In W. Frawley (Ed.) Linguistics and Literacy, New York: Plenum Press, 1982.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Early Childhood Education

Studies in Early Childhood Education. Professor C. Ray Williams

Studies in Language Development. Professor Martha L. King

Studies in Child and Family Development. Professors Ellen Hock and Patrick McKenry

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

DEDICATION ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii

VITA ...... v

LIST OF T A B L E S ...... ix

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi

Chapter

I. THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM ...... 1

Problem Statement ...... 1 Background of the Problem...... 1 Procedures ...... 7 Related Issues ...... 14 Organization of the R e p o r t ...... 15

II. THE REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 17

Problem Statement ...... 17 The Influence of Parental Attitudes on School Adjustment ...... 18 The Influence of Preschool Experience and Child Variables on School Adjustment ...... 21 The Influence of Context on School Adjustment . . 24 The Influence of Language on School Adjustment . 33

III. M E T H O D O L O G Y ...... 51

Problem Statement ...... 51 Methodological Rationale ...... 52 S u b j e c t s ...... 54 Instruments ...... 58 Data Collection ...... 60 Data Analysis ...... 66

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS — Continued

Chapter Page

IV. QUANTITATIVE RESULTS ...... 76

Problem Statement ...... 76 Bivariate Relationships — Pearson Product- Moment Correlations ...... 80 Multivariate Relationships — Multiple Regression 89 Multivariate Relationships — Canonical Correlation ...... 94

V. RYAN: A STUDY OF TRANSITION ...... 103

Problem Statement ...... 103 Description of Participants ...... 105 The First Day of School ...... 116 Context Analysis ...... 133 Language Analysis ...... 156

VI. D I S C U S S I O N ...... 163

Problem Statement ...... 163 Interpretation ...... 163 Limitations ...... 169 Implications for Research ...... 170 Implications for Educational Programs and Policy. 174

APPENDIXES

A. Instruments ...... 178

B. Researcher's Letters to Parents ...... 202

C. Sample of Field N o t e s ...... 206

D. Sample of Coded Field N o t e s ...... 211

E. Sample of Transcribed Home Language ...... 214

vii TABLE OF CONTENTS — Continued

Page

APPENDIXES

F. Sample of Transcribed School Language ...... 216

G. Sample of Transcribed Mother's Interview ...... 218

H. Sample of Transcribed Teacher's Interview ...... 220

I. Sample of Mother's Journal Entries ...... 222

J. Sample of School's Letters to F a m i l y ...... 228

K. Sample of Ryan's School W o r k ...... 233

REFERENCES ...... 240

viii LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Observation Schedule ...... 64

2 Means and Standard Deviations of Mothers' and Fathers' Scores on the Separation Anxiety Scale and Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale . . 79

3 Means, Standard Deviations, and t-Values of Children's Scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at Time 1 and Time 2 ...... 81

4 Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients Between Parents' Attitudes about Education and Parents' Attitudes about Separation ...... 83

5 Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients Between Mothers' and Fathers' Scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale and the Separation Anxiety Scale ...... 84

6 Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients Between Mothers' Attitudes About Separation and Education and Children's Scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at Time 1 and Time 2 ...... 87

7 Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients Between Children's Age, Sex, Ordinal Position, and Preschool Experience and Children's Scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at Time 1 and Time 2 . . 90

8 Multiple Regression Analysis of the First Set of Predictor Variables and First Grade Adjustment Scores at Time 1 and Time 2 ...... 92

9 Multiple Regression Analysis of the Second Set of Predictor Variables and the First Grade Adjustment Scores at Time 1 and Time 2 ...... 93

10 Canonical Analysis of Mother Attitude Variables with Father Attitude Variables ...... 96

ix LIST OF TABLES — Continued

Table Page

11 Canonical Variate Coefficients Associated with Mother and Father Set Variables ...... 96

12 Canonical Analysis of Mother Attitude Scores with Adjustment Subscale Scores at Time 2 ...... 97

13 Canonical Variate Coefficients Associated with Mother and Adjustment Set Variables ...... 97

14 Canonical Analysis of Child Variables with Adjustment Subscale Scores at Time 1 ...... 99

15 Canonical Variate Coefficients Associated with Child and Adjustment Set Variables ...... 99

16 Canonical Analysis of Child Variables with Adjustment Subscale Scores at Time 2 ...... 100

17 Canonical Variate coefficients Associated with Child and Adjustment Set Variables ...... 100

18 Canonical Analysis of Child Variables with Total Adjustment Scores at Time 1 and Time 2 ...... 101

19 Canonical Variate Coefficients Associated with Child and Adjustment Set Variables ...... 101

x LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1 Ryan's House: First Floor ...... Ill

2 Ryan's House: Second Floor ...... 113

3 Ryan's Kindergarten Classroom ...... 114

xi CHAPTER ONE

THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children's transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children enounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kinder­ garten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes and children's preschool experiences, as well as their sex, and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

Background of the Problem

Kindergarten entry is an experience common to almost all children in the United States. It necessitates daily and prolonged separation of the child from the family as a result of legal or societal mandates. While many children today participate in day care or nursery school programs prior to entering kindergarten, the decision to enroll

1 the child in such programs usually results from factors within the

family. Kindergarten enrollment is often the first separation of the

child from the family which is initiated by forces outside the family

network. Knowledge of how parents and children react to this separation

could assist educators in developing kindergarten programs which could

support the needs of families during this transition and which could

facilitate the child’s adjustment to the educational setting.

To successfully participate in schooling, the child must be able

to move between two social settings which place different demands on him. In order to do this, he must be able to regularly separate from

the family. This regular separation of the child from the family may

cause changes within the family. These changes in the family may

influence parental attitudes toward the child and the school — these

parental attitudes may affect the child’s adjustment to the kinder­

garten setting. School entry is a complicated process which impacts on

the family as well as on the child (Hock, et al., 1981; Anderson, 1976;

Klein and Ross, 1958).

Transition from Home to School. To successfully adjust to kindergarten, the child must be able to move between two social systems.

Each social system involves two phenomena. The first consists of the

institutions involved and the roles and expectations associated with

them. The second consists of the individuals within the institutions and their personalities and perceptions. Systematic behavior results from the interplay of these two phenomena (Getzels, 1979). 3

As children mature they move among a variety of social systems.

In early childhood there are primarily two contexts of activity for children. They are the home and the school. As children enter schoolv they participate in an ecological transition which Bronfenbrenner describes as an event in which ". . . a person's position in the ecological environment is altered as a result of a change in role, setting or both" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 26).

The ecological environment is a system of nested structures which exert influence on an individual's development. The most immediate structure is the microsystem which consists of the setting within which a person is a participant. The microsystem can be described by the relations, activities, and roles in which a person engages. As a person moves into another setting, that person has moved to the level of the mesosystem which involves links between settings.

Children entering school are participating in a mesosystem which includes the home and the school (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Gordon Wells

(1979) has identified many of the variables involved in the transition from home to school in the following statements:

Starting school involves a change from one social setting to another that differs from it in size, in organisation, in the possibilities for one-to-one interaction, in the goals that are set and the means that children are expected to use in achieving them, and in the values that are put upon different skills and competencies. From all these points of view, what is central to the transition is a change in patterns of social interaction, and since this interaction is quite largely mediated through language, particularly in the school setting, the ease with which the transition is made will depend to a large extent on the child's ability to communicate effectively through language. (Wells, 1979, p. 4.) 4

Children's abilities to adjust to the kindergarten setting then depend on many aspects of that setting and other settings in which children are involved, and also on characteristics of the children and their parents. Children's abilities to use language effectively in each setting may influence their abilities to move between settings.

Accordingly, the demands for language use in each setting may vary considerably. The ways in which children use language efficiently at home and at school may give the researcher insight into the unique characteristics of each setting and of children's abilities to adjust to new settings.

It is necessary to understand the contexts of the home and the school and the functions of language within those contexts if one is to conduct a study of children's adjustment to kindergarten. Individual characteristics are also an important part of these social systems. How individual children and parents react to school entry is also an important factor in adjustment to kindergarten.

Separation from Parents. To successfully adjust to kinder­ garten, children must be able to separate from their parents and to maintain constructive behavior in their absence. The ways in which children and parents react to this separation may influence children's adjustment to kindergarten. The works of Bowlby (1969) and Mahler et al. (1975) describe the process by which infants form close emotional relationships with others, primarily their mothers, during infancy.

This attachment to the mother provides a secure base for infants and young children from which they venture into exploration of the world around them (Ainsworth and Bell, 1970, Bretherton and Ainsworth, 1974,

Mahler et al., 1975). However, once an attachment relationship has been established, separation from the attachment figure may cause stress or

fear in infants and toddlers (Bowlby, 1973; Mahler et al., 1975).

Infants experience anxiety and cease exploration of the environment and

social interaction in their mothers' absence. But upon reuniting with

their mothers, infants resume pre-separation activity (Ainsworth and

Bell, 1970). Infants' abilities to function when separated from their mothers increase as they mature. By three years of age, most children

are able to maintain constructive behavior in the absence of their mothers (Mahler et al., 1975).

The demands of a new setting such as a kindergarten or nursery

classroom may make separation more difficult. Speers et al., (1971) describe the regression of three year olds to earlier phases in the

separation-individuation process upon entry into nursery school. The

need for the physical presence of their mothers as a secure base for

exploration returns until children finally adjust to the new situation

and can interact competently in their mothers' absence. Mothers' reac­

tions may contribute to children's abilities to separate. When mothers' behaviors prevent true separation from occurring, children may not be able to adjust to new settings (Speers et al., 1971).

Reaction of Parents. Parents are also reacting to feelings of

separation and loss as their children enter kindergarten. During the

early years of children's lives, families are the primary socializing

force, but as children begin public schooling, parents begin to share the role of sociallzer with teachers, other school personnel, and children's peers. Parents feel possessive of their children and attempt to extend the years of protection and control of them. These feelings of possessiveness may cuase conflict in middle-class parents who also recognize and value children's needs for complete separation from the parents as a precursor to future success. These conflicting feelings cause confusion and anxiety within the family and may cause difficulty with parents' relationships with the school (Lightfoot,

1981). Parents have reported anxiety and sadness at the time of school entry. They find themselves wishing for the earlier years of infancy.

Many parents report a sense of losing control over their children's lives as they send their children off to school. At the same time parents hope for a positive school experience for their children (Hock et al., 1981; Hock et al. Note 1).

The works of Lightfoot and Hock support Rapoport and Rapoport's

(1977) argument that certain predictable life events, such as the entry of the child into schooling, can cause stress in a family. An expected event can constitute a crisis because members of the family may experience stress, may change their existing roles in the family, or may acquire new roles. As children enter school they acquire new roles which may change some of their existing roles within their families.

The parental roles within families may also have to change to accomodate the changes in children's roles. School entry may represent a transi­ tion for parents as well as children. These changes may affect the parents' attitudes toward children and schools. These parent attitudes may be very important to the children's abilities to adjust to school settings. Parents' attitudes toward education and childrearing and parents' involvement with children in the home have been shown to influence children's behaviors and achievements in school (Medinnus, 1961; Schaefer, 1977). Therefore, it would seem necessary to consider parents' attitudes and contextual influences in a study of children's adjustments to kindergarten.

Procedures

In order to describe the home and school contexts and to measure the influence of selected variables on adjustment to kindergarten, two different sets of procedures were divised. Contextual and language data were collected through the use of observations at home and school.

Survey procedures were used to collect attitude data. These data were statistically related to teachers' ratings of children's adjustment to kindergarten. Because of the different procedures employed by this research, both research questions and hypotheses were generated.

Research questions were used to guide the observations, and hypotheses were generated to direct the quantitative aspects of this study.

Research Questions

1. What changes in context do children encounter when they move from home to kindergarten?

2. What changes in the amount of talk; the forms of discourse; and the context of language activity do children encounter when they move from home to kindergarten? 3. What strategies do children employ to adapt to the kindergarten setting?

Research Hypotheses

1. Mothers' and fathers' attitudes about separation and education are positively related.

2. Parents’ attitudes about separation are negatively related to children's adjustment to kindergarten.

3. Parents' attitudes about education are positively related to children's adjustment to kindergarten.

4. Adjustment to kindergarten is a gradual process.

5. Children with preschool experience will adjust more easily to kindergarten than children without preschool experience.

6. Girls will adjust more easily to kindergarten than boys.

7. Later born children will adjust more easily to kindergarten than first born children.

Operational Definitions

1. Context is defined as the physical, social, and linguistic environment in which the child is currently participating.

Components of context are the following:

Molar Activity: "A molar activity is an ongoing behavior possessing a momentum of its own and perceived as having meaning or intent by the participants in the setting” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 45).

Relation: "A relation obtains whenever one person in a setting pays attention to or participates in the activities of another” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 56).

Role: "A role is a set of activities and relations expected of a person occupying a particular position in society, and of others in relation to that person" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 85). 9

2. Quantity of talk is measured by the number of conversations and the length of conversations.

Conversation: . . episodes of talk on the same subject, ended by a change of subject or by adult or child moving out of earshot" (Tizard et al., 1980, p. 55).

Length of Conversation: Number of turns of talk in each conversation (Tizard et al., 1980).

Turn of Talk: ", . . what is said by one person until another person starts to talk" (Tizard, 1981, p. 19).

3. The forms of discourse are described by who initiated the conversation, and how much talk each party contributed (Tizard et al. , 1980, p. 51).

4. Attitudes about separation are measured by the Separation Anxiety Scale (Hock, 1981).

5. Attitudes about education are measured by the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale (Medinnus, 1962).

6. Adjustment to the kindergarten setting is measured by teacher ratings of children on the First-Grade Adjustment Scale (Medinnus, 1961).

Subjects

Two hundred eighty middle class children and their parents were

selected from rosters of entering kindergarten children. Two school districts in the Columbus, Ohio area were selected based on the charac­

teristics of their student populations and their willingness to partici­ pate in this research project. Teachers from each district were

selected according to principals’ recommendations. Each teacher was required to have at least two years experience working with kindergarten

children. Families from this subject pool volunteered to participate in

the observational component of this study. The target family was chosen 10 according to the following criteria: (1) two parents, (2) non-working mother, (3) first-born kindergarten child, and (4) male kindergarten child.

Instruments

Three instruments were used in this study. The Separation

Anxiety Scale (Hock, 1981, Appendix A) was used to assess parents attitudes about separation from their kindergarten children. This is a

68 item, three factor, five point, Liekart scale. The reliabilities for each factor and the total scale follow: Separation Anxiety, a = .90;

Independence, a = .77; Employment Concerns, a = .71; total scale, a = .89. The scale was self-administered, and factor scores and the total scores were used in data analysis.

The Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale (Medinnus, 1962,

Appendix A) was used to assess parents' beliefs in the value of education, their confidence in the quality of public education, and their willingness to support the public schools philosophically and financially. This is a 40 item, four point, Leikart scale with a split-half reliability correlation coefficient of .90. This scale was self-administered. Item scores were summed, and the total score was used in data analysis.

The First Grade Adjustment Scale (Medinnus, 1961, Appendix A) was used by classroom teachers to rate children's adjustments to kindergarten. This scale is designed.to rate children's adjustments to their first school experience. This is a 52 item, five point, variable 11

choice, rating scale. Subscale scores were obtained by summing the item

scores in each subscale. A total score for the scale was obtained by

summing all the item scores. Subscale scores and the total score were

used in data analysis.

Data Collection

Survey Procedures. On the weekend prior to the beginning of the

school year, parents of the kindergarten students were mailed a Family

Information Sheet, The Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale (Medinnus,

1962, Appendix A) and The Separation Anxiety Scale (Hock, 1981, Appendix

A) with written instructions (Appendix A) to complete each scale

independently of their spouses before the first day of school.

At the end of the second week of school, teachers rated the

children's adjustment to kindergarten using The First Grade Adjustment

Scale (Medinnus, 1961b, Appendix A). The teachers rated the children a

second time after the sixth week of school.

Observation Procedures. During the first two weeks of school,

daily, anecdotal observations of the child and his interactions within

the home and the classroom were made. Subsequent observations were made

at least once each week through the sixth week of school. Interviews of

the child's parents, and his teacher were made. These interviews were

open ended and organized around the following broad categories: (1) the

child's role in the family, (2) the child's role in the kindergarten

classroom, (3) the child's attitudes about school, (4) the child's

behavior at home and at school, (5) the child's ability to separate from 12 the family, (6) the child’s ability to adjust to the classroom, (7) the nature of the child’s social interactions at home and at school, and

(8) changes in the family related to school entry. Consent from the child's parents was obtained before each interview, and the information remained confidential.

Data Analysis

Survey Analysis

Three statistical procedures were employed to measure the degree of relationship between mothers' and fathers' attitudes at the time of school entry and children's adjustment scores after six days of school

(time 1) and again after six weeks of school (time 2). Pearson product- moment correlation analyses (Kerlinger, 1973) were employed to determine the degree of relationship between each parent and child variable and each adjustment variable considered in this study. Multiple regression analyses (Kerlinger, 1973) were used to measure the influence of the entire set of parent and child variables on each of the subscale scores and the total scores of the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 and again at time 2. To measure the relationship between sets of parent and child variables and sets of adjustment variables, canonical correlation analyses (Kerlinger, 1973) were used.

In addition to these measures of relationship, t-tests (Meyer,

1976) were used to determine the degree of difference between adjustment scores at time 1 and time 2 and to determine the difference between subject and non-subject adjustment at times 1 and 2. (Detailed 13 descriptions of these methods of analysis are presented in Chapter

Three.)

Observation Analysis

Data collected through observations at home and at school were analyzed according to Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) categories for analyzing contexts. The molar activities, relations, and roles in which the child participated at home were compared to those at school. The links between the two settings were also Identified and described.

Tape recorded language samples were used to illustrate the nature of the child’s activities, relations, and roles at home and at school. The quantity of talk in which the child engaged and the nature of the child's role in language interaction at home and at school was described. The language samples were first divided into conversations.

The quantity of talk was determined by the total number of conversations in which the child engaged in both settings, and by the number of turns of talk in each conversation. The child's role in the language inter­ action was determined by who initiated and sustained the conversation, and by who asked questions.

Interview data were analyzed by describing the parents’ and teacher’s perceptions of the child's role at home and at school, their views of the nature of the home and school contexts, and their perceptions of the child’s adjustment to kindergarten. These data were compared to the researcher's own perceptions and field notes, and a comprehensive description of these perceptions was given. 14

This analysis provided detailed descriptions of the child’s

activities and relationships at home and at school. It described the

impressions of school adjustment of important adults in the child's

life, and it provided a description of changes in context to which the

child had to adapt to be successful in kindergarten.

Related Issues

It is expected that the results of this research project will be

beneficial to children, parents, teachers, and school administrators.

By identifying important contextual factors in the home and the kinder­

garten classroom, greater knowledge of the types of transitions children must make during school entry will be provided. Parents and teachers

can strive to emphasize the related factors in the two social settings,

and thus assist children’s adaptations to the kindergarten classroom.

By easing the transition from home to school, parents and teachers can

help children more clearly understand the close relationship that can

exist between the two settings, more quickly adapt to the new setting,

and more readily engage in constructive learning activities.

Through an understanding of parents' attitudes at school entry,

teachers and administrators can take a more active role in initiating

contacts with the family and involving parents in the kindergarten. It

is hoped that school personnel will develop ways to offer support and

guidance to parents as they, too, make the transition from home to

school. By developing closer and more positive relationships with

families, schools can help create a more nurturant environment for 15 learning within the classroom and thus improve the quality of education for children.

Organization of the Report

This research study employs triangulated data collection and analysis methods. Triangulation is the process of investigating a problem using multiple sources of data (Patton, 1980). In this research report both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection and analysis are discussed. For this reason, this report is organized into six chapters. Chapter Two presents a discussion of research literature which is pertinent to this project. Detailed descriptions of both the quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection and analysis are presented in Chapter Three. The results of the quantita­ tive analyses are presented in Chapter Four. Chapter Five includes the results of the qualitative analysis of data and an illustrative case study. In Chapter Six, both quantitative and qualitative data are interpreted and the unique contribution of each data set to the under­ standing of kindergarten adjustment and relationships between the two are discussed in detail. Finally, the contribution for this study to the larger concerns of education and child and family development are addressed in Chapter Seven.

In order to understand the complex process of children's adjust­ ment to schooling, it is important to consider a variety of influences.

This research project focuses on the influence of contextual and 16 individual factors on school adjustment. In the following chapter, research and theoretical literature in the areas of human ecology, child language, and school adjustment are discussed, and relationships between these works and the current study are examined. CHAPTER TWO

THE REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children's transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kindergarten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes, children's preschool experiences, as well as their sex; and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

Introduction

School entry requires that children reconsider and modify behaviors that are appropriate and useful in out of school settings.

To successfully adjust to kindergarten, children must be able to separate from their parents for long periods of time and to maintain constructive behavior in their absence. Children must also assume new

17 18

roles and accept restrictions on their language and behavior which were not previously required. They must learn to interact appropriately in a setting which includes an unfamiliar adult and large groups of children.

Children accomplish these tasks with varying degrees of success. It

seems that parents' attitudes and individual differences among children

influence children's abilities to adjust to school. In this chapter,

theoretical and research literature will be discussed in light of the present study. School adjustment literature which considers the

influence of parental attitudes, children's prior group experiences,

changes in context, and language interactions on children's abilities to adapt to classroom settings will be presented as justification for this research project.

The Influence Of Parental Attitudes On School Adjustment

Successful adjustment to kindergarten seems to be related to children's abilities to separate from their parents. The ease with with which children accomplish separation may be influenced by their parents' own feelings and behaviors at the time of separation. To understand the process of school adjustment, it is necessary to examine

the role of parents in their children's transition from home to school.

Anderson (1976) and Palmer (1971) agree that an important

aspect of school entry is children's abilities to separate from their

parents. Both children and parents may feel distress at separation

related to school entry. Hock, et al. (1981, Note 1) have demonstrated that both mothers and fathers experience sadness as a result of separation from their child at school entry. They found that fathers' anxiety and sadness were related to their confidence in the quality of the educational experience for their children and to their wives' levels of anxiety. Mothers reported sadness related to feelings of nostalgia for the years when their children were infants. They also considered school entry a time of transition in their own lives and a time of losing control over the lives of their children. These parental concerns may influence children's abilities to successfully separate from their parents. Speers et al. (1971) have described cases in which mothers' fears and anxieties have inhibited children's abilities to adjust to nursery school. Children with anxious mothers reacted to school entry by passively withdrawing from the new situation or by haphazardly interacting with children and materials without becoming contributing members of the classroom group. Parents also influence the way children react to separation. Bloom-Feshback et al. (1980) have described patterns of separation reactions which were related to parenting styles. Parents who were highly nurturant but also firm had children who reacted to separation with protest, but who adjusted to the classroom situation within the first four weeks of school. Parents who were highly controlling of their children but not very nurturant had children who withdrew at the time of school entry and became apathetic.

Parents who were not very nurturant and also not very controlling of their children had children who reacted to school entry with anger and defiance which continued into the second month of schooling. These 20 studies indicate that parents' and children's reactions to separation are related to children's adjustment to the school setting.

Schaefer (Note 2) and Medinnus (1962) have identified relationships between parental attitudes about child rearing and education and children's adjustments to school. In a study of over two hundred kindergarten children and their parents, Schaefer found that traditional authoritarian parent attitudes and a strong belief in family privacy were negatively related to children's classroom behavior and general knowledge. Parents' attitudes which favored encouraging children's ideas and verbalizations were positively related to children's classroom behavior and general knowledge. Parent attitudes were not related to children's social adjustment in kindergarten, but they were related to children's competence in the classroom.

Medinnus (1962) examined the relationship between parent attitudes and school adjustment. First grade teachers rated the adjustment of the children in their classes. Medinnus selected ten students who were rated by their teachers as well adjusted and nine who were rated as poorly adjusted. He compared these ratings with the students' parents' attitudes which had been measured the preceding year. Medinnus found that the parents of well adjusted students held nurturant, dependency encouraging attitudes, whereas the parents of the poorly adjusted students had attitudes which encouraged independence.

Medinnus interpreted these results as showing that parents who created a warm, supportive climate for their children promoted better adjustment to school. 21

The research just discussed indicates that parents' attitudes influence children's adjustment to school; however, these attitudes are only one part of the problem of school adjustment. Individual characteristics and experiences of children may also influence their abilities to successfully adjust to kindergarten. In the next section of this report, studies which examine the influence of children's preschool experiences and individual characteristics will be discussed in light of their implications for this research project.

The Influence of Preschool Experience and Child Variables on School Adjustment

It has been shown that parental attitudes influence children's behaviors in school, but in what ways do the children themselves influence their own adjustment to kindergarten? It would seem that children's prior school experiences and individual characteristics, such as their age and sex, are also important Influences on school adjustment.

In order to identify variables related to good school adjustment

Hammond et al. (1971) administered questionnaires to 32 grade one teachers to determine their feelings about the adjustment of their students. They found a significant relationship between children's kindergarten experience and teacher ratings of good adjustment. Good adjustment was also related to high scores on a readiness test for upper and middle class students, and older students. Osterlind (1981) found a significant relationship between children's preschool experience and 22 their abilities to conform to the student role in kindergarten.

Preschool experience was also related to reading achievement in kindergarten. Schwarz and Wynn (1971) found that children's prior group experiences were the most important variable related to the ease with which children separated from their mothers on the first day of nursery school. Thompson (1975) studied the influence of nursery school attendance on children's adjustment to infant school. He found no differences in teachers' ratings of adjustment between middle class children with nursery or without nursery experience. The working class children with nursery experience were rated more favorably in the cognitive abilities.

In addition to preschool experiences, children's age and sex may influence school adjustment. Hughes, Pinkerton, and Plewis (1979) described the nature and extent of children's difficulties on entering school and related these difficulties to the time of year the children entered school, the child's age at school entry, and the size of the class the children joined. They found that 34 (13%) of the 260 children studied experienced general difficulty at school entry. Boys had more adjustment problems than girls. Those children entering a class in January had a greater percentage of adjustment problems (22%) than did those entering a class in September (8%). The researchers explained the time difference by arguing that the children joining a group in January had the added problem of entering an already established group, whereas in September every child was new to the group. Difficulties at school entry were short lived for many children, 23 but one fourth to one half of those experiencing difficulty at school entry were still experiencing difficulty four terms later. Children's ages at the time of school entry were not related to adjustment.

Coleman (1979) conducted a three year longitudinal study to describe the symptoms of behavioral disturbance in three-year-old children from working class families and factors associated with early adjustment to school. She found that boys have more problems adjusting to schools

than do girls. There was a correlation between mothers' reports of their own health and child disturbances at home, but there was no correlation between children's home and school behavior.

Finally, in a study of nursery school children's behaviors as

they entered an established classroom group, Feldbaum et al. (1980) found differential rates of children's assimilation to the group according to sex. Initially most newcomers exhibited wariness of the teacher and isolation from the group. They engaged in more observational behavior than did the established members of the group.

However, after four weeks in school these differences disappeared in boys while girls were still more isolated from the group.

Children’s prior school experiences and their sex have been identified by these research studies as important influences on school adjustment. Children bring a variety of characteristics and experiences

to kindergarten. These variables and parental attitudes seem to account for much of the variation in children's abilities to adjust to school. A study of kindergarten adjustment should examine the relationship between parent and child variables and school adjustment.

However, the research just reviewed provides almost no information 24 about the school programs or the children's experiences at home.

Surely, these aspects of school entry also Influence children's abilities to adjust to kindergarten. In the following section, theoretical and research literature about contextual influences on behavior is discussed, and implications for the present study are drawn.

The Influence of Context On School Adjustment

School entry involves the child in a new context. In the school context language is used differently, individuals interact differently, and children's roles are defined differently than in others. In order to understand how children adjust to school it is important to understand the influence of context on behavior.

Hobbs (1978) has identified the home and the school as two spheres of heightened activity for children. Until recently, there was almost no overlap or connection between the home and the school. The school's interest in the family has been increased by studies

(Schaeffer, 1972) which have related family background and school success. Educators are realizing the importance of relating schools and homes.

Getzels (1979) has also identified homes and schools as

Important social institutions for children. However, he views them as part of a larger social system which includes other institutions and communities. Getzels (1979) and Cremin (1976) contend that an individual's behavior within an institution is a result of the interaction between individual factors, such as personality, and institutional factors, such as roles and norms. Children participate In homes, schools, and other related systems In which homes and schools are embedded. The larger social context defines the roles and norms of schools and families. As children move from one institution, such as the home, to another, such as the school, they may be exposed to differing roles and norms to which they must adjust. To understand children's behaviors in school, teachers and researchers must have knowledge of the contexts in which children live outside of school.

Genishi views context as an important influence on the behavior of children. She believes that events in one context effect behavior in other contexts.

Context plays an important role in human development.

Bronfenbrenner (1979) has described development as the growing ability of an individual to understand the environment and to engage in activities which restructure the environment at increasingly more complex levels.

Children grow in their abilities to understand and adapt to a wider variety of settings, and in turn they influence the nature of those settings. Development, then, is a process of mutual accommodation between the child and the environment. However, changes in behavior cannot be short lived or context dependent. To determine if development has occurred there must be continuity of behavior change over time and space, and the change must occur in perception as well as in action.

Therefore, the occurrence of a change in behavior at one point in time or in one particular setting does not sufficiently demonstrate development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In order to examine the influence of school entry on children and families, it would be necessary, 26 according to Bronfenbrenner, to examine the nature of changes in children’s behaviors both at home and at school and the stability of these behaviors over time.

Bronfenbrenner has described the ecological environment as a nested arrangement of four social and physical structures: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, and the macrosystem,

(Bronfenbrenner, 1979) . The structures which are most critical to this study are the microsystem which includes the home or the school, and the mesosystem which includes both home and school.

The microsystem is the smallest and most Immediate environmental structure the child expereinces. It consists of a single setting.

Bronfenbrenner defines setting as . . a place where people can readily engage in face to face interaction.” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p.

22). Interpersonal relations, activities, and roles are the components of the microsystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Because the home and the school are each microsystems, it is pertinent to this research study to examine in depth these components.

The basic building block of the microsystem is the dyad which is the simplest interpersonal relationship in which a person engages.

It is formed whenever two people pay attention to each others' activities. An observational dyad exists whenever one person pays close attention to the activity of another who is aware of and acknowledges that attention. A joint activity dyad exists when two people perceive themselves as doing something together. All dyads contain an element of reciprocity, which generates momentum and motivates the participants, 27 and a balance of power. An optimal condition for learning exists when the balance of power in a dyad gradually shifts to the developing person. An affective relation usually develops within a dyad. This relation may be mutually positive or negative, ambivalent, or asymetrical. A primary dyad exists whenever there is strong affect between the two members, and each continues to influence the other’s behavior even when they are absent from one another. An example of a primary dyad would be the relationship between a mother and her child.

A developmental dyad exists when the child participates in ". . . progressively more complex patterns of reciprocal activity with someone with whom that person has developed a strong and enduring emotional attachment and when the balance of power gradually shifts in favor of the developing person." (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 60). All forms of the dyad may occur simultaneously or separately, but the combination of forms in one dyad has a more powerful influence on development

(Bronfenbrenner, 1979).

If the setting involves more than two participants the possibility exists for the child to be involved in several dyadic relationships. There also exists the possibility of indirect influence of third parties, such as classmates or siblings, on members of the dyad. Bronfenbrenner calls this a second-order effect. Second-order effects can enhance or impair the developmental effect of the original dyad. Patterns of interaction beyond the dyad constitute a social network. Social networks are complete if every member at some point interacts with every other member or incomplete if some possible 28 interactions fail to occur (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). According to this definition, classroom groups and families constitute social networks.

In this study of school entry it is important to identify and describe the types of relationships in which the child is involved at home and at school. A comparison of children's relationships in these two settings may provide information about the changes in behaviors children must make to successfully adjust to kindergarten. However, to examine the nature of children's relationships at home and at school it is necessary to describe the activities within which these relationships occur.

Another component of the microsystem is molar activity. Molar activities are large units of ongoing behaviors by the participants of a setting which are perceived as meaningful within that given setting.

Molar activities have a momentum of their own which is produced by the perceived aims of the activity, the participants' intent, and the participants' motive for closure. Molar activities have both a time structure and a goal structure. The variety and complexity of activities in which a child and others engage can reflect the developmental status of the child. In fact, molar activities can be simultaneously the context of development, the cause of development, and the consequence of development. However, information describing large units of behavior by children in naturally occurring settings is sparse in the developmental research literature (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).

In order to understand the changes children encounter as they move from home to school, one must identify the molar activities in 29 both settings. Understanding the activities and relationships in which children engage at home and at school enables one to determine children's roles in these settings.

Roles are the third component of the microsystem.

Bronfenbrenner defines roles as ". . . a set of activities and relations expected of a person occupying a particular position in society, and of others in relation to that person" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 84).

Clearly, roles strongly influence a person's behaviors in a given setting. Placing people in different roles even in the same setting can change the activities and relations in which they engage. Role expectations exist in society. These expectations influence the content of the activities and the relationships between two people. In this way roles influence the behavior of the child within the microsystem, and roles also reflect the influences of the larger society. People behave in ways that are consistent with their perceived role. This tendency to assume role related behaviors is increased if the role is well established in the institutional structure of the society and if others present in the setting behave in ways that support the given role

(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). For example, a child in school assumes a student role which is widely accepted by society and which is supported in the classroom by the roles of other students and the teacher.

School entry is a transition for the child which involves a change in settings, interpersonal relationships, and roles. Descrip­ tions of children's roles, activities, and relationships in both settings may provide Important insight to the contextual influences on children's adjustment to kindergarten. 30

As children begin school, they expand their social network and enter the level of the mesosystem. The mesosystem is formed whenever a person moves into a new setting. It consists of the interrelations among two or more settings. Bronfenbrenner (1979) calls the point at which a mesosystem is formed, such as school entry, an ecological transition. An ecological transition is a function of both biology and context and represents a mutual accommodation of person and environment. These transitions are both the perpetrators and conse­ quents of development. As such, they provide excellent opportunities for the occurrence and systematic study of developmental phenomena.

Ecological transitions are often role transitions too. As the developing person moves into new settings and assumes new roles, those people with whom he has developed interpersonal relations may also experience transitions in roles and settings (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).

Therefore, school entry may have an impact on families as well as kindergarten children. This idea supports Rappoport and Rappoport's

(1977) argument that the time of school entry is an important transition event in family development.

As the child moves from home to school, he becomes a primary link between the two settings. Other people who also participate in the same two settings, such as parents who volunteer in classrooms, are supplementary links. Bronfenbrenner (1979) explains that it is possible for a person to be involved in a dyad in either setting. A dyad which includes a linking person is a linking dyad. It is also possible for the same dyad to be engaged in activity in both settings. This type of dyad is a transcontextual dyad. Such dyads have special significance to development because they enhance the person's capacity and motivation to learn in either setting. Indirect links may exist between settings if third parties, such as parents, who do not participate in both settings are linked to one of the settings. This condition creates a second order network. Settings can also be linked by messages from one to the other and by knowledge or experience that exists in one setting about the other. In these ways it is possible for settings to be multiply linked or, in the absence of these connections, weakly linked. The developmental potential of a setting is strengthened by the existence of supportive links between that setting and other settings (Bronfen­ brenner, 1979). To examine the nature of the relationships that exist between home and schools, the number and nature of links between both settings must be identified.

In summary, Bronfenbrenner (1979) has described the cultural environment as a set of embedded structures which influence individual development. Each structure is composed of a setting or groups of settings. To understand the ways in which these settings impact on child behavior one must describe the relations, activities, and roles in which the child is involved in each setting and the nature of the links between settings. It is also important to determine the perceptions of the setting that each participant holds, because the way in which a setting is perceived can also influence a person's behavior in that setting (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). 32

Cremin (1976) also emphasizes the interrelationships among

the many institutions that educate and their relationship with the

larger society. He identifies home and school as two institutions that

educate and that may either contradict or compliment each other.

Schools and families may serve some of the same functions in society, but the means employed may differ in each institution.

One of the major roles of the institutions of families and

schools is the socialization of the young. Gracey (1967) contends that

the role of schooling is to perpetuate society by the systematic

socialization of the young. Lightfoot (1981) agrees that both the home and the school socialize children, but she argues that they differ in

structure and in purpose. The family is functionally diffuse in that

the relationships within a family are intimately connected, and the rights and duties of the members are all encompassing. Within the

school the relationships are functionally specific. They are circumscribed by technological competence and individual status. All children experience these differences; however, the boundaries between

these two institutions are less clearly defined in the daily encounters between the home and the school. Lightfoot states, "... one cannot get an authentic view of child learning and development without examining the relationships among the several social settings in which

the child participates."

The research and theoretical literature just reviewed

strongly supports the Importance of contextual influences on child development and education. In this study of adjustment to kindergarten 33

it is important to determine not only the influence of the kindergarten

setting on school adjustment, but also the influence of the home

environment, which includes parental attitudes and perceptions, on this

process.

The Influence of Language on School Adjustment

Contextual Influences on Language Forms and Functions

Contexts of childhood also influence the language that children

are exposed to and the way that language is used. Besides the physical

environment, the context includes the social an linguistic environment.

Part of development is children's growing abilities to use language

appropriately in a variety of social and linguistic contexts. Hymes

(1972) refers to this ability as children's communicative competence.

It is important to consider what children already know about language

and what they need to learn about communication in the school context

to understand the role of language in children's adjustment to school.

Hymes (1972) has considered language usage across contexts. He

argues that people speak in some variety of English according to the

situation. Speaking involves choosing among a variety of linguistic means available. Linguistic decisions are based on the means of speech

known to the speaker and the context of the situation. As children

enter school, they may be exposed to new varieties of language. In this

way, school entry provides opportunities for children to expand their

verbal repetoire. It may also present children with new forms of 34

language which may, at first, be difficult for them to understand. Yet,

at the time of school entry children are expected to modify language which was appropriate at home.

Destefano (1978) agrees that individuals change their language

as they change contexts. She calls this change in language "register

switching." Language registers can be identified by a change in

phonology, syntax, and lexicon. However, these changes are subtle

because different registers share much in common. Registers are

governed by the intersection of field, mode, and style of discourse.

The field of discourse is the area of language interaction. For

example, the field of discourse can refer to the topic of conversation,

the subject matter being discussed, or the social situation in which

language occurs. The mode of discourse is the language medium which

can be either written or spoken, spontaneous or prepared. The style of

discourse refers to the constraints imposed upon language by the

speaker/listener or writer/reader relationship. For example the

language used in a kindergarten classroom between students and a

teacher will necessarily be more formal than the language used between

those same students and their mothers at home. So children may possess

a "home" register which may not be appropriate in school. The child

must learn to recognize "school register" and to respond appropriately.

Within the school context, there may be many registers.

DeStefano discusses a Reading Instruction Register and a Math Instruction

Register which are characterized by the use of technical terms, formal

syntax, and careful pronunciations. 35

Downing (1977) has examined the Language Instruction Register.

This register is used in schools during instruction in reading, writing, and speaking. As children begin school they have a variety of concepts about the purposes of spoken and written language which have developed

from their experiences at home and other out of school contexts. During kindergarten, children may be confused by the technical linguistic concepts used in the language instruction register, and consequently,

they may fail to understand instruction. This failure in understanding may lead to failure in performance and interaction during lessons and make adjustment to school very difficult.

This literature indicates that school entry introduces children

to a wider range of registers than they had encountered prior to this event. Schooling demands that children acquire new registers and that

they learn to switch registers appropriately. In much the same way,

the school context may also influence how children use language.

Halliday (1973) has discussed the ways in which language is used. He argues that children learn what language is by discovering what language does. They use language to give meaning to and to

realize their intentions. Much of the difficulty children experience with language in school is a result of school language failing to

coincide with children's notions about the way language functions for

them. Genishi (1976) claims that children develop communicative

competence by sorting out and acquiring rules for using language

appropriately as they speak and interact with others within a particular

context. Genishi concludes that the influence of contexts on children's 36 language Is an Important focus for research. She suggests that It would be important to describe children’s language as it occurs in the natural contexts of childhood to better understand the processes related to the development of communicative competence.

Contextual Influences on Language Interaction

The home and school may also require different types of language interaction. As children enter school, they are exposed to a context in which roles and relationships are more formally established than in the home (Lightfoot, 1981). These formal relationships may often be defined by restrictions on language usage and well defined patterns of language interaction. To successfully adjust to school children must participate appropriately in language interaction.

Florio and Schultz (1979) have examined the relationship between the home and the school by describing the different ways of participating and interacting in both settings. They found that there were identical conversational arrangements during a lesson in school and during dinner at home. The compared "participant structures" which are

". . . patterns in the allocation of interactional rights and obliga­ tions among partners in an event," in both lessons and meals (Florio and Schultz, 1979, p. 326). They found that these structures change across the phases of the event. Both the lesson and the meal include a phase of preparation, a phase of accomplishing the task at hand, and a wrapping up phase. Within these events, Florio and Schultz identified four regularly occurring arrangements for conversation. These types of 37

conversation occur in both lessons and meals, but they occur in

different phases of the event in the two settings. This may cause

conflict for the child.

The child entering school for the first time may make errors

relative to the classroom expectations for participation because of the

ways participant structures and constituent phases are matched at home

and school. More than one conversation may be allowed in a situation at

home, but not allowed in a similar situation at school. A child may

read an event and phase accurately in the classroom, and select

behaviors based on appropriate behaviors at home. However, this choice may be the wrong one for classroom participation. Florio and Schultz

(1979) have demonstrated that school and home may be linked through

similar events, but the child must adjust his behavior within these

events to meet the expectations for appropriate behavior in the new

context.

Hughes et al. (1980) and Tizard (1981 a, 1981b) have also

compared language experiences of children at home and at school. The

researchers measured the amount of adult-child talk in both settings.

They described the forms of the discourse — who initiated and sustained

the conversation, how long each conversation lasted, how much talk each

person contributed to the conversation, and who asked the questions

— and the type of activity within which the conversation occurred.

They have described many differences in lauguage interaction at

home and at school, and, for the most part, contextual differences were

greater than social class differences. They found no social class 38 differences in hourly rate of conversations, but more conversations occur at home (27.0) than at school (10.9). Also there is no social class difference for length of conversation in turns of talk, but conversations at home (16) are twice as long as those at school (8).

Children initiate one half the conversations at home and at school.

Adults initiate conversation most frequently with a question. Teachers and mothers differ significantly as to why they initiate conversations.

Mothers more often initiate conversations to infora or explain, while teachers more often suggest activities or praise and greet children.

Here there was a significant social class and location interaction — home/school differences are more marked for working class children.

Working class mothers more often initiate conversation to control their children. At school teachers question the working class children more than the middle class.

Children initiate conversations most often to inform the adult of something (41%). There are no social class differences at home.

However, working class children at school more often ask for help and less often initiate a conversation with a question. Children ask many more questions at home than at school, but there are no social class differences. Children's questions at school receive more elaborate answers than at home. Middle class children are more often given elaborate answers to their questions both at home and at school.

Teachers speak significantly longer per turn than mothers, but children's turns are significantly shorter at school than at home.

Each turn of conversation was coded as to whether it initiated or 39 sustained the interaction or whether it was only a reply or acknowledgement. Questions, commands, and demands sustain conversation because they required a reply. New comments also sustain conversations.

Mothers and children sustain conversations equally at home, but in school conversations are sustained by the teacher.

At home conversations concern activities in the immediate environment and past and future events. Home is discussed more often at school than otherwise. At both home and school the longest conversations are about books. Children's language behavior at home is not correlated with language behavior at school.

The researchers concluded that for the majority of variables, home school differences are very large and social class differences are minimal. A much deeper exchange of meaning occurs at home than at school, and children's contributions to conversations are much greater at home.

Montgomery and Wells (1981) have conducted a longitudinal study to investigate different styles of language interaction at home and at school and the consequences of these differences for children's learning. Different styles of interaction were identified by the patterns of discourse which recurred in both settings.

Possible causes of difficulty for children starting school lie in the different ways language is used in the home and the classroom and in the patterns of language interaction which exist in both settings. Montgomery and Wells report that classroom language consists of teacher initiated three part exchanges. The child's role is to 40 respond, and the teacher follows up the response. This pattern of exchange is thought to be unfamiliar to the child. To adjust successfully to the classroom, the child must learn to fill the middle role.

The researchers found that this pattern occurs quite frequently in the home. There appeared to be no sharp discontinuity between the interaction styles of home and school. The same patterns of interaction appear in both contexts, but the frequency in which patterns occur in the two settings differs. The major difference in interaction in the two settings lies in the nature of the information being exchanged.

The majority of the talk at home arises from the child's immediate activity and interests. However, in the classroom the information exchanged is related to the educational curriculum, which is most often determined by the teacher. Teachers try to relate information and events within the child's immediate environment to a broader and more abstract frame of reference. This "disembedded" use of language may be difficult for the child to master. A too abrupt transition to this more abstract language may bewilder students whose previous experiences have been primarily in terms of personally initiated language which arises from the children's practical activity. In order for classroom language to be meaningful for children, teachers must be able to consider their more context dependent frame of reference, and develop patterns of language interaction which allow children to contribute to the conversation.

Wells (1979) argues that meaning is not inert, but a process of

translating personal experiences, intentions, and ideas into a socially 41 agreed upon system of communication. Meaning is jointly constructed by a sender and a receiver who are interacting within a particular context.

These three are components in what Wells terms a "triangle of communication." Within a conversation, intersubjectivity, "... the knowing focus of the sender and receiver on the same topic," must be established. Then each participant in the conversation must adjust to the point of view of the other to construct joint meaning.

In mother/child conversations recorded in the home context, the mother takes a sustaining role in the conversation. She accepts the child's utterance and then helps to develop and extend the child's meaning. Within this interaction, talking and learning for the child occur simultaneously. Wells argues that this type of interaction is the best type of interaction for learning. If adults participate in conversations with young children, the adult has the responsibility to capitalize on opportunities to construct meaningful conversations with the child. Intersubjectivity is often not established in the classroom because teachers actively try to get children to attend to the teachers' focus and to see from the teachers' point of view.

Wells (1979) concludes that when the child first enters school the teacher represents a fount of knowledge. Their earliest talk with teachers may also be their first experience with formal language and with a relationship in which knowledge is formally taught. In teacher/child interaction, the negotiation of meaning from a child's utterance is uncommon. For this reason, talk with teacher is baffling for some children. 42

Mutually relevant language interaction may be important to

school success. The successful student must be able to make what is

said relevant to the needs of the listener and the intentions of the

speaker in a variety of settings. The child must be able to modify his

own message to account for the situation in which the conversation

occurs and for the knowledge and purposes of the listener. The child must also be able to make his meaning explicit. This ability to

communicate successfully is learned through negotiating meaning in

dialogue. If a child has not learned how to participate in dialogue, he may experience frustration and confusion in the classroom.

Sinclair and Coulthard (1975) have analyzed teacher/pupil

interactions in the classroom. They classified discourse into three moves. The teacher begins discourse through a variety of strategies.

This language is identified as the initiating move. The student then

responds to the teachers initiation which comprises the response or

answering move. The teacher concludes the discourse by evaluating or

following up on the student's response. This language makes up the

third move, following up. Dillon (1981) and Willes (1981) have observed

this pattern of language interaction in nursery, kindergarten, and

first grade classrooms.

Dillon (1981) described classroom discourse in the first grade

as fitting Sinclair and Coulthard's (1977) model. He believes that for

the child an important part of school entry is learning the classroom

language code. Dillon is interested in describing the rules for using

language in a first grade classroom and the ways in which children learn 43 these rules. He Is also Interested In the ways language use shapes learning and relates to academic success. Dillon Investigated the ways

In which language use In the classroom contrasts with language use at home.

In school, Dillon found that pupils initiate talk with the teacher to discuss procedural concerns or to introduce personal information. The teacher responds to pupil initiations in the following ways: she gives brief non-judgemental responses to comments which do not fit the topic of conversation; she expands or makes a point of child comments which do contribute to the topic of conversation; or she ignores or talks over pupil comments. In many instances, it is possible for children to engage in complex interaction with the teacher without uttering a word.

Dillon found that rules for language use in the classroom are well established at the beginning of the school year. The teacher exercises great control over classroom language. The child's 'role in the classroom is primarily to respond to the teacher's initiations.

The language of the classroom fits a restricted and consistent model.

These characteristics of classroom language contribute to children's learning the rules for classroom language very quickly.

The major difference between language at home and at school was found in the quantity of child talk and the nature of language use. At home there is a more extensive use of syntax, vocabulary, purposeful language, and conversational skill than in the classroom. There is a better balance of adult/child participation in language interaction in 44 the home. Children extend and clarify their meaning and speak at greater length at home.

Dillon (1981) has concluded that the limited model of language required in school fails to utilize children’s full range of language learning abilities. Language outside of school is more elaborate. At the time of school entry, all children are faced with the task of learning a new language code used just for school. School success may depend on children’s abilities to learn and to use the classroom code.

Willes (1981a, 1981b) also believes that part of the adjustment to school consists of learning appropriate patterns of language interaction. To test this belief she examined the ways in which children learn to become pupils. Participating in the classroom requires that children learn to follow the rules of lessons, that they correctly interpret the teacher's meaning, that they learn to respond appropriately, and that they learn to contribute to classroom interaction in ways that teachers approve. For most children learning to become a pupil is the first learning that occurs outside of the family, and it requires a significant extension of their socio-linguistic competence.

As they assume the new role of pupils, children test the language they have used successfully at home. They may have to modify their language to include the language of a learner. In the classroom, children are participating in an institutionalized setting with many other children. They must learn to wait their turn, to compete, to assert their own rights, and to respect the rights of others. These 45 learnings are important aspects of learning in kindergarten, and they are mediated by language. As children enter the later school years, their teachers assume they know the appropriate role of the pupil.

Until they enter the classroom, children have no way of knowing the situational rules for discourse in that classroom. While some mistakes and misunderstandings occur, Willes was surprised that they did not occur more often. She suggests that the classroom setting provides cues for student participation. She also suggests that children have already learned a general rule for participating in discourse with adults outside of school. School experience extends and confirms the rules that children have already learned.

Teachers also help children learn the rules for classroom participation. They explicitly teach response routines such as waiting to be called to speak; however, explicit insistence on children's behavior and responses happen only occasionally and are related specifically to routines that are unique to school.

Children also need to be aware that teachers' questions and statements may be directives. Some children's responses are hesitant or confused, but children have no doubt when a response is required.

Teachers behave as if children are already participating pupils, although teachers are more tolerant of children's inappropriate responses at first.

Children learn the student role fairly quickly. The pupil role is an undemanding one which is characterized by the child's subordination to the teacher. The teacher takes all the initiatives and 46

creates a framework which ensures childrens’ subordination. The teacher maintains a dominant role which offer pupils few opportunities to take

initiatives or to make choices. This makes it easier for students to

learn the student role. Willes considers this recipient role to be a

limited and inflexible medium for learning.

Initial observations indicate that teachers and children produce well established language interactions from the first days of school, but children participate in discourse in varying degrees. Differences

in language participation produce a situation where a near approximation

to well formed discourse is created by a teacher and inexperienced pupils, even though some children contribute very little and may not comprehend the language used. This type of situation allows an uncertain child to remain silent, or to imitate the response of others until that child feets capable of participating successfully. Willes has observed that to be a fully participating pupil it is not necessary to be an independent and motivated learner.

Willes has concluded that learning to perform the pupil role is an important part of the total learning that takes place during the initial months of schooling. Learning the pupil role starts at an accelerated rate and continues at a slower rate throughout the infant school and into the junior school. She has concluded that newcomers to school do not start at common levels of Inexperience and ignorance.

Much learning of the student role occurs during the initial months of schooling, but this learning occurs at differential rates.

Gracey (1967) also argues that entering kindergarten means assuming a new role. He has observed the activities of a kindergarten 47 classroom to discover the nature of the student role and the ways In which the teacher teaches this role. Gracy views schools as sociological institutions created for the perpetuation of a society through the systematic socialization of the young. He views teaching the student role in preparation for the years of schooling as the primary function of kindergarten.

Gracey has found that the physical and social structures of the kindergarten classroom are created for the children by the teacher. The space and materials are arranged in ways that adults believe will interest children. There was an open space in the middle of the room in which he observed which contained blocks that children could use to create their own environment, but the use of this area caused the teacher concern, and she supervised children in this area closely.

More powerful than the arrangement of the physical environment of the classroom for teaching the student role is the social structure that the teacher creates in the classroom. She establishes and controls sets of rituals and routines throughout the classroom day.

During the kindergarten day children go through a series of routines and follow orders obediently without protest. The are expected to respect and obey authority without question. The teacher creates a rigid social structure in which students are expected to live by the routines imposed by the school.

The only time children carve out their own activities is during

"holes" in the teachers planned routines. During these "holes" children interact within small peer groups being careful not to exceed 48

the established limits for noise and behavior. Gracey likens these

groups to the informal groups that occur in the adult worlds of offices

and factories. He contends that people create little sub-worlds of

meaning and recognition within an authoritatively imposed social

structure.

Gracey (1967) has concluded that the kindergarten year is a time

for children to learn the student role. In the later school years the

social structure established in kindergarten remains constant. The

social structure of the school and the role of the student is very

similar to the social structure of the American bureaucracies and the

role of the worker within the bureaucracies.

These studies demonstrate that there are important differences

in language forms, functions, and patterns of interaction at home and at

school. In order to successfully adjust to the classroom context,

children must learn to interpret correctly teachers1 meanings and to

modify their language to respond appropriately. Failure to adjust to

the classroom environment seems to be related to children's failure to

learn the language rules of the classroom and to assume the pupil role.

Conclusion

The literature discussed in this chapter clearly demonstrates

that school adjustment is a complex process that involves children, parents, and teachers. Parents react to school entry with sadness and

anxiety. These parental reactions might be related to children's

adjustment to kindergarten, because parental attitudes about child 49 rearing and education have been consistently related to teachers’ ratings of children's school adjustment and academic achievement.

Children's individual characteristics, such as prior group experience, gender, and class of family background have also been related to successful school adjustment, although the influence of these characteristics is less consistent in the literature. It seems in many cases that middle class children, girls, and children with preschool experience adapt more easily to classroom settings.

Contextual influences which include the perceptions of the individuals in the setting, social roles and relationships, activities, and language also influence school adaptation. The greatest empirical support for this statement is provided by research in language interaction at home and at school. These research studies show rather consistently that children must change their language and behavior when they enter school. Mother/child interaction at home is characterized by mutually relevant conversations about objects and events within the child's immediate experience. Mother and child participate equally in the interactions. At school, teacher/child interactions are dominated by the teacher. The child most often fills a restricted role of responding to the teacher's initiative. School language is characterized by formal and abstract speech which may include terms and concepts with which the child is unfamiliar. This dominant role of the teacher is supported by social and physical structures of the classroom.

To successfully adjust to the school setting children must recognize and use appropriate language and patterns of interaction. In this study of children’s early adjustment to kindergarten,

the researcher must be aware of the complexity of school adjustment and must develop methods of data collection and analysis that reflect this

complexity. The research methods employed in this study and their

rationale are fully explained in the following chapter. CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children’s transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children enounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kinder­ garten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes and children's preschool experiences, as well as their sex, and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

51 52

Methodological Rationale

The research just reviewed identifies variables which are related to school adjustment. This process is a complicated one which

is influenced by parental attitudes, children's previous school experi­ ences, their gender, and changes in context.

School entry seems to be a stressful time for parents (Hock et al., 1981). At this time they are concerned about separating from their children. Several studies (Schaeffer, Note 2, 1977; Medinnus, 1961,

Bloom-Feshback et al., 1980) indicate that parents' attitudes are related to children's behaviors in school; however, in most of these studies parents' attitudes were assessed and children's behaviors were measured at very different times. This study assesses parents' attitudes about separation and education during the same period that children's adjustments to kindergarten are measured.

Teacher ratings were the most often used measure of children's adjustment. Cremin (1976) and Bronfenbrenner (1979) have emphasized that it is the perceptions of the people in the specific setting which

influence behavior; therefore, this researcher believes that teachers' perceptions of children's adjustment to school are most relevant to children's behaviors in the classroom. For this reason children's adjustments are measured by teacher ratings in this study. Bronfen­ brenner (1979) has also argued that assessing behavior at only one point

in time is not sufficient to demonstrate developmental change; there­

fore, in this research project, teachers are rating children's 53 adjustment after the second week of school and again after the sixth week of school. These times were chosen because the research literature

(Feldbaum et al., 1980; Hughes, 1979; Stendler and Young, 1951)

Indicates that most children have successfully adjusted to the classroom setting within the first two months of school.

The research literature (Coleman, 1977; Feldbaum et al., 1980;

Schwarz and W y n n , 1971; Hammond et al., 1962) has also related pre­ school experience and gender to school adjustment. This study tests the relationships between kindergarten adjustment and each of the following variables: children's preschool experiences, gender, birth order, and age. The researcher assumes that families and children have greater adjustments to make when the first child enters kindergarten and that older children have more experience and maturity and therefore will make an easier adjustment to kindergarten.

The variables just discussed can be assessed by questioning

families and relating their responses to teacher ratings; however, this method does not adequately assess the influence of language and context

on school adjustment. Patton (1980) argues that a process can be better

understood by using a variety of data collection and analysis procedures

to examine it. Bronfenbrenner (1979) and Cremin (1976) contend that

individual histories are important aspects of many problems. Therefore,

the researcher has included an individual case study to describe

language and contextual influences on kindergarten adjustment. By 54 observing one child and his family during the early weeks of kinder­ garten, one may discover important ways in which the individual child makes the transition from home to school. The combination of these very different procedures provides a more comprehensive description of children's adjustment to kindergarten than could either method alone.

Subjects

Survey Sample

The subjects of this research are 135 parent/child groups who were drawn from a population of 280 middle-class and upper-middle class parent/child groups. The kindergarten children in this sample repre­ sent the entire kindergarten population of four elementary schools in two, suburban school districts. The children were enrolled in fifteen kindergarten classes with nine teachers. Fifty-one parent/child groups were eliminated from the research sample because they did not meet the criterion for subject selection; i.e., (1) every member of the family was caucasion; (2) every member of the family spoke English as a first language; (3) every family contained two parents; (4) each kindergarten child was entering public school for the first time; (5) no kindergarten child was physically handicapped; and (6) each kindergarten child was a single birth. These criteria were established to maximize the effect of school entry and to control for racial (Winetsky, 1978), social class

(Lightfoot, 1981; Medinnus, 1961; Winetsky, 1978), language (Hymes,

1972), family and physical differences which might account for variation 55

in parental attitudes and school adjustment. Of these 51 families, 12 were single parent families; 15 were non-Caucasion; 1 kindergarten child was physically disabled; 1 kindergarten child was non-English speaking;

3 children were repeating kindergarten; 4 kindergarten children were

twins; 6 families did not enroll their children in kindergarten; and 9

families could not be reached by mail or by telephone. The remaining

229 families were invited to participate in this study. Of these

families, 135 parent/child groups agreed to participate.

The research subjects were from middle-class and upper middle-

class families. The mean Duncan Socio-Economic Index (Mueller and Toby,

1981) score for the families was 61.57 with a range of 21.0 to 88.4.

This score is determined by the occupational status of heads of house­ holds. All of the fathers worked outside of the home full time. A mean

score of 61.57 indicates an upper middle class sample. Women who

worked outside of the home at least part-time made up 28% of the sample mothers. The mean age for the fathers was 35 years with a range of 27

years to 52 years. The mean age of the mothers was 34 years with a

range of 25 years to 45 years. The kindergarten children had a mean age

of 5 years 6 months with a range of 4 years 11 months to 6 years 5 months. Of the kindergarten children in the sample, 48% were male,

43% were first born, and 88% had some preschool experience.

The subjects of this research investigation were drawn from a

population of suburban, middle class and upper-middle class families in 56 a large metropolitan community in the Midwest. This socio-economic and racial group was selected because members of this group seem to hold values and expectations of education which are more consistent with the values and goals of the public schools than members of other groups

(Winetsky, 1978; Schaeffer, 1977; Lightfoot, 1981). It is assumed that children from families who share the same values as the public schools will have an easier transition from home to school than those children who come from other socio-economic groups. Therefore, if adjustment difficulties appear within this group, they may also appear within others.

The kindergarten children were enrolled in fifteen classroom groups. Each group met five days a week for 2% hours either in the morning or the afternoon. Six teachers taught both morning and after­ noon kindergarten sessions. Three teachers taught only one 2% hour kindergarten session per day. All nine teachers had at least two years teaching experience and were recommended for participation in this study by their principals. The entire kindergarten population of one school district, and the entire kindergarten population of one school in a neighboring school district made up the subject pool.

Case Study Subjects

At the time families received their surveys, the observational component of the study was explained in the cover letter, and parents were asked to allow the researcher to observe their kindergarten child at home and at school. Five families volunteered to participate in this 57

part of the study. The following criteria were used to select the

kindergarten child and his or her family: (1) the kindergarten child

was a first born male; (2) of average age for kindergarten entry; (3)

without preschool experience; (4) and with a mother who does not work

outside the home.

If the child is first born and has had no preschool experience,

he will be making an adjustment to his first school experience and his

first prolonged separation from his family. The parents will also be

experiencing their child's school entry for the first time.

Substantial research literature (Chazan, 1971; Hammond, 1962;

Thompson, 1975) has shown that boys seem more susceptible to stress than

girls; consequently, the child and the family may have greater adjust­ ments to make if the child is male. It is necessary to have the mother

in the home before and after school in order to observe parent/child

interactions. All of the kindergarten children in the volunteer

families had had some preschool experience, so this condition could not

be met. The target family consisted of a father, aged 35 years, with a

Duncan Socio-Economic Index (Mueller and toby, 1981) score of 64.7; a

nonworking mother, aged 34 years; a first born, kindergarten boy, aged

5 years 10 months, and a 22 month old boy. The characteristics of this

family are similar to the mean characteristics of the larger study

sample. Instruments

Three instruments are used in this study. The Maternal Separa­ tion Anxiety Scale (Hock, 1981, Appendix A) was used to assess both mothers' and fathers' attitudes about separation from their kindergarten children. This scale was developed to study mothers' feelings about separation from their newborn infants. It was first used in a study of

620 white, middle class, mothers in a large midwestern city. This scale contains 68 items on a five point, interval scale (Meyer, 1976). A factor analysis (Kerlinger, 1973) revealed three major factors: a

Separation Anxiety Factor (Separation), a Separation Promotes Indepen­ dence Factor (Independence), and an Employment Related Concerns about

Separation Factor (Employment). The internal consistency of the instrument was computed using Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha (Guilford,

1954, p. 385):

‘irrrx1--^ where

= variance of part I of a test;

V = variance of total scores;

n = number of parts.

Coefficients are: Separation Factor, a ■ .90; Independence Factor, a = .77; Employment Factor, a = .71; Total Scale, a - .89. In this study the alpha coefficient for the total scale was .92 for mothers, and

.90 for fathers. 59

The Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale (Medinnus, 1962,

Appendix A) was used to assess parents attitudes' about the importance of education and their confidence in the quality of the schools. This is a 40 item, four point, interval scale. The scale was developed for use with 68 parents of five-year-olds in a study of school readiness.

These parents were upper-lower and lower-middle class residents of a small midwestern town. The internal consistency of this instrument was determined using the Spearman-Brown Formula of split-half reliability

(Meyer, 1976, p. 313):

(k/n)(r ) 12 r ** i + (_‘ )r n - 1 x^x2 where

r = estimated reliability with k items; XX

k/n = ratio of test length;

r = the obtained reliability coefficient V 12V (Meyer, 1976, p. 313). The original reliability coefficient was .90.

In this study the reliability was .76 for mothers and .79 for fathers.

The First Grade Adjustment Scale (Medinnus, 1961, Appendix A) was used by all classroom teachers in this study to rate their students' adjustment to kindergarten. This scale was developed by interviewing twenty-five first grade teachers in a large metropolitan school system about indicators of a child's adjustment to first grade. The items generated were organized into a 52 item, five point, rating scale. The 60 items were grouped into five subscales: Physical Status and Motor

Behavior, Social Behavior, Emotional Behavior, Intellectual Abilities and Behavior, and Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements.

Two teachers rated 35 upper-lower, and lower-middle class first grade children who had had no prior school experience. The original inter­ rater reliability for the total scale was .77. Because in this research project each teacher individually rated every student in her classes, no inter-rater reliabilities are available.

In addition to these instruments, the researcher developed interview guides (Appendix A) to direct the interviews of the teacher and parents in the case study. Lofland (1971 ) describes interview guides as a written set of topics to be discussed during an interview.

Interview guides allow the interviewer to accept a wider variety of subject responses than more structured interview measures, to pursue topics that the subject may introduce, and to discuss those topics that he has identified as important to the issue under investigation.

Data Collection

Survey Procedures

On the Friday prior to the first day of school, each family received in the mail a letter explaining the study and inviting them to participate, two copies of The Separation Anxiety Scale, two copies of

The Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale, a Family Information Sheet, and a consent form. Written instructions on the questionnaires directed parents to complete each scale prior to the first day of school without

discussing their responses with their spouses and to return the scales

in an enclosed self-addressed, stamped envelope by the end of the first week of school. Several measures were employed to ensure parent

response. Two weeks after the questionnaires were due. The classroom

teachers sent home with their students a note from the researcher which

thanked the parents for participating in this research project and

reminded those who had not yet returned their questionnaires to do so.

Two weeks after the first reminder was sent, another note was mailed to

each family who had not yet returned their surveys. Those families who

did not respond to the second reminder note within two weeks after it had been mailed were contacted by phone. These families were asked to

return their questionnaires. Another set of forms was mailed to those

parents who agreed to participate but who had lost or destroyed their

original set. Those parents (93) who refused to participate were asked

for their reasons and then thanked for their willingness to talk about

the research project.

During the first week of school, the researcher met with the

kindergarten teachers in each school. At that time the purposes of this

research investigation were described and instruction on the use of

The First Grade Adjustment Scale was given. Classroom teachers rated

the adjustment of every child in each of their classroom groups on the weekends following the second week of school and the sixth week of

school. 62

Case Study Procedures

Home. The day before the first day of school, the researcher made a preliminary visit to the volunteer family's home to meet the

kindergarten child, to explain the nature of the study, and to confirm

the observation schedule. Arrangements for this meeting were made

during a phone conversation with the mother. Seventeen observations

were made in the home during the first seven weeks of school. During

the first two weeks of school, daily observations were made in the home

for approximately one hour preceding school and one hour following the

child's arrival home. The investigator spent a total of 24*g hours in home observation.

The observer arrived in the home before school and stationed

herself apart from the ongoing activity but in such a place that she had

full visual and auditory contact with the target child.

The investigator kept a written log of the kindergarten child's

ongoing behavior during the observation period. She noted the settings, participants, activities, interactions, and language in which the kindergarten child engaged.

After school the investigator arrived at the child's home prior

to his arrival. Again a written log of the child's behavior was made.

This log began as the child arrived home and concluded approximately

one hour after his arrival. The family members were asked to maintain normal family routine as much as possible during the observation periods.

School. Initial contact was made with the child's teacher by

telephone. During this conversation, the researcher explained the 63 nature of the study, outlined the observation procedures, and secured the teacher's permission to observe in her classroom. Eleven observa­ tions were made at various times in the school. During the first two weeks of school, daily in-school observations of the entire 2 h hour kindergarten program were made. A schedule of observations is provided in Table 1.

The school day began at 1:00 p.m. and ended at 3:30 p.m. Most of the children were brought to school by bus, and they arrived at approximately 12:50 p.m. every day. The target child rode the bus to school. During the first two weeks of school, the investigator left the child's home as he left for school, and she arrived in school as he arrived. The investigator left school at 3:30 p.m., the same time as the children, and usually arrived at the child's home shortly before he did.

In the kindergarten, the observer was stationed in a chair near the back of the classroom. She made written observations of the par­ ticipants' activities and interactions within the classroom. Particular attention was given to the behaviors, activities, interactions, and language of the target child. The investigator spent a total of 24^ hours observing in the school.

Language. During the observation sessions both at home and at school, audio recordings were also being made. A small audio microphone was clipped to the target child's apparel. In an effort to diminish any special attention to the research subject as a result of the microphone, two other children, a boy and a girl, were given dummy microphones to TABLE 1

OBSERVATION SCHEDULE

Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Preliminary *11:50-12:50 *12:10-12:50 *11:45-12:45 Home Visit *4:00-5:00 *3:50-5:00 *3:50-5:00 Week I *12:50-3:30 *12:50-3:30 *12:50-3:30 School 8/31-9/5

Week II *12:00-12:45 *11:30-12:45 Home *4:00-5:00 *4:00-5:00 9/6-9/12 Holiday R. misses Teachers' *12:50-3:30 *12:55-3:30 school meeting — School no school

Week III *11:30-12:45 *8:45-11:45 Home *3:45-4:30 9/13-9/19 1:00-3:30 *1:00-3:30 School Week IV *11:45-12:45 • Home *3:45-4:30 9/20-9/26 *1:00-3:30 School

Week V *10:45-1:00 11:45-12:45 Home 9/27-10/3 12:50-3:30 School Week VI *5:30-9:00 Horae 10/4-10/10 *2:30-3:30 School

Week VII 4:00-Dinner Home 10/11-10/17 2:30-3:30 School

*Indicates observation periods when language samples were recorded. 65 wear at school. A radio receiver and the tape recorder were contained

in a case, which was placed beside the observer in school, and which was placed in a safe and inconspicuous place in the family room of the

child's home. Following the procedures described by Wells in his 1979

study of children's language at home and at school, the observer

switched on the tape recorder for ninety second periods at approxi­ mately twenty minute intervals throughout the observation session.

Language samples were recorded in 25 observation sessions.

Written Records. In addition to the observational and language data, all of the child's drawings and work sheets, as well as notes and notices from the school were collected throughout the study. The child's mother kept a daily journal of her thoughts, feelings, and percep­

tions, she also noted comments her kindergarten child made about school related subjects, school related changes in the child's behavior, and

any communication with the child's teacher.

Interviews. The investigator also interviewed the child's mother, father, and teacher. The interviews were scheduled at a mutually convenient time in the parents' and teacher's homes. All

interviews were tape recorded and lasted approximately one hour. These

interviews were loosely structured and open ended. The interviewer

generated possible questions and topics from her observations and previous interactions with the child, his parents, and his teacher.

These questions and topics served as a guide to initiate and direct the

interview; however, many questions resulted from the interviewees comments during the course of the interviews (Lofland, 1971). The 66 purpose of these interviews was to check the observer’s perceptions of the child's adjustment with those of the parents and teacher, and also, to identify and describe their attitudes about education, separation, and their roles in the child's development. The child's mother was interviewed at the end of the first month of school; the child's father was interviewed during the sixth week of school; and the child's teacher was interviewed at the end of the second month of school.

Data Analysis

Quantitative Analysis

Scoring. First, all data were scored and coded. Demographic information about the children and families were given numerical values.

Children were divided into first born (1) and later born (2); with preschool experience (1) and without (2); male (1) and female (2).

Children's ages on the first day of school were coded in months.

Mothers' and fathers' ages were coded in years. Mothers were divided into working (1) and nonworking (2).

The Separation Anxiety Scales were scored by tallying the individual item scores. The factor scores were computed by tallying the individual item scores within each factor. Because the Separation

Factor contained three times as many items as the other two (21:7), the sum of item scores for this factor was divided by three. This resulted in three equally weighted factor scores. Both factor scores and total scores were used in data analysis.

The Parent Attitude Toward Education Scales were scored by tallying the individual item scores for the total scale. 67

The First Grade Adjustment Scales were scored by adding the

individual item scores within each subscale and the total scale. This

resulted in five subscale scores and a total score.

Statistical Procedures

To determine if adjustment to the classroom changes over time,

a t-test for two related groups was employed to measure the difference

between children’s adjustment scores at time 1 and time 2. In order to determine the influence of parental variables and characteristics of the

child on children’s adjustment to kindergarten, three correlational methods were employed. The relationship between each of the parent and

child variables and each of the adjustment variables was tested using

the Pearson product-moraent coefficient of correlation. The relationship between sets of parent and child variables to each of the adjustment variables was tested using multiple regression analysis. Finally,

canonical correlation analyses were used to test relationships between

sets of parent and child variables and sets of adjustment variables.

Twenty-nine variables were considered in this study. These variables are the child's age, the child's sex, the child’s position in

the family (first or later born), and the child's preschool experience;

the father’s age, the mother's age, and the employment status of the mother; the total score for each mother and each father on the

Separation Anxiety Scale, and a score for each mother and each father on

the Separation Anxiety Factor (Separation), the Separation Promotes

Independence Factor (Independence), and the Employment Related Concerns 68 about Separation Factor (Employment) of the Separation Anxiety Scale; the fathers1 and the mothers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward

Education Scale; and two total scores for each child on the First Grade

Adjustment Scale, as well as two scores on the Physical Status and Motor

Behavior, Social Behavior, Emotional Behavior, Intellectual Abilities and Behavior, and Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements subscales of the First Grade Adjustment Scale.

t-Test

A t-test for two related groups (Meyer, 1976) was used to compare children's scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 and time 2. Children's scores were computed by adding the individual item scores within each of the five subscales and within the total scale. For each child the total scores for each subscale and the entire scale were entered into analysis. The t-test for two related groups is used to measure difference in means. Groups are related if they have been matched or if, as in this study, each member of the group acts as his own control. For this test to be appropriate, the data must be interval in nature and the variance between groups is assumed to be homogeneous. These conditions exist with the data from the First Grade

Adjustment Scale. The null hypothesis that there is no difference between the two means is tested by using the following formula (Meyer,

1976, pp. 176-177): 69

where

x lx2 l 2

where

r = correlation coefficient between the pairs of observations

If this computation reveals a significant difference between the two means, then the null hypothesis can be rejected and the research

hypothesis can be accepted.

Bivariate Relationships - Pearson Produet-Moment Correlations

Pearson product-moment correlation analyses (Meyer, 1976), were employed to measure the relationships between each of the parent

and child variables and each of the adjustment variables at time 1 and

time 2. The Pearson product-moraent correlation coefficient is most

often used to measure the association of two variables each of which is

interval in nature. The formula for the Pearson product-moraent

correlation coefficient, :r, is presented below (Meyer, 1976, p. 254):

EXY

(Meyer, 1976, p. 254). This computation is used to test the null hypothesis that there is no relationship between the two variables. If a significant relationship is established, then the null hypothesis can be rejected. The significance of r was tested by using the two-tailed test of significance (Meyer, 1976, p. 257):

where

N = number of pairs in sample.

Multivariate Relationships - Multiple Regression

In bivariate analysis often much of the variance is unaccounted for. Multivariate analysis is employed to account for more of the variance in order to make better predictions. In multiple regression the interest is in the prediction of a criterion variable from a set of predictor variables (Meyer, 1976):

Y* = a + bjX^ + ... + b^x^ + e

(Kerlinger, 1973, p. 612).

This computation yields a set of linear equations, one equation for each independent variable. The value of a's and b ’s must be determined from knowledge of the x's and y's. To do this the principle of least squares is employed. It is important to find the b values that will minimize the sums of squares of the residual variance, or the 71 deviations from regression. These linear equations contain the highest coefficient of correlation among all the independent variables and between the independent variables and the dependent variable.

The multiple correlation coefficient R (Kerlinger, 1973) is used to measure the highest possible correlation between the least- squares linear composite of the independent variables and the dependent variable. The formula for R is presented below:

R = _ ^ _

^Ey^y'2

Ey £y' where

y = observed values of the dependent variable,

y' = the predicted values of the dependent variable, 2 R = the portion of variance of the dependent variable due to

the combination of independent variables (Kerlinger, 1973,

pp. 616 - 617).

The F-test is used to calculate the significance of the multiple correlation coefficient (Kerlinger, 1973).

For this study, multiple regression analyses were used to relate the following sets of predictor variables to each of the children's subscale scores and total scores to the First Grade

Adjustment Scale at time 1 and time 2: Set 1 - Mothers' total scores on the Separation Anxiety (Separation Total) Scale, Fathers' Separation

Total scores, Mothers' total scores on the Parent Attitude Toward

Education Scale (Education Total), Fathers' Education Total scores, child's age, child's sex, child's position in the family, child's preschool experience, mother's age, father's age, and mother's employ­ ment status; set 2 - Mothers' factor scores (Separation, Independence,

Employment) on the Separation Anxiety Scale, Fathers' factor scores

(Separation, Independence, Employment) on the Separation Anxiety Scale,

Mothers' Education Total Scores, Father's Education Total Scores, child's age, child's sex, child's position in the family, child's preschool experience, father's age, mother's age, and mother's employ­ ment status. Through a series of multiple regression analyses, each set of predictor variables was related to each subscale and total score on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 and time 2.

Multivariate Relationships - Canonical Correlation

Canonical correlation analyses (Kerlinger, 1973) were used to determine the relationship between sets of independent variables and sets of dependent variables. Regression analysis of data with more than one independent variable and more than one dependent variable is called canonical correlation. Through least squares analysis, two linear composites are formed, one for the independent variables and one for the dependent variables. The computer then calculates the maximum correlation possible between the two composites. This is the canonical correlation. Canonical correlation analysis is a generalization of 73 multiple regression analysis. The Chi square is used to test the significance of the cannonical correlation coefficient (Zalusky,

Note 3).

Qualitative Analysis

Observational records, language samples, the child’s schoolwork, written communications from the school, the mother's journal, and interviews with the target child's parents and teacher were used to provide information about the nature of the home and school contexts.

At this time, only observational and language data from the child's first four weeks of school are analyzed. These data were selected from the larger data pool because they represent consistent observational data at the same points in time during the child's initial transition from home to school.

Analysis of Context. First the molar activities of the child at home and at school were identified. The sequence of activities within an observation period, and the number of times an activity occurred during the course of the study were tabulated. Activities were cate­ gorized as obligatory if they occurred in each observation. Activities were considered optional if they did not appear in each observation, or if they appeared in a wide variety of positions in the activity sequence.

Once molar activities had been identified, the type of relations in which the child engaged during each activity were counted and described. The nature of the relation was described as to whether it 74 was a dyad or an n + 2 relation, and whether it was observational, joint activity, primary relation, or a combination of these.

The nature of the child's activities and relations within each setting were used to describe the child's role within that setting.

The child's role at home was compared to his role at school.

Finally nature of links between the home and the school were identified. Links were categorized as individual, dyadic, or trans- contextual; message links; or knowledge links.

Interview Analysis. Interview data from the mother, father, and teacher were analyzed according to perceptions of the role of kinder­ garten in education, perceptions of the child's role at home and at school, and perceptions of the child's adjustment to the kindergarten setting. Data from the mother and father interviews were compared to determine areas of similar attitudes and perceptions. Parents' expectations for the child's behavior at home and at school were compared to the teacher's. The teacher's expectations and descriptions of child behavior, the student role, and the teacher's role were compared to those of the parents and to the researcher's written observations of classroom behavior.

Language Analysis. Audio recordings of language samples collected during observations at home and school were professionally transcribed. Only those language samples which included the target child's talk with adults, talk addressed to the target child indi­ vidually or talk addressed to the group in which the target child was a member were included in data analysis. 75

The transcripts were first divided into conversations, and contextual information from the researcher's observational notes was added to provide a description of the activity and setting within which the conversation occurred. The number of adult/child conversations at home and at school were compared. Next, data were analyzed according to who initiated adult/child conversations in both settings. Finally the amount of talk contributed by the target child and the other participant in the conversation were identified.

Conclusion

Both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection and analysis have been described in this chapter. The researcher believes that the use of both methods will provide comprehensive infor­ mation about adjustment to kindergarten.

Many researchers (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Hobbs, 1980; Getzels,

1981) have discussed the importance of describing the context of inter­ action for understanding behavior. Context is of critical importance to this study of children's transition from home to school. Others have stressed the role of Individual characteristics on school adjustment

(Getzels, 1980; Hammond, 1971; Thompson, 1975). These procedures for data collection and analysis provide a method for describing the role of the home and school contexts in children's adjustment to kindergarten and for systematically testing the relationship between selected variables concerning children and early adjustment to kindergarten. CHAPTER FOUR

QUANTITATIVE RESULTS

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children’s transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children enounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kinder­ garten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes and children’s preschool experiences, as well as their sex, and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

Introduction

Parents returned their Separation Anxiety Scales, Attitude Toward

Education Scales and Family Information Sheets from August 29, 1981 to

December 31, 1981. This period corresponds to the first semester of

the school year. The number of responses differed among questionnairies

76 77 and between mothers and fathers. Of the 229 families asked to participate in the study, 58.51% (135) of the mothers and 52.79% (121) of the fathers responded to the Separation Anxiety Scale; 56.33% (129) of the mothers and 51.96% (119) of the fathers responded to the Parent Attitudes Toward

Edcuation Scale; 57.64% (132) of the parents supplied the information requested on the Family Information Sheet. The data used in this study represent some information from 59.39% (136 parent/child groups) of the total sample and complete data sets from 46% (106 parent/child groups) of the total.

Teacher ratings on the First Grade Adjustment Scale were available for all but two (134, 98% respondents, 59% total sample) of the kinder­ garten children after six days of school, and all but four (132, 97% respondents, 57% total sample) of the kindergarten children after six weeks of school. These omissions resulted from teacher oversight rather than removal of the children from the kindergarten program.

In order to determine the influence of parental variables and characteristics of the child on children's adjustments to kindergarten, three correlational methods were employed. The relationship between each of the parent and child variables and each of the adjustment variables was tested using the Pearson product-moment coefficient of correlation. The relationship between sets of parent and child variables and each of the adjustment variables was tested using multiple regression analyses. Finally, canonical correlation analyses were used to test the relationship between sets of parent and child variables and sets of adjustment variables. In all analyses, data consisted of total scale and subscale scores which were computed by summing the item scores for 78

each scale or subscale. Individual scores for each parent and child were used in the statistical computations. The .05 level of signifi­

cance has been selected for all statistical analyses.

Twenty-nine variables were considered in this study. These variables are the child's age, the child's sex, the child's position in

the family (first or later born), the child's preschool experience, the

father’s age, the mother’s age, the employment status of the mother, the

total score for each mother and each father on the Separation Anxiety

Scale, and a score for each mother and each father on the Separation

Anxiety Factor (Factor 1), the Separation Promotes Independence Factor

(Factor 2), and the Employment Related Concerns about Separation Factor

(Factor 3) of the Separation Anxiety Scale the fathers' and the mothers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale and two total scores

for each child on the First Grade Adjustment Scale, as well as two scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior, Social Behavior, Emotional

Behavior, Intellectual Abilities and Behavior, and Adjustment to Class­ room Membership and Requirements subscales of the First Grade Adjustment

Scale.

The means and standard deviations of the parents' scores on the

Separation Anxiety Scale and the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale are presented in Table 2. These means were computed from the total item

scores for each subscale and each total scale for each parent.

The means and standard deviations of the children’s scores on the

First Grade Adjustment Scale after six days of school (time 1) and again after six weeks of school (time 2) are presented in Table 3. A t-test for two related groups (Meyer, 1976) was used to compare children's 79

TABLE 2

MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS OF MOTHERS’ AND FATHERS' SCORES ON THE SEPARATION ANXIETY SCALE AND PARENT ATTITUDE TOWARD EDUCATION SCALE

Mean Standard Deviation

Separation Anxiety Mothers 17.23 3.30 Fathers 18.16 2.95

Separation Promotes Independence Mothers 11.78 2.85 Fathers 13.62 3.81

Employment Related Concerns About Separation Mothers 23.96 4.82 Fathers 17.19 3.85

Total Score Mothers 169.14 23.62 Fathers 168.36 21.86

Education Mothers 125.62 11.15 Fathers 123.04 10.64 80 scores on the subscales and total scale of the First Grade Adjustment

Scale at time 1 and time 2. The scores were computed by summing the individual item scores for each child. This test showed a significant improvement in the areas of physical, social, intellectual, and total adjustment at time 2. The t-values and levels of significance for the adjustment scores are also presented in Table 3. These figures indicate that children’s behaviors in these areas significantly improved from time 1 to time 2.

Bivariate Relationships - Pearson Product-Moment Correlations

Pearson product-moment analyses revealed statistically significant relationships between individual variables. Correlation analysis is used to measure the degree and direction of the relationship between two variables. The correlation coefficient, r, is used to show this relationship. The value for r may range from -1.00, which indicates a perfect inverse relationship, to +1.00, which shows a perfect direct relationship (Kerlinger, 1973).

These correlation analyses revealed significant negative relation­ ships between mothers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Education

Scales and The Maternal Separation Anxiety Scale total scores and factor scores. The greatest relationship exists between mothers' scores on the Separation Factor of the Maternal Separation Anxiety Scale and their scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Edcuation Scales. This negative relationship also exists for fathers but to a lesser degree.

Fathers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale are significantly related to their scores on the Separation Factor and 81

TABLE 3

MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS, AND t-VALUES OF CHILDREN’S SCORES ON THE FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT SCALE AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Standard Standard t Variable Mean Deviation Error Value3 £

Physical Status and Motor Behavior Time 1 14.10 3.39 .29 Time 2 15.00 3.74 .32 -2.69 .008

Social Behavior Time 1 50.62 10.79 .93 Time 2 52.88 13.22 1.13 -2.04 .044

Emotional Behavior Time 1 36.34 8.01 .69 Time 2 37.51 9.76 .84 -1.52 .130

Intellectual Abilities and Behavior Time 1 24.25 5.52 .47 Time 2 25.85 6.52 .56 -2.77 .006

Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements Time 1 69.37 15.87 1.36 Time 2 72.23 19.87 1.70 -1.90 .060

Total Adjustment Time 1 194.68 40.37 3.46 Time 2 203.46 50.49 4.33 -2.17 .032

t-values were computed using 135 degrees of freedom. 82 the total Maternal Separation Anxiety Scale. These relationships are presented In Table 4.

Correlation analyses also revealed significant relationships between mothers' and fathers' attitudes about both education and separation.

Mothers' and fathers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward Education scale are positively related. Father's scores on the Education Scale are also negatively related to mothers' scores on the Separation and

Employment factors of the Maternal Separation Anxiety Scale. Fathers' total scores on the Separation Anxiety Scale are positively related to mothers' scores on the total Separation Anxiety Scale and the Separation

Anxiety and Employment Factors of that scale. Fathers' scores on the Separation Anxiety Factor are related to mothers' scores on the

Separation Anxiety Scale, the Separation Anxiety Factor, and the

Employment Factor of that scale. Fathers' responses to the Independence

Factor are positively related to mothers' scores on the Separation

Anxiety Factor. Fathers' scores on the Employment Factor are positively related to mothers' scores on Factor 1, 2 and 3 of the Separation Anxiety

Scale. These analyses demonstrate that mothers' and fathers' attitudes about education and their concerns about separation are positively related. Fathers attitudes about education are also negatively related to mothers' concerns about separation; however, mothers' attitudes about education do not seem to be related to fathers' concerns about separa­ tion. These data demonstrate that at the time of school entry mothers' and fathers' attitudes about education and separation are related.

These relationships are presented in Table 5. 83

TABLE 4

PEARSON PRODUCT-MOMENT CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN PARENTS’ ATTITUDES ABOUT EDUCATION AND PARENTS' ATTITUDES ABOUT SEPARATION

Parent Attitudes Toward Separation Anxiety Scale Education Scale

Mothers Fathers

Separation Anxiety r - -.347 r = -.159 £ < .001 £ = .044

Separation Promotes Independence r - -.189 r = -.111 j> = .016 £ - .118

Employment Related Concerns About Separation r - -.151 r = .044 £ = .044 £ " .319

Separation Anxiety Total r = -.305 r = -.172 £ < .001 £ = .032 TABLE 5

PEARSON PRODUCT-MOMENT CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN MOTHERS’ AND FATHERS’ SCORES ON THE PARENT ATTITUDES TOWARD EDUCATION SCALE AND THE SEPARATION ANXIETY SCALE

Father Variables Mother Variables

Employment Separation Separation Related Anxiety Separation Promotes Concerns About Education Scale Total Anxiety Independence Separation

Education r = .317 r » -.148 r = -.183 r = -.002 r = -.173 £ .001 2 = .054 2 = -023 2 = .493 2 = .030

Separation Anxiety Scale Total r = -.105 r = .347 r = .397 r = .112 r = .184 £ = .131 2 .001 2 .001 2 = .113 2 = .022

Separation Anxiety r = -.112 r = .349 r = .403 r = .032 r = .208 2 = .117 2 .001 2 .001 2 = .364 2 - .011

Separation Promotes Independence r = -.073 r = .146 r = .227 r = .130 r = .019 CM II • 2 = .056 2 = .006 2 = .078 2 - .417

Employment Related Concerns About Separation r = -.059 r = .174 r = .189 r = .168 r - .140 2 = .267 2 = .028 2 = .019 2 = .034 2 = .064 These analyses also demonstrate relationships between mothers' attitudes about education and separation and childrens' adjustments to kindergarten. Interestingly, fathers' attitudes are not significantly related to childrens' kindergarten adjustments, although fathers' and mothers' attitudes are related. Mothers' scores on the Education Scale are positively related to children's scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior and the Intellectual Abilities and Behavior at both time 1 and time 2. The degree of relationship between these scores is slightly greater at time 2.

Mothers' total scores on the Separation Anxiety Scale are not significantly related to children's adjustments to kindergarten, but mothers' factor scores on the Separation Anxiety Scale are related to children's subscale scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale. Mothers' scores on the Separation Anxiety Factor are negatively related to children's scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior, Emotional

Behavior, and Intellectual Abilities and Behavior subscales at both time 1 and time 2. Mothers' Separation Anxiety Factor scores are also negatively related to children's scores on the Adjustment to Classroom

Membership and Requirements subscale and the total adjustment scale at time 1.

Mothers' scores on the Independece and Employment factors of the

Separation Anxiety Scale are also related to children's adjustment scores. Mothers' scores on the Independence Factor are negatively related to children's scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior subscale at time 1 and time 2 and to scores on the Intellectual Abilities and Behavior subscale at time 2. Finally mothers' scores on the Employ­ 86

ment Factor are positively related to children's scores on the Adjustment

to Classroom Membership and Requirements and for the total adjustment

Scale at time 1. These findings demonstrate that mothers' attitudes

about separation and education are related to children's adjustments to

kindergarten, but fathers' attitudes are not. The relationships between

mothers' attitude scores and children's adjustment scores are presented

in Table 6.

Correlation analyses also revealed relationships between children's

ages, sexes, ordinal positions, and preschool experiences and their

adjustments to kindergarten. Children's ages are positively related to

their scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior, Intellectual

Behavior and Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements subscale

scores at time 1 and time 2. The relationships are slightly stronger

at time 2. Children's ages are also positively related to their total

scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 2. It seems that

older children are making better adjustments in these areas than are

younger ones. The sex of the children is also positively related to

their adjustment scores. Girls are consistently rated higher on all

adjustment scales than boys at time 1. With the exception of ratings

on Intellectual Abilities and Behaviors, sex of the children is still

significantly and positively related to the adjustment scores at time 2.

Children's positions in their families are also positively related

to all adjustment variables at time 1 and 2. Later born children

seem to receive higher adjustment ratings than do first born. The

degree of relationship between ordinal position in the family and adjust­ ment scores is stronger at time 1 for all scales except Social Behavior. TABLE 6

PEARSON PRODUCT-MOMENT CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN MOTHERS' ATTITUDES ABOUT SEPARATION AND EDUCATION AND CHILDREN'S SCORES ON THE FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT SCALE AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Adjustment Variables Mother Variables

Employment Separation Related Separation Separation Promotes Concerns About Anxiety Anxiety Independence Separation Total Education

Physical Status and Motor Behavior Time 1 r = -.150 r = -.204 r = .004 r = -.095 r - .210 2 - .042 2 = .009 2 = .483 2 = .138 2 - .009 Time 2 r = -.208 r » -.187 r = .075 r = -.109 r = .250 2 = .009 2 = .016 2 = .199 2 = .109 2 - .002

Social Behavior Time 1 r = -.103 r = -.082 r = .119 r = -.023 r = .020 2 - .120 2 = .174 2 = .086 2 = .397 2 - .413

Time 2 r = -.069 r = -.063 r = .136 r = .028 r = -.069 2 = .216 2 - .239 2 = .061 2 = .377 2 - .221

Emotional Behavior Time 1 r - -.199 r = -.055 r = .017 r = -.131 r = .045 2 = .011 2 = .266 2 = .423 2 = .067 2 - -308 Time 2 r = -.195 r = -.075 r = .051 r = -.118 r = .105 2 = .013 2 = .197 2 = .287 2 = .090 2 = .122 oo - v l TABLE 6 — Continued

Adjustment Variables Mother Variables

Employment Separation Related Separation Separation Promotes Concerns About Anxiety Anxiety Independence Separation Total Education

Intellectual Abilities and Behavior Time 1 r = -.188 r = -.131 r = .018 r = -.103 r s .169 = £ “ .015 £ " .066 £ = .417 £ = .118 £ .029 Time 2 r = -.191 r = -.170 r = .118 r = -.055 r = .233 = £ “ .014 £ = .026 £ = .089 £ = .268 £ .005

Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements Time 1 r = -.146 r = -.063 r - .079 r = -.044 r .068 £ “ .047 £ - .236 £ = .182 £ = .306 £ 35 .223

Time 2 r = -.033 r = -.028 r = .224 r = .080 r 53 .008 £ = .355 £ “ .376 £ = .005 £ = .182 £ 53 .467

Total Adjustment Time 1 r = -.169 r = -.096 r = .071 r = -.074 r 35 .086 = £ = .026 £ = .135 £ = .207 £ = .197 £ .170 Time 2 r = -.112 r = -.079 r = .163 r = .003 r 53 .055 = £ " .101 £ " .184 £ = .032 £ = .488 £ .270

oo 0 0 89

Preschool experiences are negatively related to children's scores on the Physical Status and Motor Behavior subscale only at both time

1 and time 2. The negative relationship is a function of coding children with preschool experiences as 1 and children without such experiences as

2. Therefore, this relationship indicates that children with preschool experience receive higher ratings on the Physical subscale than do those children who have not attended preschool. These relationships are presented in Table 7.

Pearson product-moment correlation analyses also indicate that maternal employment status is related to children's adjustment to kindergarten. Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients for maternal work status and children's scores on the Adjustment to Classroom

Membership and Requirements subscale at time 1, Physical Status and

Motor Behavior subscale at time 2, Social Behavior subscale at time

2, Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements at time 2 and total adjustment scores at time 2 are .15, £=.05; .16, £=.04;

.16, ^=.03; .26, £=.001, .19,£=.015, respectively.

Multivariate Relationships - Multiple Regression

In order to determine the relationship between the set of child and parent variables and each of the subscale scores and total scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 and time 2, two series of multiple regression analyses were performed. In multiple regression anlaysis, the multiple correlation coefficient, R, is used to show the degree of correlation between a least squares composite of the predictor variables and the observed values of the dependent variables. 2 R indicates the portion of variance of the dependent variable due to 90

TABLE 7

PEARSON PRODUCT-MOMENT CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN CHILDREN'S AGE, SEX, ORDINAL POSITION, AND PRESCHOOL EXPERIENCE AND CHILDREN'S SCORES ON THE FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT SCALE AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Adjustment Scores ChildVariables

Preschool Age Sex Position Experience

Physical Status and Motor Behavior Time 1 r = .178 r = .159 r = .250 r = -.146 £ = .022 £ = .036 £ = .002 2 = .049 Time 2 r = .215 r ** .193 r = .216 r - -.229 £ = .008 £ = .015 2 = .007 2 = .005 Social Behavior Time 1 r = .016 r = .184 r = .156 r = -.103 £ " .428 £ - .018 2 - .039 2 = .122 Time 2 r = .114 r = .202 r = .220 r = -.062 £ = .101 £ = .011 2 = .007 2 = .243 Emotional Behavior Time 1 r = -.028 r = .297 r = .299 r = -.101 2 = .376 2 .001 2 .001 £ = .126 Time 2 r = .069 r - .229 r - .239 r = -.113 2 - .221 2 = .005 2 = .003 £ = .102 Intellectual Abilities and Behavior Time 1 r = .158 r = .189 r = .289 r = -.091 2 - .037 2 - .016 2 .001 £ " .154 Time 2 r = .239 r = .129 r = .170 r = -.131 2 = .003 2 = .074 2 = .028 £ " .072 Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements Time 1 r - .171 r - .262 r = .232 r = -.027 2 - .027 2 - .001 2 = .004 £ " .382 Time 2 r - .172 r = .187 r = .215 r = -.039 2 = .026 2 - -017 2 = .008 £ " .332 Total Adjustment Time 1 r = .107 r * .260 r = .263 r = -.086 2 - .114 p » .001 p - .001 £ " .167 Time 2 r = .165 r = .211 r = .237 r = -.090 2 = .032 2 - .009 2 “ .004 £ = .157 91

the combination of the Independent variables. The first series includes

child's age, child's sex, child's position in the family, child's pre­

school experience, father's age, mother's age, mother's employment

status and mothers' and fathers' total scores on both the Parent Attitude

Toward Education Scale and the Separation Anxiety Scale as the predictor variables. As shown in Table 8, this set of data is significantly related

to each subscale score and the total score of the First Grade Adjustment

Scale at time 1. This set of variables is not significantly related to

any adjustment scores at time 2. These results show that children's

adjustments to kindergarten are related to characteristics of the children

and attitudes of the parents.

The second multiple regression series includes all of the predictor

variables of set one except that the total scores for mothers and fathers

on the Separation Anxiety Scale are removed. Mothers' and fathers'

scores on the Separation Anxiety Factor, the Separation Promotes

Independence Factor, and the Employment Related Concerns about Separation

Factor of the Separation Anxiety Scale replace the total scores for

this series of analyses. The same criterion variables are used. This

set of variables is significantly related to the Emotional Behavior

subscale, the Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements sub­

scale, and the Total Adjustment scores on the First Grade Adjustment

Scale at time 1 and to the Physical Status and Motor Behavior subscale

and the Emotional Behavior subscale at time 2. These relationships are

presented in Table 9. 92

TABLE 8

MULTIPLE REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF THE FIRST SET OF PREDICTOR VARIABLES AND FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT SCORES AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Adjustment Variables R R2 SE Fa £

Physical Status and Motor Behavior Time 1 .385 .148 3.46 1.96 .05 Time 2 .326 .106 3.68 1.34 .25

Social Behavior Time 1 .392 .154 11.16 2.04 .05 Time 2 .240 .058 13.39 .69 >.25

Emotional Behavior time 1 .465 .216 7.93 3.11 .01 Time 2 .322 .104 9.64 1.30 .25

Intellectual Abilities and Behavior Time 1 .381 .145 5.67 1.91 .05 CM m A Time 2 .247 .061 6.59 .73 •

Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements Time 1 .430 .185 15.96 2.56 .01 Time 2 .260 .068 20.01 .82 >.25

Total Adjustment Time 1 .435 .190 41.02 2.64 .01 Time 2 .263 .069 50.82 .84 >.25 g F values were computed using 11,124 degrees of freedom 93

TABLE 9

MULTIPLE REGRESSIONA ANALYSIS OF THE SECOND SET OF PREDICTOR VARIABLES AND THE FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT SCORES AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Adjustment Variables R R2 SE Fa 2

Physical Status and Motor Behavior Time 1 .418 . 175 3.46 1.70 .10 Time 2 .436 .191 3.57 1.88 .05

Social Behavior Time 1 .420 .177 11.18 1.71 .10 Time 2 .348 .121 13.14 1.10 > .25

Emotional Behavior Time 1 .495 .245 7.91 2.60 .01 Time 2 .431 .186 9.33 1.83 .05

Intellectual Abilities and Behavior Time 1 .418 .174 5.66 1.69 .10 Time 2 .408 .167 6.31 1.60 .10

Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements Time 1 .446 .199 15.06 1.99 .05 Time 2 .391 .153 19.40 1.44 .25

Total Adjustment Time 1 .473 .223 40.82 2.30 .01 Time 2 .396 .157 49.17 1.49 .10

0 F values were computed using 15,120 degrees of freedom. 94

Multivariate Relationships - Canonical Correlation

Canonical correlation analyses were used to measure the degree of

relationship between two sets of variables. In canonical correlation

analysis a linear combination is derived from each of two sets of data

in such a way as to maximize the relationship between the two sets

(Kerlinger, 1973). The portion of variance shared by the sets of variables is indicated by the Eigenvalue. The canonical correlation

is the square root of its Eigenvalue. The meaning of the canonical

correlation is equivalent to a Pearson product-moment correlation

coefficient, r. The canonical correlations produced are independent

and Wilk's Lambda is used as the test for residual association. Chi

Square is the test of statistical significance of the canonical correla­

tion (Zalusky, Note 3). The level of significance selected for these

analyses is .05.

The composition of the canonical variates which have produced the

significant canonical correlation is presented for each canonical

analysis. The size of the coefficients presented indicates the relative

contribution made by the original variables in the set which formed the variates (Zalusky, Note 3).

In this study a set of mother variables were related to a set of

father variables. Mothers' scores on the Parent Attitude Toward

Education Scale and the Separation, Independence, and Employment factors

of the Maternal Separation Anxiety Scale were related to fathers' scores

on the same measures using a 4x4 canonical correlation analysis. The

figures in Table 10 indicate a relationship between mothers' and

fathers' scores on the attitude measures. The figures for root one show 95 that the first linear composite created by the computer (Root 1) is the only significant arrangement of those variables. The relative contri­ butions of each variable to the set is shown in Table 11. The Separation

Anxiety Factor scores make the highest contribution to the formation of the set of mother variables. In the set of father variables, the

Separation Anxiety Factor scores make a high contribution to the set and the Parent Attitude Toward Education scores make a moderate contribution.

Mothers’ scores on the three factors of The Maternal Separation

Anxiety Scale and on the Parent Attitude Toward Education Scale were related to children's subscale scores on the First Grade Adjustment

Scale at time 1 using a 4x5 canonical correlation analysis. This analysis does not reveal any significant relationships. However, when these same mothers' scores were related to adjustment scores at time

2 using a 4x5 canonical correlation analysis, they are found to be significantly related, as Table 12 shows. Table 13 shows that mothers' attitudes toward education make the greatest contribution to the set of mother variables and that children's scores on the Social Behavior subscales make the highest contribution to the set of adjustment variables. Scores on the Physical, Emotional, and Intellectual sub­ scales moderately contribute to the set. Identical analyses were performed using fathers' scores, but no significant relationships were found.

Canonical correlation analyses revealed significant relationships between the set of variables which consisted of children's ages, sexes, ordinal positions, and preschool experiences and sets of adjustment TABLE 10 96 CANONICAL ANALYSIS OF MOTHER ATTITUDE VARIABLES WITH FATHER ATTITUDE VARIABLES

Canonical Wilk's Root Eigenvalue Correlation Lambda x2 df £.

1 .211 .459 .686 40.48 16 .001 2 .084 .290 .870 15.02 9 .090 3 .037 .192 .949 5.60 4 .231 4 .015 .121 .985 1.58 1 .208

TABLE 11

CANONICAL VARIATE COEFFICIENTS ASSOCIATED WITH MOTHER AND FATHER SET VARIABLES

Variable Mother Father

Education .261 .475 Separation Factor -.807 -.775 Independence Factor .265 .028 Employment Factor -.264 -.136 TABLE 12 97 CANONICAL ANALYSIS OF MOTHER ATTITUDE SCORES WITH ADJUSTMENT SUBSCALE SCORES AT TIME 2

Canonical Wilk's Root Eigenvalue Correlation Lambda x2 df .E

1 .244 .494 .645 46.87 20 .001 2 .091 .302 .853 16.98 12 .150 3 .040 .200 .939 6.78 6 .342 4 .022 .150 .978 2.43 2 .297

TABLE 13

CANONICAL VARIATE COEFFICIENTS ASSOCIATED WITH MOTHER AND ADJUSTMENT SET VARIABLES

Mother Variables Adjustment Variables

Education -.805 Physical - .578

Separation Factor .334 Social 1.161 Independence Factor .165 Emotional - .713 Employment Factor -.143 Intellectual - .697 Adjustment to .321 Classroom Membership 98 variables. The child variables mentioned above were related to the

subscale scores of the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 using

a 4x5 canonical correlation analysis. The results of this analysis

are presented inTables 14 and 15. A significant relationship exists

between these sets of variables. Children's sexes and ordinal positions make the highest contribution to the set of child variables. Scores

on the Social, Emotional, and Classroom Adjustment subscales make

the highest contribution to the set of adjustment variables.

Identical canonical correlation analysis was employed to determine the relationship between the set of child variables and the set of adjustment variables at time 2. As shown in Tables 16 and 17, these

sets are significantly related but to a lesser degree than at time 1.

Different scores contribute to the sets than in the time one anlaysis.

All child variables make a moderate contribution to the set of child variables, but only scores on the Physical Behavior subscale contribute to the set of adjustment variables.

The set of child variables was also related to the set of total scores on the First Grade Adjustment Scale at time 1 and time 2 using a 4x2 canonical correlation analysis. These results are presented in

Tables 18 and 19. This analysis also shows a significant relationship between children's ages, sexes, positions in their families and preschool experiences and their adjustment scores. Children's sex makes the highest contribution to the set and both age and ordinal position make moderate contributions. Adjustment scores at time 1 contribute slightly more than scores at time 2 to the set of adjustment variables. TABLE 14 99 CANONICAL ANALYSIS OF CHILD VARIABLES WITH ADJUSTMENT SUBSCALE SCORES AT TIME 1

Canonical W i l k ’s Root Eigenvalue Correlation Lambda x2 df £.

1 .291 .539 .586 57.18 20 .001 2 .131 .361 .827 20.39 12 .060 3 .039 .196 .951 5.41 6 .492 4 .011 .106 .989 1.21 2 .545

TABLE 15

CANONICAL VARIATE COEFFICIENTS ASSOCIATED WITH CHILD AND ADJUSTMENT SET VARIABLES

Child Variables Adjustment Variables, Time 1

Age -.490 Physical - .297 Sex -.718 Social 1.136 Position -.625 Emotional - .902 Preschool .083 Intellectual - .072 Adjustment to - .775 Classroom Membership TABLE 16 100 CANONICAL ANALYSIS OF CHILD VARIABLES WITH ADJUSTMENT SUBSCALE SCORES AT TIME 2

Canonical Wilk' s Root Eigenvalue Correlation Lambda x2 df £.

1 .215 .463 .703 37.65 20 .01 2 .070 .264 .895 11.82 12 .46 3 .037 .193 .963 4.08 6 .67 4 .0001 .010 .9999 0.01 2 .995

TABLE 17

CANONICAL VARIATE COEFFICIENTS ASSOCIATED WITH CHILD AND ADJUSTMENT SET VARIABLES

Child Variables Adjustment Variables, Time 2

Age -.562 Physical -.844 Sex -.654 Social .059 Position -.475 Emotional -.287 Preschool .450 Intellectual .091 Adjustment to -.094 Classroom Membership TABLE 18 101

CANONICAL ANALYSIS OF CHILD VARIABLES WITH TOTAL ADJUSTMENT SCORES AT TIME 1 AND TIME 2

Canonical Wilk's Root Eigenvalue Correlation Lambda x 2 df £.

1 .183 .428 .808 23.14 8 .003 2 .011 .106 .989 1.23 3 .746

TAELE 19

CANONICAL VARIATE COEFFICIENTS ASSOCIATED WITH CHILD AND ADJUSTMENT SET VARIABLES

Child Variables Adjustment Variables

Age .520 Adjustment Total Time 1 .636 Sex .734 Adjustment Total Time 2 .417 Position .567 Preschool -.214 102

Summary

These analyses procedures Indicate that mothers' and fathers' attitudes about education and separation are related at the time of school entry. They also indicate that mothers' attitudes but not fathers' are related to children's adjustment to kindergarten. How­ ever, the child variables of age, sex, ordinal position, and preschool experience are consistently related to children's adjustment after two weeks and after six weeks of school.

These analyses have identified relationships that exist between selected parent and child variables and school adjustment. However, they do not address the influence of contextual variables on school adjustment, nor do they describe strategies employed in school adjust­ ment. To answer these questions, it is necessary to have information about home and school contexts and children's behaviors in these contexts.

In an attempt to identify contextual influences and child strategies, an observational case study of one child's transition from home to school was conducted. This study is presented in Chapter Five to illustrate the complexity of the process of adjustment to kindergarten. The data presented in Chapters Four and Five will be interpreted and discussed in Chapter Six. CHAPTER FIVE

RYAN: A STUDY OF TRANSITION

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children's transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children enounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kinder­ garten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes and children's preschool experiences, as well as their sex, and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

Introduction

Adjustment to kindergarten is a complex process which involves many aspects of the child's home and school environments. By surveying parents at the time of school entry, group attitudes can be discovered.

By rating children's adjustment to the classroom, patterns of group adjustment can be identified. However, it is difficult to describe

103 104

individual patterns and strategies or to identify important aspects of

the home and school settings by relying solely on questionnaires and

teacher rating scales. It is also impossible for one researcher to make the kind of consistent and comprehensive observations and

interviews necessary to understand personal and contextual influences

on children's school adjustment for every child who participated in

this study. Therefore, one child was selected from volunteers from the

study sample for intensive observation at home and at school during the

first eight weeks of the school year to illustrate the complexity of the

process of adjustment to kindergarten and to identify possible

contextual influences on adjustment and strategies that one child

employed to make this adjustment.

The data reported here is a small part of the larger data base. Observations and language samples used in this report were

collected during the first three days of school and once each week for

the following three weeks. Observations were made in the child's home during the hour before school and the hour after school, and in school

from the time the child arrived until he left. Each observation began

in the child's home, included the entire kindergarten program, and

continued through one hour after school. The parents' and teacher's perceptions of the kindergarten program and the child's adjustment to

school were ascertained through interviews and incidental comments made

during the observations. The mother also recorded in a journal events

and feelings that struck her as important during the initial two months

of kindergarten. 105

This case study is intended to describe the complex nature of one child’s successful transition from home to kindergarten. It includes a detailed description of the researcher, the child, his family, the kindergarten teacher, and the physical settings of the child's home and kindergarten classroom. The child's experiences during the first day of school are presented in detail, and data from the first day of school and the other observations, which were classified according to the categories identified in Chapter Three, are presented here. Next, parents' and the teacher's perceptions of Ryan's adjustment are discussed. The strategies Ryan employed to adapt to the role of pupil are described, and the changes in language Ryan encountered at school are discussed.

Description of Participants

The Researcher. The author of this report was the sole observer for this study. For ease of discussion, the first person singular will be used to refer to the researcher in this section of the report. I am a Ph.D. candidate studying child development, language development, and early childhood education. I have had four years experience as an elementary school classroom teacher. I have taught three-year-old through eight-year-old children. Three of those years were in the same metropolitian area as this case study. I am also a married, white, female from a middle class background. I believe that it is important for the reader to know this information about me in order to better interpret my description of adjustment to kindergarten which is presented here. 106

Bronfenbrenner (1979) also believes it is important to

understand the characteristics of the researcher to judge the

researcher's ability to understand the impact of the setting on the

subjects, and also to judge the likelihood that the researcher's

perceptions of the setting correspond with the subjects' perceptions.

He argues that a researcher needs to have an understanding of and a

familiarity with contexts and situations that are similar to the ones

being investigated.

The Kindergarten Child and His Family

The kindergarten child of this study will be referred to as

Ryan. He is a friendly, confident boy who was 5 years 10 months old

when this study began. Ryan is the oldest child in the family, and he

has had extensive preschool experience. When Ryan was two years-old, he

attended a play group which was supervised by his mother and was

located in a nursery school. When Ryan was older he participated in a

half-day preschool program three mornings a week. In this program, he was separated from his mother.

Ryan's primary playmate was a four year-old boy who lived two houses away from Rayn. Ryan also played with a four year-old girl and

a five year-old girl who lived in the neighborhood. Ryan knew many other neighborhood children who were older and younger than he was.

Ryan was an independent boy who often took the lead in his play with other children at home. He was also able to play happily by himself. Much of the time he was able to control his behavior and make decisions independently of his parents. 107

Ryan had a younger brother who was 22 months old when this study began. He will be referred to as Billy. Billy was a cheerful, active child who was just beginning to produce words, but he was able to understand much of what was said to him. Billy liked to play with balls and ballons. He was fascinated by insects, and he would watch them and catch them whenever there was an opportunity. One of Billy's few words was bug.

Ryan's mother, who will be referred to as Mother in this report, was an attractive, friendly woman. She was 34 years old at the time this study began. Mother was a junior high school teacher before her children were born. She stopped teaching school to stay home with her children, but she talked about returning to teaching when Billy began elementary school. Mother took care of the family's needs. She liked to garden, and she was active in city government.

Mother was cheerful and caring in her interactions with Ryan and Billy. She expected self-reliance and Independence from her children, but she also provided warmth and comfort whenever her boys needed it. She clearly enjoyed her children, and talked with them about whatever interested her or them. She interacted with them as if they were intelligent, capable people. She seemed to be aware of their capabilities and accounted for the fact that they were young children without being patronizing or condescending. She was patient with them, but she openly showed her pleasure or disapproval at their behavior.

She had clear expectations of appropriate behavior for her boys, and she gently corrected them when they misbehaved. 108

Ryan's father, who will be called Father, was an attractive and friendly man who was 35 years old at the time this study began. Father earned a graduate degree from a local university. He was the sole financial support for his family. He earned a substantial living as an independent business man. Father's business required that he leave home at 8:00 am and return at 6:00 pm. Occasionally he would telephone home during the day.

When he was at home, he talked with his children during dinner, and he helped put them to bed at night. Each parent read a bedtime story to one of the boys every night.

The characteristics of this case study family are similiar to the means of the larger study smaple in age of parents, age of kindergarten child, socio-economic status, maternal work status, and preschool experience of the child (refer to Chapter Three for a detailed description of the study sample).

The Kindergarten Teacher. The teacher in this study will be referred to as Mrs. R. Mrs. R was a warm and vivacious woman in her early forties. She lived in a neighboring suburb and was married to a medical doctor. She is a Caucasion from a middle class/upper middle class background. She had been teaching kindergarten in the metropolitian area in which this study was conducted for the past ten years, and she had been teaching kindergarten in this school district for two years. Because she was employed part time, Mrs. R taught only one kindergarten class a day.

Mrs. R. received her bachelor's degree in education and was considering returning to school for study toward a graduate degree. She 109 described her kindergarten as academic, structured, and teacher centered. Within this framework, Mrs. R. was accepting of children's feelings and spontaneous comments. She was soft spoken and good natured with the children. She created a classroom atmosphere which was trusting and respectful of children's feelings. She reassured and encouraged all the children in her class.

It was apparent that Mrs. R enjoyed her work and was teaching by choice rather than economic necessity. She told me that she loved teaching and was grateful to have the freedom of a part time position.

Her enthusiasm about teaching and her enjoyment of young children was reflected by the supportive and positive interactions she had with the children in her class.

The Home Setting

Ryan and his family lived in an affluent suburb of a large midwestern community. The residential community was removed from the main city, so there was a slightly rural influence. The homes in the community were newly constructed and positioned on large grassy lots; therefore, there were large grassy areas for children to play away from traffic. The children lived a short distance from the school, and they were driven to school by bus.

Ryan lived in a large, two story home with a big back yard.

The ground floor contained a small living room, a bathroom a utility room, and a great room. The great room covered approximately one-half of the first floor. This room was divided among a family room, a 110 kitchen, and a small dining area. Most of Ryan's activity at home occured In the great room. Sliding glass doors connected the family room area to a large wooden deck In the back yard. Figure 1 presents a sketch of the first floor.

The family room was carpeted. It was furnished with a matching sofa and love seat, a color television set, shelving, and a fire place.

One low set of shelves contained the children's toys and books. Another larger set housed the parents' possessions, one of which was a stereo system. This room was an important area in the house. Most of the family's daily activity occured here.

The kitchen area was separated from the family room by a counter, and the kitchen and dining area, which contained a dinner table and four chairs, were designated by tile flooring. Anyone in the kitchen had a clear view of the entire family room and dining area. The deck and backyards of all the neighboring houses could be seen through the kitchen windows.

The second floor of the house contained four bedrooms and two baths. This floor was the setting for much of the dressing and grooming activity which occurred before school. Ryan's bedroom was at one end of the floor. His bedroom was carpeted and contained his bed, one night table, four chests of drawers, three bookshelves, and a desk. The shelves were filled with toys, books, records, trophies, and a record player. A small blackboard was attached to the door of the clothes closet, and a sign on the closet door red ''Ryan’s Room Welcome".

Occasionally Ryan would play in his bedroom before school. Ill

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Figure 1. Ryan's House: First Floor. 112

Billy’s bedroom was directly across from Ryan’s. Adjacent to

Billy's room was a third bedroom which was set up as an office. In addition to the full size adult desk in this room, there was a small toy desk which was identical to one in Ryan's classroom.

The master bedroom and adjoining bathroom were next to the office. Often Mother, Ryan, and Billy would brush their teeth in the master bathroom. A smaller bathroom was adjacent to the master bath.

This was the "boys' bathroom". Figure 4 presents a sketch of the second floor.

The Kindergarten Classroom

Mrs. R.'s classroom was large, bright, and modern. The floor space was divided into two major areas. One area was covered with brown, industrial carpet. The other was covered by beige tile. The bulk of the afternoon's activities took place on the carpeted area.

The wall with the bulletin boards and the blackboard became the front of the carpeted area. Mrs. R.'s desk filled the right corner at the front. The door to the hallway was next to Mrs. R.'s desk on the side wall. A large portion of the wall adjacent to the hallway contained a bright blue storage cabinet, a row of coat hooks, and a second bright blue cabinet. Mrs. R. kept her art supplies and other curriculum materials in these cabinets. A small housekeeping play area was set up next to the cabinet. This play center was on the tiled area of the classroom. It contained a small table and two chairs and a box of old clothes. 113

o f f ic e

fc v a n 's Ro o m 114

At the corner of the hallway wall and the back wall was the bathroom. A counter which contained two sinks, a water fountain and work space was next to the bathroom. Under the counter were storage cabinets. At the end of the counter unit was a door which led to a large, walk in storage closet. This closet connected Mrs. R.'s classroom and another kindergarten classroom.

The side wall that faced the outdoors was painted with a large, bright yellow duck with an orange bill, feet, and legs on a beige back­ ground. A counter and stroage cabinets were attached to this wall.

The outdoor wall in the front of the room was covered with material and served as a huge bulletin board. Many displays and a large calendar were attached to this wall. This wall also contained a door which led outside to a small grassy area. At the front of the room, adjacent to the outdoor wall was another teacher's desk which was used by the morning kindergarten teacher.

Five child sized tables were arranged in the back half of the carpeted area. These tables had storage areas for four children. The children kept their school supplies at their assigned places at each table. Near the outside door was a bookshelf which held toys, puzzles and games. Next to this shelf was a small toy desk with a blackboard for a top surface. There was a large open area of carpet in the front of the room. A small table and chair, and a small bookshelf under the blackboard were the only furniture in this area. A sketch of this classroom is presented in Figure 3. 115

To PLfrYGKourufc

Jo 116

The First Day of School

I arrived at Ryan's home on the first day of school feeling not only rushed and nervous, but also excited and happy. I had enjoyed meeting this family yesterday, and 1 was anticipating seeing them again.

Immediately after I arrived, I set up the recording equipment in the living room. I was anxious about operating the equipment, and at first it would not work properly. After a few tries, the equipment, was operating properly, and I began to relax and observe the activity around me.

Mother, Ryan, and Billy were sitting at the kitchen table and were just finishing lunch as I arrived. Mother said, "I've got to tell you something. I think it's so funny. Ryan said he was going to stuff himself."

Researcher, "Oh because there's no snack?"

Ryan, "Yeah. I had four doughnuts."

The family finished their lunches, and Mother and Billy went upstairs leaving Ryan alone in the family room. Ryan played with a red plastic fire truck, a red hydrant, and a white ambulance. He flew the toys through the air while he hummed the theme song from the movie "Star

Wars".

Soon Mother called him from upstairs. She wanted him to come upstairs to brush his teeth. Ryan refused and continued his play. A few minutes later, Mother called again from upstairs, and this time Ryan complied. He left his toys on the couch in the family room and he walked upstairs to his bedroom. 117

Mother and Billy were waiting for him in his bedroom. As Ryan dressed for school, he played, and his Mother talked with him about his clothes and the other tasks, such as brushing his teeth, that had to be accomplished before the school bus arrived. Mother was concerned that

Ryan was dressed and ready in time to ride the bus. At one point she stated, "I'd rather you be ready early. Then we have to brush."

Ryan, who was engaged in his play responded "Doop, doop, doop

(sounds to accompany play). Mom, first I have to do this, Ok? Sh, dit, dit dat yah."

As Ryan finished dressing, Mother talked to him about school.

She told him that Billy would miss him. She also asked him to predict who would be at school today and who would be the tallest. Then the family walked to the bathroom to brush their teeth. All three brushed their teeth, and while they brushed, Mother continued to talk with Ryan about school.

Next they all went downstairs. Ryan found an identification tag that had been sent to him by the school. The tag looked like a mailing label. It had a string attached so it could be worn around the child's neck. Mother had printed the appropriate information on the tag, and

Ryan read each line. Billy took Ryan's school bag. Mother said,

"Billy's going to school."

Ryan took the bag and said, "I'm going to school."

Later Ryan asked, "Mom, will it be scary."

Mother answered, "Maybe for some kids it will."

As mother tied Ryan's shoes, she asked, "Do you know the proper behavior for the bus?" 118

Ryan answered, "Don't bother the bus driver. Bother the bus driver and may go off the road."

Mother, "Um hum."

Ryan, "I can't remember anything else. Oh, if you live on the other side ..."

Mother, "Oh yeah, that's what you are going to be doing. You are going to live on the other side."

Ryan, "I am?"

Mother, "Yeah, she's to be across — not right next to our driveway. Oh, it depends on which way she is going."

Ryan, "She's going this way all the time. I know. That's the way they dropped off Josh."

Mother, "You're right. Ok, what do you do when you get off?"

Ryan, "You look both ways."

Mother, "And you cross in front of the bus. Will she wait for you? Ok, I think that's what they do, and all the cars, the automobiles, stop too."

Ryan, "I know because there's a flashing red light."

Mother, "That's right, and if they pass they are in trouble, huh?"

Ryan, "Huh? Yeah, they are. They are in deep trouble. Woo- woo-woo (police siren)."

Mother, "Does your bus have a little stop sign that comes out?"

Ryan, "I think."

Mother, "Ok." 119

Ryan, "I don't know though."

By now Mother, Ryan, and Billy had moved to the family room.

Ryan began to look through his green satchel which was his "school bag".

Ryan stood and walked to the front door. He yelled that the bus had arrived, and Mother and Billy rushed out the front door after him. It was not the bus, but a large truck which had driven down the street.

There was a strong feeling of excitement and anticipation as the three sat on the front step waiting for the bus.

Ryan walked into the garage and emerged with a soccer ball. He kicked and chased the ball, and Mother and Billy joined the game.

Approximately ten minutes after they had come outside, Mother heard another loud vehicle and said sadly, "Oh."

Ryan, who by then was standing at the end of the driveway near

the street asked, "Is that the bus?"

Mother shook her head and said, "No."

Ryan, "Did you think noise was the bus?"

Mother, "Did at first, did you?"

Ryan, "Yeah."

Ryan began running and kicking the ball, and a neighbor child

joined in the game.

Finally Mother called, "Its your bus."

Ryan answered with little expression, "Oh, it is."

He began to walk toward the bus. Mother followed him. She said

"Have a good day at school."

Ryan answered, "Oh, ok." He began to board the bus, and 120

Mother bent and quickly kissed him. Ryan did not respond, but continued boarding.

Mother said, "Goodby."

Ryan answered, "Bye."

He did not look back at his Mother, and his face was solemn. He looked neither to the right nor the left but straight ahead as he walked to his seat. He did not speak to the other children on the bus.

When he sat down by the window, he briefly looked out to see his mother and brother, and he gave them a very slight smile. Then he stared straight in front of him. The bus pulled away from the house, and

Mother and Billy stood silently at the end of the driveway watching it depart.

I quickly packed my equipment and jumped in my car. I followed the bus to school. By the time X arrived at school, the school bus was parked in front of the building. I watched as the yellow school bus door opened. A stream of six five year old children emerged in single file from the bus. Two darted to the side of the building.

The rest followed the leader who set a brisk pace. As she drew closer to the door of the school building her pace slowed, and the kinder­ garten children's single line soon became a small bunch of children.

This bunch slowly moved toward the door, but as they reached the door, they stopped. The door was so big that they seemed unsure how to open it. Finally, Ryan emerged from the group, reached up to the door handle, and pulled. This action allowed the other children to enter the school building. I had now joined the group so I opened the inner 121 door for them. As we entered the hallway, I was struck by the quiet and emptiness of the halls and the contrast between this silence and the sounds of children's voices emanating from the cafeteria. I left the group standing bewildered in the school hallway as I signed in at the principal's office and asked directions to Mrs. R.'s kindergarten classroom.

From the principal's office I heard Mrs. R. saying, "You're here already! The bus came early." The group of kindergarten children walked toward that voice and entered their new classroom.

As I entered the classroom, I found Mrs. R. busily directing the children to their seats. I was very happy upon entering the classroom.

Mrs. R. seemed pleasant, friendly and attractive. She was gently welcoming the children and showing each one to his or her seat. Her main goal seemed to be to seat each child and to make sure everyone's school supplies were clearly marked with the child's name. There were eight children in the classroom, the teacher, and myself. The children were all quietly seated at tables, and Mrs. R. was walking about the room. I found a chair near the back of the room.

The teacher greeted Ryan and asked him his name. Then she led him to a small table and chair. His place was clearly marked with a name tag which was taped to his section of the table. Ryan sat at the table very quietly. One other boy was sitting diagonally across the table from him, but they did not talk to each other. Mrs. R was quickly checking each child’s materials and marking those that needed it.

When Mrs. R. had finished checking each child's supplies, she walked to the front of the classroom and instructed the class about one 122

of the classroom rules. She told them that the first thing they should

do when they arrived at school each morning was hang up their coats and

school bags on the coat hooks to which they had been assigned. She t. instructed them to hang their "coats in the back, bags in the front".

Three children left their seats to adjust their coats and bags, but Ryan

remained at his place and watched the teacher.

Mrs. R. then called each child's name and asked him or her to

find his or her own nametag. She had made name tags which looked like

faces. Ryan watched as a few children walked to the front of the room,

found their tags, and returned to their seats. Ryan lay his head on the

table as he waited for his name to be called. He quietly whispered to

the boy at his table, "This is boring." When the teacher called Ryan's

name, he successfully found his tag and returned to his seat.

When all children had found their name tags, Mrs. R. instructed

them in the proper way to move from their tables to the rug. She told

the children to find the paper basket on each table. Each basket was a

different color. Mrs. R. explained that she would call each table by

the color of the basket on that table. When their table was called,

those children should stand, push their chairs under the table, quietly

walk to the front of the classroom, and sit facing the teacher on the

rug. The rest of the children should sit quietly at their seats until

their table color was called. Then Mrs. R. called each table, and the

children walked to the front of the room and sat on the rug. Ryan was

at the red table. His table was the last to be called. He quietly 123 walked to the group of children in front of the room and stood at the

back edge of the group. He was the last to sit down, and he chose to

sit at the far edge of the group away from the teacher.

Next Mrs. R. led the class in singing "Good Afternoon to You".

Then she asked Ryan to count the boys. Ryan responded, "That's easy —

four!" Mrs. R. continued to take class attendance in this way. She

asked children to count the boys and the girls, and she wrote the

appropriate numbers and words on the blackboard. Then she asked the

children to identify the numerals and the letters.

Next Mrs. R. introduced a new rule. She explained to the children that when she said "eyes up here" that meant that she wanted

to tell the class something. She then asked about other classroom rules, "What is one of our rules?"

A little girl answered, "Push your chair in."

After this discussion, Mrs. R. left the room briefly without explanation. Ryan responded to her momentary absence by smiling and putting his index finger to his lips in the quiet gesture. He looked at the boy who sat at his table and at the other children. He also looked toward the classroom door.

When Mrs. R. returned, she asked Ryan to move closer to the group. He moved very slightly toward the group, but he remained on the edge apart from the other children. Mrs. R. introduced the story Will I

Have a Friend and asked the children to sit all the way down on their

"sitteroos" so each child could see the story illustrations. She explained, "That's nice manners that you care about someone else." She 124

then began to read the story. Ryan sat motionless as he listened. When

she had finished the story, a few children commented on the events of

the story. Mrs. R. did not acknowledge their comments but asked, "What

does Paul start with?" Paul was the name of the main character in the

story.

Next the teacher led the children to another wall of the room which held a large calendar. She read a sentence about the day and the

date and asked individual children, including Ryan who volunteered, to

repeat her sentence. She praised each child's efforts.

After the calendar, Mrs. R. directed the children to stand up

and spread out. Mrs. R. turned on a record of music and directions.

The teacher and the children happily moved to the instructions and music

on the record. At the end of this activity, Ryan walked toward his

table. Mrs. R. said, "Everybody come back here and sit down." So Ryan

returned to the front of the room and sat at the farthest back edge of

the group.

The next activity involved the children in writing their names

and the numbers of their school busses on slates. Mrs. R. passed out

slates, paper tissues, and chalk to each child. She instructed them to write their names and bus numbers, and she corrected and praised each

child as he or she obeyed her directions. She insisted that the

children repeat their bus numbers so they would not forget them. She

said "Say your number over and over."

Ryan quietly said, "Seventeen over and over."

When this lesson was completed, Mrs. R. asked the children to

find a partner and to form a line at the door to the hallway. Mrs. R. 125

explained that the rules were to be quiet while in the hallway and not

to run. Then Mrs. R. led the class through a tour of the school. She

identified each room and introduced the children to the school I principal, the physical education teacher, the music teacher, and the

janitor. Then they returned to the classroom and lined up to use the bathroom.

While standing in line, Ryan engaged in a brief conversation with Mrs. R. Ryan read the sign on the bathroom door, "Go."

Mrs. R., "You can read, Ryan?"

Ryan, "Uh huh."

Mrs. R., pointing to the sign, "Great, OK. This says go. What

does this say?" Mrs. R. turned the sign over.

Ryan, "Stop."

Mrs. R., "OK."

Then she addressed the whole group, "Now, Tonja is going to be

first, and she is going to go into the bathroom. And it is all right to

go because it says go, but when she is in there she wants it to say

stop. So come on up here. Turn the sign over 'cause you don't want

anybody to go in while you're in there. When you come back out, you

change the sign. Let’s turn it over. When you go to the bathroom, boys

and girls, it's a rule that we have to wash our hands when you finish

going. So when you come out here, you go down to that one and wash your

hands and use paper towels. That's important, OK?"

The children listened quietly. They stayed in line and waited

for their turns to use the bathroom. Each child turned the sign over 126 when he or she entered the bathroom and again upon leaving. Mrs. R. coached the children about washing their hands.

As the children finished washing their hands, they walked to the front of the classroom and sat on the rug. When all the children had joined the group on the rug, Mrs. R. introduced worksheets. She said that these papers were called "dittos" because they were all the same.

She explained how to properly complete the dittos and then told the children that this was "seat work." The children were told to work on the papers at their tables and not to talk during "seat work." When she had finished instructing the children, Mrs. R. stood, and the children stood and walked quietly to their seats.

Ryan walked to his seat without talking. He sat down, brought his box of school supplies out of the storage area which was under his table, and began to work. During seat work, Ryan was quiet and indus­ trious. He did not talk nor look around the room. None of the children made a sound during seat work.

Mrs. R. circulated among the children. She gently touched each one and whispered praise. Then she began to take some alphabet cards down from above the blackboard.

Ryan soon finished his ditto work. He put his supplies away, and selected a book from the classroom library. Mrs. R. had just finished saying, "When you have completely finished with your work, you may go to the table and take a book and bring it back to your table and look at it, when you are all finished with your work." Ryan finished the first book, returned it, and selected another one. Instead of 127 returning directly to his seat, Ryan walked to the back of the room and looked at the other children as he passed their tables. He paused momentarily and leaned on an empty table in the back of the room. Then he returned to his seat.

Shortly after this, Mrs. R. instructed the class to line up at the hallway door for recess. Ryan was first in line. Mrs. R. walked to the front of the line and praised the class for their good behavior. As she spoke to the class, she gently stroked Ryan's hair.

The children quietly followed Mrs. R. through the halls of the school to the main playground. Many other classes of children were also playing on the playground. Ryan spent recess time running and chasing the other little boy who sat at his table. When he noticed Mrs. R. standing by the building waving the children into line, he ran to his line with the other children. All the children on the playground ran to the building and formed lines at the same time. Mrs. R. was responsible for getting all the children to form lines. Ryan frowned and put his fingers in his ears as he stood in line and watched the other children.

Some of Ryan's classmates had difficulty finding the proper line. Once

Mrs. R. had quieted all the children, she opened the school doors and led her class back to their room. After they entered the room, the children sat in a semi-circle on the rug. Ryan sat behind the semi­ circle with the boy who shared his table.

Once everyone was settled, Mrs. R. began instruction, "OK. Now let me tell you what I'd like for you to do now. This is called 'work choice' time that we are going to have. When we have work choice, we 128 choose what we want to do — what we want to work with. Whether we want to get a piece of paper and crayon or just draw. Or we can come up here

(pointing to the table near the blackboard), and there are some shapes up here — squares, circles, triangles. We could copy those on a paper.

You can go back there (pointing to the back of the room near the bath­ room) to the toys and work with something you'd like to there."

A few children got up to choose. Mrs. R. cautioned, "Wait a minute. I haven't exucsed you yet. Just a minute, please." Mrs. R. regained the children's attention. She answered a few questions from the children, and then she said, "OK. The only thing is you have to put it all back where you took it out so remember where you got it from.

OK. You can go find something to play with."

Ryan decided to color first. He slowly wandered to the art cabinet and waited for Mrs. R. to give him some paper. He returned to his table, brought out his school supplies, and began to draw. Occa­ sionally he watched the play of two girls in the nearby housekeeping area. When he had finished his drawing, he folded his paper and put it in his school bag.

The teacher directed him to a shelf full of toys and games. A boy and a girl were playing at a toy desk with a slate top. Ryan watched them and then picked up and replaced the pieces of a seriation puzzle. Again he watched the boy and girl playing at the desk. The boy handed an eraser to Ryan and invited him to play. The three played with the slate, chalk, and eraser until Mrs. R. switched off and on the lights. She instructed the children to "clean up" and return to their seats. 129

When all the children were seated at their tables, Mrs. R. told them to lay their heads on their tables and think about the things they had done all afternoon. She told them to put their chairs on top of their tables and to lie on the rug at the front of the room when she tapped their heads. She called this time of day "rest" time.

When all the children were lying quietly on the rug, Mrs. R. checked her desk and prepared the room for dismissal. She called each child's name. When their names were called the children quietly walked to the coat hooks, found their school bags and jackets and lined up by the outside door. Ryan lay on the rug until he was called. Then he got his bag and joined the others in line.

When all the children were in line, Mrs. Carr took a photograph of them and told them that she could not wait until tomorrow. Then she led her class through the outside door to the front of the building.

There, all the school busses were waiting. All the children in the school were dismissed at the same time so Mrs. R. led her class to each bus and helped the children get in the correct line. Ryan waited quietly in line for Bus 17. When he boarded the bus, I packed my equipment and drove to his house.

I arrived at Ryan's house before the school bus did. Mother and

Billy were waiting in front of the house. They had been waiting for the school bus for approximately thirty minutes. Mother said that every bus was a cause for excitement. When the school bus arrived, Mother went to the end of the driveway to meet it. As Ryan emerged, she greeted him.

Ryan stopped on the driveway, and Mother kneeled down to talk with him. 130

Mother said, "Hi."

Ryan answered, "Hi, Mom."

Mother, "Hello, hello. Is this yours here?"

Ryan, "School wasn't very fun coming back. They were all yelling and everything."

Mother asked, "Yelling? Who was yelling?"

Ryan clarified, "Some kids."

Mother asked, "Well was Pat on your bus or T.J.?"

Ryan answered, "Yeah. Pat, T.J., Amy, and Annettee, Pam, and

Jennifer."

Mother said, "Oh, really."

Ryan, "Uh huh."

Mother, "So everybody was on your bus."

Ryan, "That's all. Huh."

Mother asked, "What did you think of your first day."

Ryan, "Hm, good."

Mother, "Huh?"

Ryan repeated, "Not bad."

Ryan and his mother stayed on the driveway and talked about school. Mother was full of questions. In response to her questions

Ryan told her that he was busy all afternoon, that he liked his teacher, and that he made one new friend. Ryan also showed his mother his nametag and the papers he had completed at school. Ryan told his mother that he did not like riding the bus because the children were wild and did not mind the bus driver. The bus driver yelled too much, but he also told her that he liked school. 131

When Mother and Ryan had talked about all his papers, they went

into the kitchen. Mother had made some cookies. Ryan said that he was

starved because there was nothing to eat at school. Mother gave him a

cookie which he ate. Then he was off to play.

Ryan left his house to play with his friends in the neighbor­ hood. He went to his friend’s house. Then he and his friend returned

to Ryan’s garage to get the soccer ball. They ran in the house for more

cookies, and then they ran out again. Ryan and two neighbor children

played in the grassy yards behind his house for well over an hour.

Later his mother told me that he played outside until he was called for dinner. After dinner he played outside until his bedtime.

Ryan was introduced to a new environment, new people, new rules,

and new words during his first day of school. He experienced many activities independently of his mother. He managed to adjust to all

these new experiences without making many mistakes, and he even managed

to enjoy himself.

On this day Ryan moved from home where he was familiar with the

setting to school where everything was new. At home Ryan interacted

freely with his mother and brother who were also very familiar to him.

Through years of interaction at home, Ryan knew what the rules were. He understood these rules implicitly. He did not need explicit teaching.

At home Ryan engaged in play and familiar activities, such as lunch and getting dressed. He initiated much of his own activity and expressed himself freely.

The conditions were very different at school. The physical environment was totally unfamiliar to him, as were his teacher and many 132 of his classmates. Much of the time in school was spent on consciously learning several specific routines for proper behavior in the classroom.

Mrs. R. spent a great deal of time explicitly teaching rules for behavior and introducing new vocabulary words to the children. Mrs. R. mentioned to me that she may seem strict at the beginning of the year, but she believed that if she kept the children "in line" from the first day of school, the school year progressed more smoothly.

Ryan spent most of his time at school observing the teacher and engaging in group activity without interacting with other children. He only engaged in joint activity with other children during recess and work choice. At home all of his activity involved interaction with someone else. Ryan spent his first day of school observing all the activity in the classroom and responding to the teacher. He separated himself from the group of children, and whenever possible he kept other children between himself and the teacher. Ryan volunteered very little of himself at school.

Controlling his behavior according to new rules and new conditions may have been difficult for Ryan. As soon as he came home from school, he spent most of his time in outdoor play with neighborhood friends. In his play, Ryan could be in control of his own behavior and away from the supervision of adults. He played outdoors until time for him to sleep.

School entry exposed Ryan to new activities, new relationships, new roles, and new forms of language. These components of the home and school context will be specifically discussed in the remainder of this chapter. 133

Context Analysis

Bronfenbrenner (1979) has Identified molar activity, relations,

and roles as important components of any physical and social setting.

The description of the first day of school just presented indicates

that these components differed from home to school. In order to understand the areas of similarity and difference between home and

school, it is necessary to describe the nature of the molar activities,

relations, and roles in both settings. These descriptions for both home

and school during the first month of the school year are presented below.

Molar Activity

Home

Throughout the observations at home the following activities

occurred in every observation: play, lunch, getting ready for school, waiting for the bus, separation, reunion, and transition. These

activities are classified as obligatory activities because they

occurred in each observation and are essential to the understanding of *

the home context.

Play. Play activity occurred in both before and after school

observations. Play activity was identified as any activity which

involved the child's imagination and/or physical activity for the

purpose of providing enjoyment and fulfilling the child's personal

goals. At home Ryan engaged in solitary imaginative play with toys,

cooperative lmaginitive play, and cooperative physical play. Play 134 activity was not initiated by Mother, but stemmed from Ryan's own purposes. Play activity also occurred as a part of larger units of on-going behavior such as getting ready for school or waiting for the bus, but this type of play activity was not included in this category because it usually occurred during some other goal oriented activity.

Play activity made up a bulk of all the after school activity at home and usually occurred outdoors, in the family room, or in Ryan's bedroom.

Lunch. Lunch occurred in almost every observation before school. Lunch always took place at the kitchen table. Lunch always involved Ryan, but it could also include Mother, Billy, and Ryan's neighborhood friends. The purpose of lunch was to provide nourishment, but lunch usually stimulated much language interaction as well. Lunch was always initiated by Mother.

Getting Ready for School. Getting ready for school involved a complex series of smaller activities, but the goal of all these activities was to prepare Ryan to participate appropriately at school.

Getting ready for school involved changing from play clothes to school clothes, brushing teeth and hair, washing face and hands, and equipping the school bag with necessary materials such as an occasional apple for the teacher, organizational dues, or toys for show and tell or recess.

Mother always initiated getting ready for school activity. Mother was most directive of Ryan's behavior while getting him ready for school.

This activity occurred most often in Ryan's bedroom and the upstairs bathroom, but sometimes part of the activity took place in the family room and the downstairs bathroom. 135

Waiting for the Bus. Waiting for the bus also included a

series of smaller activities which varied considerably across

observations. These activities consisted of sitting on the front step,

playing, conversing, and standing by the street. These activities all

shared the same goal of allowing Ryan to see the bus and board it on

time. Waiting for the bus was usually initiated by Mother, but the

nature of the activity was most often a result of Ryan’s decision.

Waiting for the bus occurred in front of the house if the weather

permitted or in the garage if it were raining. Waiting for the bus

always included Mother and Ryan and sometimes included Billy and neighborhood friends.

Separation. Separation included any conversation or physical

contact which occurred at the point of departure. The goal of this

activity was to allow Mother and Ryan to take leave of one another.

Mother and Ryan were primarily involved in separation, although Billy occasionally participated also. Separation activity always occurred at

the end of Ryan's driveway. This activity was precipitated by the arrival of the school bus and was always initiated by Mother. Usually

Mother said goodbye to Ryan and bent to kiss him. Ryan would perfunc­

torily answer goodbye and accept Mother's kiss without responding.

This activity was characterized by a ceassation of physical and language

interaction by Ryan. In one of her journal entries, Ryan's mother described his behavior during separation as "all business."

Reunion. The first activity after Ryan arrived home from school was always reunion. The purpose of reunion activity was to establish 136 interaction between Mother and Ryan. This activity always occurred in front of his house. It was precipitated by the arrival of the school bus and was initiated by Mother. Mother initiated the activity by greeting Ryan and asking him about school. Ryan would respond and

sustain this language interaction by providing additional information.

This activity almost always included Ryan showing Mother the papers he brought home from school in his school bag. Mother praised Ryan's work and asked for explanation. Ryan would tell about each paper, the

teacher's reaction to his work, and other children's behavior at school.

This ritual of discussing each paper occurred before any other activity was begun. It became a very important activity for both Mother and

Ryan.

Transition. Transition activity was identified as any activity that served the purpose of moving people physically from one location to another, such as Mother calling Ryan to come upstairs and Ryan's movement, or of moving thought and conversation from one topic to another, such as the teacher's introduction to a lesson, or both.

Transition activities were most often initiated by Mother, but Ryan often initiated transitions to play activity. Transition activity occurred before and after school.

The activities just described occurred in every observation at home and involved Ryan in joint activity with people who were very familiar to him. Other activities also occurred at home, but not consistently. These activities are classified as optional activity.

Optional activity occurred most often after school. 137

Snack. Snack occurred after school in four out of six of the

observations. If Ryan were going outside to play, snack always occurred between reunion and play. If Ryan were staying inside to watch

television, snack occurred as Ryan was watching television. The purpose of snack was to satisfy Ryan's appetite. Snack was either a

solitary or parallel activity. If Ryan had snack with Billy or a

friend, there was little interaction. Snack took place at the dining

table or in the family room.

Watching Television. Watching television occurred in two out

of the six observations made after school. Television watching was

restricted to one hour by Mother. This hour of television watching

occurred after reunion and replaced outdoor play. Watching television

included Ryan, Billy, friends, and sometimes Mother. Television watching was most often a parallel activity. Ryan watched television while

others were also watching, but very little interaction occurred.

Reading a Magazine. In one observation Mother and Ryan were

jointly involved in reading an Electric Company Magazine. This activity

included much language interaction between Mother and Ryan. It occurred

in the family room while Billy was watching television.

Ryan was involved in eight regularly occurring molar activities

at home before and after school. These activities were play, lunch,

getting ready for school, waiting for the bus, separation, reunion, and

transition. These activities all involved Ryan in joint interaction with other people. After school, Ryan occasionally participated in

snack, watching television, and reading a magazine. Of these 138 activities, only reading a magazine involved joint interaction. Snack and watching television were solitary or parallel activities.

Ryan most often initiated snack, play, and watching television activity. Mother initiated lunch, getting ready for school, separation reunion, and reading a magazine. Both Mother and Ryan initiated waiting fox the bus.

Ryan's activities at home were dominated by play and joint activity. Before school the activities occurred consistently across observations. After school there was slightly more variation in activities and the nature of the interaction which occurred during the activities. For the most part Ryan's activities at home were stable and predictable across observations.

School

There were many more activities at school than at home. These activities were categorized as obligatory if they appeared in every observation or optional if they appeared only occasionally. There were eleven obligatory activities at school. They were arrival, instruction,

attendance, calendar, story, song, bathroom, office, dismissal, bus, and

transition. Transition, instruction, and song activity occurred several

times in each observation.

Arrival. Arrival activity occurred immediately after the

children entered the classroom. The purpose of this activity was to

insure that each child was quiet and occupied as the other children

arrived. Arrival activity included the children hanging up their coats 139 and bags, selecting a book from the classroom library, and quietly looking at the book at their tables. This activity was classified as parallel activity because each child was engaged in similar activity without interacting with anyone else.

Instruction. Instruction almost always occurred when the children were seated on the rug at the front of the classroom.

Instruction involved the teacher providing information or directions for some task. The topics for instruction included counting, reading, spelling, writing, and French. The children watched the teacher, listened to her instructions, and occasionally answered a question.

This activity was categorized as observational because the primary occupation of the children was to observe the teacher.

Song. The activity of singing occurred at various times across the observation. The goal of song activity was to provide opportunities for children to learn new songs and to practice following a melody.

This activity was also classified as parallel activity because no interaction occurred among the participants, although each child was involved in singing.

Attendance. Attendance activity was intended to allow the children and the teacher to know each child's name and to be aware of who was present in class that day. Attendance took many forms, but it always served the same goal.

Office. Office activity served the purpose of notifying the school secretary of classroom attendance. On the first day of school

the teacher carried the attendance report to the school office, but 140

after that she gave this responsibility to the children. This activity was classified as solitary or joint activity.

Calendar. Calendar activity was designed to acquaint children with the time structure of a monthly calendar, to introduce the spelling

for the days of the week and the names of the months, to introduce the

children to the sequence of numerals of one to thrity-one, and to give

children practice in reciting the day and date by speaking in a complete sentence. This activity always occurred in front of the calendar which was attached to a wall in the front of the room. Calendar activity was

categorized as observational.

Story. Story activity consisted of the teacher reading aloud a selected book or poem for children. The purpose of this activity was to acquaint children with a variety of literature. This activity was always observational.

Bathroom. Bathroom activity involved all children in forming a line, using the bathroom, and washing their hands. This activity occurred in the back of the classroom at the sink and in the bathroom.

This activity was primarily parallel because little interaction occurred among the children.

Dismissal. Dismissal was always the next to the last activity of the day. The purpose of this activity was to allow the children to exit the building in a peaceful and safe manner. This activity always occurred at the classroom door which led outside, and it involved the children forming a line and Mrs. R. wishing them goodbye. This was also parallel activity. Interaction among children was discouraged during dismissal. 141

Finding the Bus. This activity was the final activity of the school day. Mrs. R. would lead her line of children to the front of the school building. Then she would group them according to the number of the bus they rode home and direct each group to the appropriate bus.

The purpose of this activity was to ensure that each child would arrive safely home. This was also classified as parallel activity because each child participated in the activity, but it was not designed to encourage interaction.

Optional Activities. Many other activities occurred at various times in the school day and in different observations. Main Helper was an activity that occurred in five of the observations. In this activity a child was allowed to be the class leader for the day. Movement activity also occurred in five of the classroom observations. This activity involved the children and the teacher in moving to recorded music. Recess also occurred in five of the six observations. During recess children engaged in active, outdoor play on the playground. Rest was an activity that occurred in five observations. It always occurred immediately before dismissal. Children would rest their heads at their tables or lie quietly on the rug.

Many other activities also took place in school. The children watched movies once and television programs twice. They participated in physical education lessons during two observations. They said the

Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag and sang patriotic songs in four observations, and they followed the teacher in finger plays in three of them. In two of the classroom observations, the children were allowed to play with toys and games in the classroom and to interact 142 with one another. This activity was called work choice, and it was always followed by clean up. The children also had a fire drill, an all school assembly, and a painting activity.

Summary

There were major differences between the activities at home and at school. The mean number of activities during two hours of obser­ vation at home was twelve. The mean number of activities during two and one half hours of observation at school was thirty-three. At home most activities involved joint interaction among Ryan and one or two other people. Only during snack and television activity was there little or no interaction. There were no observational activities in any of the home observations. At school, most of the activities were parallel.

They involved Ryan in activity that was similar to the activity of other children in the group, but they allowed little or no interaction with others. The next most frequently occurring type of activity was observational. Very few (10) joint activities occurred in the classroom.

The nature and frequency of occurrence of activities at home and at school differed greatly. At home there were fewer activities which lasted longer and occurred predictably across observations. They also encouraged interaction between Ryan and others. At school there were many more activities irtiich were of shorter duration and of a much greater variety. There were a core group of activities which occurred predictably across observations, but these activities were supplemented 143 by others which took place sporadically across the observations. The molar activities at school encouraged observation or parallel action and discouraged social interaction. A child beginning formal schooling would have to be able to adjust to a wider range of activity occurring at school than at home and a less predictable sequence of activity.

An example of the researcher's field notes and a page of notes coded for molar activity are presented in Appendixes C and D.

Relations

The nature of the relationships in which Ryan engaged at home and at school also differed. At home Ryan interacted with his mother in a primary dyad. This type of relationship is an intimate one which is characterized by strong affect. He was also involved in a triadic relationship with his mother and his brother. Most of Ryan's play activity occurred with his fried Sam. The largest number of people with whom Ryan interacted was three. He was involved with his mother and two playmates at lunch in one observation, and his entire family consisted of Ryan, Billy, Mother and Father. Ryan's relationships at home involved one or two other people with whom he had developed strong emotional ties.

At school Ryan first experienced an unfamiliar adult and seven other children. On the second day of school the rest of the class was also present, so Ryan became one member of a group of fourteen children.

One neighborhood playmate was in Ryan's class, and when given an opportunity he sought him out. The structure of the kindergarten 144 program did not encourage the development of primary, dyadic relation­ ships. It supported parallel action by members of a group of fourteen children and one adult. Ryan had to learn to function as one member of a group with whom he had no close emotional ties.

Roles

Differences in activities and relations at home and at school may determine the role the child assumed in each setting. At home Ryan behaved as an active, contributing member of the family. He initiated activities and conversations, and he participated equally with other members of the family in play and personal responsibility. He also was directed by his mother and expected to obey the limits she set.

At school Ryan became a member of a large group of children. He was expected to accept the leadership of the teacher and to participate in activities which she initiated. He was expected to obey the instructions of the teacher and to follow the procedures for appropriate behavior which she established.

The change in role as Ryan entered school can be summarized as a change from active to passive and from relatively independent to dependent. Ryan had to inhibit much of the behavior he exhibited at home. However, the unfamiliarity of the school context seemed to make

Ryan more cautious and hesitant. 145

Adjustment Strategies

As Ryan entered school, he was faced with new activities, more formal and Impersonal relationships, and a role as a member of a group.

These changes in context required that Ryan modify his behavior to adapt to the kindergarten setting. Ryan employed several strategies to help him adjust to the classrooom.

On the first day of school, Ryan was very quiet and withdrawn.

He kept himself apart from the group of children and the teacher. He seemed to want physical distance from the teacher especially. He positioned himself on the rug so that the other children were between the teacher and himself. From this vantage point, Ryan watched other children interact with the teacher. He did not volunteer to answer questions, but when he was asked to participate he did. Ryan also listened carefully to the teacher's directions and followed them closely. He seemed very serious about his work and behavior, and he did not take any risks.

As time passed Ryan gradually moved into the center of the group of children. After one month of school Ryan was in the very front of the group of children and directly in front of the teacher when the children sat on the rug for instruction.

Ryan also gradually showed more initiative by volunterring to answer questions and by commenting on the ongoing activity of the classroom. He gradually initiated more contact with other children too.

Although opportunities for interaction occurred most often during recess and work choice, Ryan gradually became involved with a large number of 146 children. At first Ryan engaged in solitary activity when he had a choice and watched the activity of other children. On the playground

Ryan first sought the company of his table companion or the little boy from his neighborhood. Soon Ryan was interacting with more children and taking a leadership role in play activity.

Ryan's strategies for adjustment seemed to be first to separate himself from the teacher and the children and to observe their behaviors.

Next he seemed to deliberately try to please the teacher by following directions, doing good work, and obeying her requests. As he spent more time in the classroom he began to volunteer answers and comments and to move physically into and eventually in front of the group of children.

By the end of the first month of school Ryan was actively involved in classroom activity and exerting leadership in play.

Perceptions of Ryan's Adjustment

Through interviews with Ryan's parents and his teacher per­ ceptions of Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten were obtained. Many topics were discussed during these interviews, but for the purpose of this report only those comments which directly pertained to Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten will be presented here.

Mother's Perceptions

Mother was very pleased with the way Ryan adjusted to school.

She spoke of his school work, her feelings as Ryan started school, and changes in Ryan's behavior and family routine since school started.

Excerpts from this interview are presented below. 147

Adjustment to School

Researcher: I was going to ask you how you think he is doing in school?

Mother: I thought he would do all right. It's always nice to hear from the teacher. Because I think he is a real good boy playing around in the neighborhood, but then every once in a while — he's not so good after all. But I think he'll do all right. Oh yesterday he was really proud. I guess it was yesterday or the day before the teacher said to Amanda — they were doing first grade work. That's why he put those letters up there. The letter A -of course his B's were, I would say, kindergarten work. But it made me feel really good. I think he felt good too.

Researcher: I think he really wants to please her in an appropriate sort of way. When she remarks on his work he smiles really neat, and you can tell that means a lot to him. He doesn't say too much, but you can see he starts to beam when she comments on what he does.

Mother: Remember the initial adjustment to school? Remember when he would come home and just kind of throw his papers down and be off? Now — I don't know maybe its the weather — no, even on nice days he'll come in now, and he sits down -- it might be in the garage — but he'll sit down with me and explain to me everything he had to do. He's done that the last few days.

Researcher: Really? So he's showing more of an interest in the work.

Mother: Yes, yes. He explains to me like this is the first time for me, and he tries to explain exactly what is going on.

Researcher: Oh yeah.

Mother: One night he told me too that he liked bringing home his papers. He liked that about school.

Researcher: It's nice that he tells you about them. It's that you are getting more out of it — just if you look at the papers yourself, it's hard to figure out what some of them are all about.

Mother: When I did that a few days, I just felt real funny about it — looking at the papers. It didn't mean that much. When he would sit down with me, it made me feel really good. 148

Feelings of Separation

Researcher: How did you feel on his first day of school?

Mother: Oh. I wasn't too upset. I thought I would be more upset. I think I was really not upset, but I felt a little bit more of a breaking away point when Brady cried that one day. I think it was the second day when he really cried when he saw Ryan go to school. I thought yeah, it is kind of sad, but it is nice too because he needs it. He needs to get out and be with other children.

Researcher: You mentioned that you did feel a little bit of sadness when Brady started crying. What were the things that you were feeling sad about? I can't really phrase it much better than that.

Becky: One of the things I might feel sad about is if someone should hurt him at school, physically and emotionally. He can't turn right around and run home and get it off his chest and go right back out. It is something that he has to handle on his own.

Changes in Routine

Researcher: How has your routine changed?

Mother: Well, I'm more conscious of time, boy I am, because I don't want him missing that bus, and I know he is too because I want him that way. I want him to worry about missing the bus and being there on time. Just the fact that if we go somewhere in the morning, we have to be back in plenty of time to get ready to go. I worry a little more about his appearance — I think you should look nice for school. Routine — bedtime — I try to get him in. I'm not quite so relaxed about it. I like to have him in between 8:30 and 9 definitely. But I think that's more for Father's and my benefit, so we have a nice evening alone, but also because he needs to stay healthy, because a lot more germs now, but nothing too drastic.

Researcher: But just enough to make him aware that something new is happening.

Mother: Oh yes.

Researcher: I rember once you mentioned that — something about you used to be able to do things in the afternoon before Ryan was in school, and now you feel like you are more tied down -by a certain time you should be here when he gets home. 149

Mother: Oh yeah. When he went to preschool — that’s because we were closer too — because of the distance involved. Billy and I would shop around for two and a half hours, and then we would go and pick him up, but now since he’s taking a bus there's no reason for us to go out especially since it is Billy's nap time. Yeah. Its a little more confining. I have time to myself, but yet I don't get out as much. If I go in the morning, I have to drag both kids along, and then we have to get back.

Researcher: Yeah. So you can't really relax. Also what about your laundry? He seems to be as changing clothes a lot.

Mother: Yes. Its not so bad now because he doesn't stay outside a lot, but when the weather was hot and he was going to school, I wouldn't let him wear his school outfit. There is more laundry. Also I worry about — making sure that he has enough clothes on because he’ll be going out on the playground. Make sure he has a jacket. Make sure he has a name tag for his clothing. Everything should be marked.

Changes in Ryan's Behavior

Mother: Ryan now all he wants to do is do things with papers, pencils and magic markers, and Billy is following suit.

Ellen: This has really been just since school.

Mother: Oh yes. Ryan could have cared less about drawing and writing things. This is all directly from school. He wants to know how to spell things — you write it down. For the lemonade stand he's got all these signs, and they were going to have rides with their lemonade stand and everything in the garage. He does all this preparation, and they make pages and pages of signs but when he comes to playing, he really doesn't play it that much. I think the preparation is really what is important for him. One day Mrs. R gave him some extra papers, dittos, to bring home. He thought that was fantastic, and then he rounded up the kids in the neighborhood and wanted to play school. He wanted to be the teacher. He calls from the garage — o.k. school. He likes to assume that leadership position. That comes from school.

Mother: She must be using good words with them too because, Ryan, one day he said my teacher told me oh when he got a star and a smile on a paper that it was "magnificent." And I think children remember words like that more than they would "fine" or "good". 150

Researcher: That's good. That's true — magnificent — that's neat.

Mother: Every once in a while he will come out with a word that's strange.

Impressions of School

Researcher: What do you think about school in general?

Mother: Well I was glad that they had the open house. I've been pretty impressed with it, I guess. I think the crucial — the crucial test at the beginning is for adjustment -making sure the child is happy and comfortable. I think later on I'll be looking at it more critically for the type of work he is bringing home and if they are really increasing his knowledge and developing his intelligence too. That to me is important.

Researcher: What about Father? What does he think about all of this — about the school and the teacher?

Mother: He thinks everything is going quite smoothly and he's making — at first he didn't make — I'm talking about looking at the papers because Ryan was always out of the house. Even with me he didn't care that much. Ryan didn't care about the papers, but now at dinner time Father will ask him about the papers, and he'll show him, and they’ll make a big thing about it. He didn't think Ryan would have any problems at all. He hasn't said too much. He thinks everything is going smoothly.

Father's Perceptions

In father's interview, he expressed interest in the changes he had seen in Ryan's behavior since school started. He was also very pleased with the school program. These comments from his interview are presented below.

Father: I think its great what they're doing in school. I think they're really good drills.

Researcher: Yeah. 151

Father: O.K. so when he came home — I've never seen him want to draw like this — I mean he never liked to draw, and now he's become a fanatic. I mean he loves it, and it had to be school. I mean he now will go to Erica's and sit and just draw and get irritated with her because she scribbled a little bit on his. Now earlier he would have been the one scribbling you know.

Researcher: Yeah.

Father: I wouldn't say so much he'd be the one scribbling, but he wouldn't care if he stayed within the lines, or he wouldn't care to even sit there and do it for five minutes so they're doing something right. He's real good.

Researcher: Good.

Father: So that has to do with his age too, but he also apparently has been influenced in the extent that he's really stimulated and really excited about it so she must be doing a good job. That and his age.

Researcher: Yeah.

Father: So I'm really, really pleased. That's why I guess I kind of scoff a little bit when I think of the parents getting too much involved because its a little too much this way or a little bit too much that way. Because if the kid's really enthusiastic what do you care as long as he's learning, and who's to say its too academic or not academic enough, you know. \

Researcher: urn hum.

Father: No, I'm really pleased.

Teacher's Perceptions

When I asked Mrs. R about her perceptions of Ryan's adjustment she w&s very positive. She felt that Ryan had made a beautiful adjustment to school. Excerpts from Mrs. R's interview are presented below.

Mrs. R: I don't see where Ryan has any problems. I think he would adjust in any teacher's class. Any teacher would love Ryan. Every teacher should have a Ryan — they desreve a Ryan. 152

Ellen: That was great that you feel that way about Ryan. Mrs. R: I think Ryan — he just can do everything, and he has such a good nice manner about him. He's not quiet, and he's not boisterous — he's just right. I think he does everything just right. Researcher: You said that Ryan could just do everything. He just was right there. Could you try to be a little more specific about what things he does — that he is sensitive to — that make him a model student — a pleasure to have around? Mrs. R: He sits on the rug with the other children and he listens to the directions, not fidgeting or bothering his neighbor, picking at their clothes or talking to them. He follows the directions. He goes back to his seat. He doesn't say what do we do now. He has paid attention so that he is able to carry out what has been directed to him. That's the big thing in school — you've got to be a good listener. Ryan is an excellent listener. He doesn't have any problems because he does listen. And then he follows through. You know about not going to the bathroom — he might have been one child who said you don't have to ask Mrs. R told her to go ahead and go. He knows the rules, and he observes them. He is pleasant. I have not seen him cry at all. I've not seen him be upset — like there have been times — I've been running a little late, and I don't like it, and I've got to backtrack again. We have so many things to do, as you saw, that I work up to the very last minute. It happens to be 3:28, and I say o.k. we'll get our coats now. I should have said it at 3:20 so that I can be sure that everybody has their bag, everybody is tied and buttoned, and we say goodbye nicely. I shake hands. We sing our song. I do that so faithfully and so carefully in the beginning of the year that now they are missing it. Aren't we going to sing our song today? But I am trying to get everything in, and I say to myself, that will have to wait until tomorrow. It doesn't really matter if they don't have this particular paper done today. But I'm trying too hard in that regard, and some children will get frustrated with this. Not Ryan. Ryan is able to cope with the rush, rush, hurry deal. Children it is 3:28. We had better move fast. They get about two minutes rest in and I do that only because that main helper absolutely loves to be able to choose the children, and her first question when she comes in is "are we going to have rest today?" because she likes to be able to pick the children. So I worked that in. Its a rush rest period so its really not rest. He isn't frustrated by all this. He handles the situation where it is quiet; he handles the situation where it is noisy. He handles the situation where it is busy. He can listen to a story. He can chime in with the others on a record. He is just one of those children. That's why I say he does it all. Now if he is inwardly frustrated I'm not seeing it. 153

Father, Mother, and Mrs. R. were all very pleased with the way

Ryan had adjusted to kindergarten. Their comments, however, reflected their different perspectives. Mother described changes in Ryan’s behavior at home which she related to school. She also described ways her life had been influenced by Ryan's entry into kindergarten. Father was very aware of new interests that Ryan has developed as a result of school. He interpreted Ryan's new interests as a reflection of his enthusiasm for school. Mrs. R. also thought that Ryan has made a good adjustment to kindergarten, but her emphasis was on Ryan's abilities to adapt to the demands of the school program. Although each agreed that Ryan had made a successful adjustment to school, each person described different behaviors which reflected a unique perspective on the process of school entry. An example page from Mother's and

Mrs. R.'s interview is presented in Appendixes G and H.

Ryan's Perceptions of Kindergarten

Although the researcher did not interview Ryan about school adjustment. His mother kept a journal in which she noted Ryan's comments about school. Sample pages from this journal are presented in

Appendix I. After the first day of school Ryan announced that Mrs. R. was "a great teacher." Mother noted that he was proud of the papers he brought home and that he loved the smile stamp that Mrs. R. put on them.

She also noted that he did not like the bus ride home.

Mother noted that the next morning Ryan said that he was looking forward to going to school. When he arrived home he even said the bus 154

ride was shorter. One day Ryan told his mother that he liked

kindergarten. As Mother looked at his papers and commented on his

letters, Ryan remarked, "Yes, I'm learning."

The entries in Mother's journal reflected the comments of a

young boy who was successfully making the transition from home to

school. He looked forward to going to school, praised his teacher, took pride in his work, and enjoyed sharing his experiences with his parents.

His adjustment strategies seemed to be serving him well.

Links

These descriptions of the home and school contexts indicate

that there were important differences between these two settings. Ryan had to adjust his behavior to accommodate changes in the activities, roles, and relations in which he was involved. The ease with which

Ryan was able to make the transition from home to school might have been related to the number and nature of links between the two settings.

Ryan, himself, constituted a basic link between home and school.

Through Ryan, Mother and Father gained knowledge of the school.

Occasionally the teacher learned about the home setting by talking with

Ryan.

Another important link was Ryan's school work. Discussing

Ryan's papers became an important part of Ryan's home activities after school. Both Mother and Father mentioned their interest in the work he brought home from school. Samples of his school work are contained

in Appendix K. 155

Letters and messages also linked the two settings. These

letters came from the school to the home. Some arrived before school

started. Mrs. R. sent Ryan a note during the summer. The school also

sent letters informing parents about the school philosophy, the child’s

class assignment, fund raising drives, and school wide activities.

Mrs. R. sent notes home informing parents of the child’s accomplish­ ments in school. Samples of these messages are presented in Appendix J.

Knowledge that the parents learned about the school from other

parents and children also linked the two settings. Mother mentioned

that some other parents had expressed their opinions about the

principal, the academic program and the teachers. The nature of this

information could influence parents* attitudes.

Other people also linked the home and school. When mother and

father went to the school's open house, they gained information about

school and linked the settings. The researcher was present in both

settings so she also became a link.

Generally the links between home and school came from the school

to the home. With the exception of the parents' involvement in open

house and the researcher's presence, there were few links from the home

to the school during the first month of the school year. Consequently,

the family had more information about school than the school had about

the family. In this case most of the links between home and school

were positive. They supported Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten.

The home and school settings were very different from one

another even though this family did not have to contend with racial, 156 cultural, or social class differences between the two settings. Ryan had Important adjustments to make as he moved from home to school. The nature of the roles, relations, activities, and links that existed in both settings greatly influenced his behavior. Ryan developed adjustment strategies which helped him adapt to the kindergarten classroom. Comments made by Ryan, Mother, Father, and Mrs. R led to the conclusion that Ryan had successfully adjusted to kindergarten.

Language Analysis

Observations of Ryan's behavior at home and school and interviews with important adults in Ryan's life have demonstrated the important influence of context on his school adjustment. However, an important part of both contexts is the language used in them.

Examination of the changes in the forms of language and the patterns of language interaction at home and at school may provide additional information about school adjustment.

Forms of Language

Language at home was characterized by shorter sentences, and the use of singular pronouns, references to objects in the immediate environment and to personal experiences. An example of this type of

language is presented below. 157

Example 1: Mother: "I want to show you this. I'm going to put

all your papers in here, ok? And we'll collect

them all."

Ryan: All in where?

Mother: Come on. We'll collect them all and uh

Ryan: Put them all in that filing case?

Mother: Well, we'll put them somewhere, and later we'll

throw some of them away.

Ryan: No don't throw any away.

At home language production also varied considerably according to the activity in which the speakers were involved. For example, consider the difference in amount and forms of language during separation,

Example 2, and Reunion, Example 3, on the same day.

Example 2: Mother: Bye, Sweetie, have a good day.

Ryan: Uh huh.

Example 3: Mother: Hey! That was super! Boy it's fun seeing all

the kids. You're the first one instead of the

last.

Ryan: I know. I'm gonna be first each time.

Mother: Boy were you serious. I wondered why you were

waiting, but you have to wait 'til she waves

you on, huh? Hey, let me see what you got.

Come here a second. Ryan: No smiley faces.

Mother: No smileys. Why not?

Ryan: Well I did everything right, but she's not

putting on smileys now.

Mother: Oh. Oh, these people were in that story of

yours, huh?

Ryan: Yeah

Mother: Uh, Ah, small and capital.

Ryan: Uh huh. j

Mother: or upper case and lower case. What's,that?

What's that?

Ryan: Let's see. Let me see. That's in the more.

Mother: Oh, you color each?

Ryan: Now you color each one that's different.

(This conversation continued for fourteen more turns of talk.)

At school, the teachers language was characterized by the use of plural pronouns. During instruction the teacher used specific vocabulary. This type of language is presented in Example 4.

Example 4: Mrs. R: Erase your triangles, and this time I want you

to make a rectangle. Who knows what a

rectangle looks like?

Ryan: Me

Mrs. R: Do it. Great. Great. 159

Ryan: Doo, doo, doo. I'm making eight.

Mrs. R: Don't do that. That wastes chalk. Ok, stop

making eights now, and make a rectangle. Good.

Excellent. Ryan, excellent. Good rectangle.

Good. Good. You all know what a rectangle

looks like. Wonderful. That's more like a

square, Amanda. Make it longer, Honey, like

this.

Conversations between Ryan and the teacher were infrequent in the classroom. Occasionally, Mrs. R would acknowledge and an individual child's comment as she was talking to a group of children. This type of language is presented in Example 5.

Example 5: Mrs. R: All right, would the blue table pelase put

their books away.

Child: I don't have any books so I don't have to get

up.

Mrs. R: No, you don't, do you? Would the red table

line up to put their books back? Come and sit

on this rectangle.

These examples indicate that there are subtle differences in the forms language takes at home and at school. Mother's speech was more personal. It involved the use of singular pronouns, and it was 160 more concerned with Immediate objects and activity. Mrs. R.'s speech was more formal and impersonal. Most often children were addressed as a group and plural pronouns were used. Specific and technical vocabulary was often used at school. A sample of home language is presented in Appendix E, and a sample of school language is presented in

Appendix F.

Patterns of Language Interaction

The patterns of language Interaction also differed at home and at school. At home 48 conversations occurred between mother and child, and only one period of silence was recorded. At school 33 samples of adult speech to children were recorded. Of these samples, 21 included only the teacher's talk to the whole group with no participation by Ryan.

There were six periods of silence recorded. These figures demonstrate that Ryan did not engage in much conversation with his teacher at school.

At home Mother initiated 33 conversations, and Ryan initiated

15. At school Ryan initiated only one conversation. The average number of turns per conversation at home was 3.8 for Mother and 3.4 for

Ryan. At school, the average number of turns per conversation for the teacher was two and for Ryan was .8. At home Mother and Ryan were contributing similarly to conversations, and Ryan initiated just less than one half of the conversations. At school the teacher contributed twice as much talk and initiated almost all of the speech recorded.

This examination of the language that Ryan encountered at home and at school indicates that different forms of language and different 161 patterns of language interaction occurred in the two settings. At home

Ryan participated equally in conversations with his mother. These conversations were often initiated by his mother, but they consisted of familiar forms of language about familiar objects and experiences. At school, Ryan did not initiate many teacher/child conversations, and much of the talk he was exposed to was not addressed to him alone, but to him as a part of a group of children. Therefore, much of the language was formal and relied on plural pronoun references. In over half of the language recorded at school, Ryan did not respond to the teacher at all.

Ryan's role as a classroom speaker was limited to listening to the teacher and to responding to her initiatives. This language role corresponds to the behavioral role Ryan assumed in this classroom. At home, Ryan interacted with language as an individual and equal partner in conversation. Although Ryan often responded to his mother's initiatives, he contributed equally to the conversation and initiated just less than one third of all the recorded conversations. Learning to control language and to interpret the teacher's language correctly was an important part of Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten.

Conclusion

The data presented in this chapter illustrate the strong influence of context on the process of school adjustment. Every component considered in this study differed from home to school.

Kindergarten entry exposed Ryan to more activity and a wider variety of 162 activity than he experienced at home. Much of Ryan's home activity involved interaction with one or two familiar others. At school Ryan's activity consisted primarily of parallel action with other members of the classroom group or of observation of the teacher. Ryan's role at school was a passive, recipient role, but at home he was an active,

Independent contributor to the ongoing activity.

To make the necessary adjustments in behavior to adapt to the kindergarten setting, Ryan employed a cautious, observational strategy.

He set himself apart from the teacher and the classroom group, and observed their behaviors. He volunteered very little in the early part of the school year, and he concentrated on learning the roles following directions, and doing good work on his papers. This was a successful strategy, because by the end of the first month of school Ryan was successful participating in classroom activity and assuming leadership in his play with his classmates. Ryan's parents and teacher agreed that he had made a good adjustment to school, but their reasons for making this judgment reflected each one's particular perspective of the situation. Ryan, himself, was proud of his accomplishments and eager to go to school. School entry was a challenge successfully met by Ryan. CHAPTER SIX

DISCUSSION

Problem Statement

This research describes the nature of children's transitions from home to kindergarten. This study was undertaken for the following purposes:

1. to describe the changes in context that children encounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

2. to describe the changes in language that children enounter as they move from home to kindergarten;

3. to identify strategies children employ to adapt to the kinder­ garten setting;

4. to determine when initial adjustment to the kindergarten setting occurs; and

5. to examine the influence of parental attitudes and children's preschool experiences, as well as their sex, and their position in the family on early adjustment to the kindergarten setting.

Interpretation

The results of the data analyses presented in chapters four and five of this report allow the researcher to draw some conclusions about parent attitudes, contextual features, and school adjustment. Parents are experiencing concern about separation from their children. For both mothers and fathers, their anxiety about separation is less if they value education. Data from the case study would support the fact that mothers are experiencing separation anxiety at the time of school entry.

163 164

The mother in the case study mentioned in her journal and in her

interview that she felt sad when Ryan left for school. She felt it was a breaking away point, and she was concerned that no one would be available at school to comfort Ryan if he was physically or emotionally hurt. Mother’s realization of her own anxiety was heightened on the second day of school when her younger son, Billy, began to cry as he watched Ryan ride away on the school bus. This reaction of the mother indicates that her feelings of anxiety are influenced by the feelings of other family members.

This idea is supported by survey results which show moderate relationships between fathers' and mothers' separation anxiety factor scores. Mothers' and fathers' scores on the same measures of education and separation attitudes are positively related. These results indicate that families do react as a system to changes within the family. One member's taking on new responsibilities, such as a child going off to school, may cause change in other members of the family. Case study data demonstrate that Mother, Father, and Billy were aware of changes in Ryan and in the family as a result of school entry. Each family member may have been making adjustments in his or her own behavior to accommodate the changes in the kindergarten child.

Although Mothers' and fathers' attitudes were related, the results indicate that it is primarily Mothers' attitudes that influence children's school adjustment. Mothers' attitudes toward education were related to children's physical and intellectual abilities at both times that adjustment was measured. It may be that mothers who value education are actively providing their children with experiences which would promote intellectual and physical development, or it may be that mothers whose children seem more intellectually and physically capable are more confident of their children's ability to do well in school.

Data from the case study are not very helpful at resolving this 165 question. However, the researcher did not observe any exerted effort by

Ryan's mother to coach him In school. She was confident that he would adjust well to school.

Mothers' anxieties about separation were negatively related to measures of children's physical, emotional, intellectual and adjustment scores. It seems that mothers' anxieties interfere with children's adjustments. It may be that children who sense their mothers' concern may also exhibit concern which impairs their adjustment. Another explanation may be that mothers who experience separation anxiety are generally anxious and have restricted their children's development in these areas. The case study data would not support this latter explana­ tion. Although Ryan's mother admitted to feeling some separation anxiety during the first few days of school, she did not appear generally anxious about her child or restrictive of his behavior. On the contrary, she spoke in the interview of her desire to see Ryan become independent, and after school she allowed him to play for long periods of time away from their house. A third explanation might be that both mother and child are experiencing anxiety relative to separation and are sensitive to each other's cues. This anxiety may encourage, in the child, a wariness of the teacher and the new situation which results in the child not expressing his physical and intellectual capabilities. The result of this behavior might be a child who seems to be a withdrawn, tense child during the first few weeks of school. The case study data would support this point of view. Both mother and child showed some stress at the point of separation which continued throughout the first month of school. Ryan curtailed physical and language interaction at the point of separation, and seemed to be expressionless, and businesslike. Mother, on the other hand, seemed to want to reassure both of them with language and brief physical contact. She would wish Ryan goodbye and seek a brief kiss. Ryan did not respond to the kiss and only mumbled goodbye. 166

At school Ryan at first seemed passive and withdrawn. He participated

only minimally in songs and physical movement activities. He did not

volunteer answers or information in lessons, and he stayed on the

fringe of classroom interaction whenever possible. He occasionally

engaged in nervous behavior such as repeatedly slapping his shoulders or

flipping the lid of his school supply box. However, Ryan eventually

became a very successful member of the classroom group while other

children who appeared to be actively involved in classroom activity

began to experience some adjustment difficulty.

These data would suggest that for Ryan adjustment to kinder­

garten is a gradual process. The fact that adjustment scores, with the

exception of scores on emotional adjustment, which were also related to

mothers’ separation anxiety, significantly improved from time 1 to time

2 would also support this idea.

Physical adjustment scores were also related to the variables

of child age, child sex, position in the family and preschool

experience. Surprisingly it is the only adjustment variable related to

preschool experience. Perhaps, children who had gone to preschool were

more practiced at large and small motor activity and personal

responsibility.

Boys had greater difficulty adjusting than girls. The study of

Ryan would suggest that this was true. More boys in his classroom were

identified by the teacher as having adjustment problems than were

.girls. Even Ryan, who was considered a good adjuster by the researcher,

parents, and teacher seemed more reticent and less comfortable in the

classroom than did the girls.

Older children were rated higher on adjustment, physical status,

and intellectual abilities than were younger ones. It seems that older

children may have had more experiences and more time to physically

develop than did younger ones. Also parents may have felt less anxious

f 167 about separating from children who were "old enough for school" than from those who seemed a bit young.

Later born children received higher adjustment ratings than did first borns. The researcher would like to propose that contextual influences rather than physical ones might account for this apparent advantage. During the observation of Ryan, it became apparent that links, such as school work and knowledge of the school, were positive influences on school adjustment. In this population older siblings usually went to the same school as the kindergarten children. It may be that these siblings provided support for the children on the bus and on the playground. More importantly, because of the older child, much knowledge about the school existed in the home. Parents may have been familiar with more of the school procedures and personnel than were parents of first born children. This knowledge might have increased the parents’ confidence in the school, and consequently lessened parents’ anxieties. It seems that family members do not act in isola­ tion during school entry. Just as Ryan’s younger brothers’ separation anxiety heightened Mother’s own concerns, so might older siblings' experiences and attitudes lessen parents' anxieties.

Case study data revealed that there are substantial differences in the home and school environments. Ryan, entering school for the first time, was exposed to many more activities than he had experienced at home. These activities were also more variable in place and time of occurrence than were activities at home. In addition to these experiences, Ryan was engaged in fewer joint or interactive activities and more parallel or observational ones. Ryan became a member of a larger group, and often the group would all act or observe together.

This group membership enlarged the relations in which he engaged. In school Ryan rarely engaged in interaction with one or two other adults or children; however, this was the primary type of relationship at home. 168

Ryan was also exposed to many unfamiliar people with whom he had no emotional relationships, but at home his interactions involved family members and long time playmates for whom he had developed strong feelings.

Ryan also assumed a new role at school. He was expected to follow the teacher’s directions, respond to her initiative, and rarely demonstrate his own initiative. This role change became quite apparent when language forms and interaction patterns were examined. Much of the talk to which Ryan was exposed at school was talk addressed to the entire group. This type of speech was somewhat formal and impersonal.

Often no individual response from Ryan was required. As long as someone in the classroom group responded, the language interaction in the classroom could continue. Ryan spoke half as much as the teacher when he was engaged in conversation. Often no one in the classroom spoke at all. Classroom language was almost always initiated by the teacher.

This type of language was very different from home language. At home mother and child contributed equally to conversation. Only once were there no conversations, and Ryan initiated almost one third of the total language interaction at home. J " These contextual differences between home and school reflect the different purposes these institutions serve for society. Schooling is designed to expose groups of children to a wide variety of ideas and experiences under the leadership of a skilled adult. The language, physical, and social structures of this kindergarten created a situation which clearly supported the control of the adult. These structures rigidly defined the role of the student and made it easy for children to learn when to respond and how to control behavior. Unfortunately, such an inflexible arrangement, no matter how humanely it is administered, requires children to make substantial changes in behaviors and interaction patterns learned outside of school. This may make school adjustment difficult for some children.

A more destructive result of this rigid structure is the fact that children are sometimes required to deny many of their capabilities and to ignore knowledge that they had already acquired. For example,

Mrs. R occasionally instructed the children in French. Many of the children who went to preschool with Ryan knew the French vocabulary that she was teaching, but they dutifully participated in the lesson, repeating Mrs. R's words. Ryan also spent much of his out of school time in play. He would spend over an hour away from home playing with other children. During this time he was controlling his own behavior, solving problems as they arose, and making a variety of decisions. He chose who to play with; what to play; where to play; and how long the play should last. Many of these decisions were negotiated through social and language interaction. However, during the two and one half hours of the kindergarten classroom, play behavior was reserved for recess and the occasional work choice period. The rest of the time Ryan made few if any decisions. Even when and how to go to the bathroom had a lengthy series of proper procedures to be followed.

It appears that while the school context of this case study allowed children who might be unsure of their abilities to receive direction from a skilled and caring adult, too much of the child's autonomy and knowledge were denied, and children were relegated to the role of passive, dependent, unquestioning followers of the classroom teacher.

Limitations

The major limitation of this study is the low response rate.

Of the 229 families asked to participate, 58.51% of the mothers, 52.79% of the fathers and 57% of the children participated. Complete data sets were available for only 46% of the total sample. To understand the 170 reasons for this level of response, phone calls to the 93 nonrespondent families were made. Many of the mothers contacted said they were not participating because their husbands would not participate. Fathers gave insufficient time, inappropriate topics for men, and lack of interest in the research project as reasons for not participating.

Mothers refused to participate because their husbands had refused; they felt the nature of their relationships with their children was private information; and they had already been through school entry with other children.

The researcher was concerned that this group of volunteer respondents may be very different from the group of nonrespondents.

Since the teachers rated all the children in their classes, adjustment data was available for children of nonrespondents as well as respondents. These data were subjected to a t-test for unrelated groups

(Meyers, 1976). This analysis revealed no significant differences between respondents' children's adjustment and nonrespondents' children's adjustment at either time 1 or time 2. It seemed that the kindergarten children who participated in this research were not significantly different in their reactions to kindergarten than those children vrtio did not.

The data for this research project were collected from a very specific population, and any attempts to generalize to other populations or to generalize from the case study are discouraged by the researcher.

Finally, the relationships identified were low to moderate ones.

Much of the variance in school adjustment is still unaccounted for; therefore, caution is advised in interpreting these relationships.

Implications for Research

The findings of this study and their limitations raise important issues for future research. This study indicates that white, middle- 171

class parents of kindergarten children are concerned about separating

from their children at the time of school entry. There is little known

about the nature and causes of parents' feelings of anxiety. A

systematic examination of mothers' and fathers' feelings about separa­

tion as their children begin school would provide more information about

the nature of parental separation anxiety. Research into the reasons

for anxiety, and a comparison of mothers' and fathers' explanations for

their sadness may assist understanding of the nature of parent/child relationships. Do mothers and fathers experience separation anxiety to

the same degree? Are mothers' and fathers' feelings of separation

anxiety attributed to the same causes? These questions cannot yet be

answered.

Mothers' and fathers' concerns about separation seem to be related, but this study provides little information about the nature of

this relationship. Future research on parental separation anxiety needs

to examine the direction of influence among family members. It seems

that mothers may be experiencing anxiety at the time of their children's entry into school and that their anxiety is then transferred to fathers.

However, this assumption needs to be tested. If mothers are, in fact, responsible for much of the anxiety in the family during school entry, then fathers may be reflecting and perhaps magnifying the effect of this anxiety. It is possible that fathers may be feeling sadness and anxiety about their children's school entry that is unique to themselves. Their anxieties may heighten the mothers' awareness of their own feelings.

Regardless of who is responsible for parental separation anxiety, children's adjustment to school seems to be most affected by mothers' feelings. Research on the influence of parental attitudes on school adjustment needs to consider parents' feelings about separation and the characteristics of the mother/child relationship. In infancy,

the nature of the mother/child relationship influences babies’ reactions 172 to separation. Do these same patterns exist at school age? In what ways does the mother/child relationship influence children's adjustment to kindergarten? At this time, no data exist to answer these questions.

There is also very little information about mothers' and children's reactions to separation at school age. There are few descriptions of behavior during separation and reunion for kindergarten children and their mothers. Data from this case study suggest that separation and reunion are mediated by language; however, the researcher knows of no studies which examine these phenomena. Separation and reunion behaviors between school age children and their parents are a rich area for research.

In regard to separation, the researcher notes that Ryan's initial reactions to the kindergarten teacher were similar to descrip­ tions of infants' wariness of strangers. Does wariness of strangers exist in school age children? How is this wariness evidenced, and how does it influence school adjustment? There is little information existing in the research literature to answer these questions.

This study also raises issues and questions relevant to future research in school adjustment. Teacher ratings of children's adjust­ ments to the classroom indicate that children's behavior improves with time. What causes these changes? It seems that classroom activities and teacher expectations of the children do not change over time, so children may be gradually changing their own behaviors. Research in school adjustment needs to examine and to describe the strategies children employ to adapt to the school setting. This research identi­ fies one pattern of school adjustment, but other patterns were also observed. There is no information about factors which influence these adjustment patterns. It may be that the nature of the mother/child relationship may influence children's adjustment strategies. Maybe children's gender or position in the family influence their reactions to 173 the school context. Teacher behaviors and the physical and social structures of the classroom might also influence patterns of adjustment.

These Issues need to be systematically studied if school adjustment is to be understood.

Changes in patterns of social and language interaction have also been related to school adjustment. Children have to change their ways of speaking and interacting as they enter school. A small body of research exists which describes the ways in which children's inter­ actions with teachers compare to their interactions with mothers. These studies focus on the adult/child interactions at home and at school; however, a major difference between home and school is the existence of a large group of children in the classroom. This case study indicates that outside of school, children rarely participate in such large groups of same aged children, but in the research literature the role of other children in school adjustment is ignored. This omission is a serious one. Familiar peers may a.ssist a child's adjustment to kindergarten.

Peers may help a child determine his role in the new setting, and peers may provide cues for appropriate behavior. The role of peers in school adjustment, and children's social and language interactions with each other at home and at school certainly need to be studied.

As the researcher considers these questions, she wonders how all these factors influence school adjustment when other social-class, ethnic, and racial groups are considered. The fact that anxieties and adjustment problems exist in white, middle-class, and upper-middle class families at the time of school entry suggests that these problems may also exist in other groups. It may be that groups of people who have experienced frustration or failure in the public schools may feel more anxiety as their children enter school. Attitudes about education may also vary across social-class and racial groups. Patterns of language and social interaction at home and at school may also differ. It would 174 be important to examine the Issues raised in this discussion across the many ethnic, racial, and social-class groups that exist in American society.

School adjustment is a complex process which may influence both children's continued school success and home/school relationships. The current study has identified some relationships which exist among parent attitudes. It has also identified patterns of influence between mothers' attitudes and children’s adjustment to kindergarten, as well as contextual Influences on school adjustment. However, the researcher believes that the greatest contribution of this study to the fields of early education and child and family development is the identification of parental separation anxiety and kindergarten adjustment as rich and viable areas for future research.

Implications for Educational Programs and Policy

Many of the findings of this research project may also be helpful to educators and educational policy makers. This study found that in white, middle-class families parents are experiencing separation anxiety at the time of school entry. Parents' separation anxieties are negatively related to their attitudes about education. Mothers' feelings of separation anxiety are negatively related to their children's adjustments to kindergarten, and mothers' attitudes about education are positively related to their children's adjustments. Children's adjust­ ments to kindergarten improved as they spent more time in the classroom.

Additionally, an examination of one home and one classroom revealed major differences in the two contexts. At home the child engaged in fewer activities than at school. These activities involved the child in joint interaction with one or two familiar people. The child contributed to and initiated much of this interaction in the home.

Most of the home activity centered around topics and objects that were 175

important to the child and meaningful in that context. At home the

child controlled much of his own activity, independently of his mother.

These conditions did not exist at school. At school the child

became a member of a large group of children. Most of the activity in which the child engaged at school was as part of the group. At school

activities were initiated and directed by the teacher. There were many

more activities at school, and they were shorter and less predictable

than the activities at home. The child rarely acted independently of

the teacher. He was usually engaged in parallel or observational

activity at school. Because the activities at school were developed by

the teacher in accord with a predetermined curriculum, they were not

always relevant to the children's interests and experiences. The case

study also indicated that the child established his own pace for

participation in the school activities, although most of the activity in

school required the entire group of children to engage in the same

activity at the same time.

These data indicate that children and families experience many

changes at school entry. The researcher would like to make recommenda­

tions to school personnel which are based on these findings. To assist

children's adjustment to kindergarten, school personnel need to increase

parents' positive attitudes about education. They must strive to

decrease parents' anxieties about separation, and they need to make

learning at school more like learning at home. They must also create

positive links between the home and the school.

There are two major means to achieve these goals. First, the

role of the kindergarten teacher needs to be redefined, and second, the

kindergarten curriculum needs to be restructured. These two points will

be discussed in detail in the remainder of this chapter.

During the kindergarten year, the primary contact between the

home and the school is the kindergarten teacher. Kindergarten teachers 176 are In a unique poistion to service children and families as they prepare for school entry. In order to better meet the needs of children and families, kindergarten teachers need to be employed twelve months of

the year. During the summer months, kindergarten teachers' main respon­

sibilities would be contacting Incoming children and their parents and visiting their homes. In order to visit the families of the children in

their classes, classroom groups would have to be formed in the spring of

the preceding year. If this was done, kindergarten teachers could visit families, identify other children in the neighborhood who would be attending the same class in the autumn, and invite children and parents to visit the classroom before the first day of school. In this way the school could provide opportunities for parents and children in the same neighborhood to become acquainted with one another before the school year began. Parents could share their concerns and expectations informally, and children could develop relationships with their class­ mates outside of school. These support networks of teachers, parents, and children would help establish positive links between the home, school, and community before school began.

Home visits would also provide teachers with information about children's behaviors, interests, and activities outside of school which they could use to make learning in school relevant to children's prior experiences. With some knowledge of children's out-of-school behaviors, teachers could also be more sensitive changes in children's behaviors due to school entry and thus assist children's adjustments to classroom settings.

Kindergarten teachers would be expected to continue contact with parents throughout the school year. By personally informing parents of opportunities to become involved in classroom and school activities, and by being available to and supportive of parents during the school year, 177 teachers could strengthen the positive links between home and school that were established during the summer.

School adjustment can also be facilitated by reducing the differences between the home and the school contexts. Schooling necessarily involves a large number of students and one teacher.

However, instruction does not always have to involve the entire group, nor does it always have to be teacher directed. Just as activity at home involves the child with one or two others in interaction concerning relevant topics, so can activity at school. By creating a learning environment which is rich in concrete materials which can be explored by the children in small groups of two or three independently of the teacher, the kindergarten teacher can encourage joint activity and meaningful language interaction. In the same way, teachers can provide opportunities for children to initiate activity and determine their own level of involvement. If these materials are carefully selected and learning experiences are skillfully guided by the teacher who responds to children's comments and sustains their interactions, the goals of the established curriculum can also be met.

Through home visits and the use of the instructional methods and curriculum organization just described, kindergarten teachers can help parents and children adjust to school entry. These suggestions require an attitude that respects children's out of school experiences as a basis for new learning. This attitude recognizes the important and continuing influence of parents on their children's education and the necessity for developing and sustaining positive relationships between the home and the school. APPENDIX A

INSTRUMENTS

178 m o T o a x n o .,

— t v c o h :d s t a t e u n i v e r s i t y —

CONSENT POR PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL AKO BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH

Z consent to participating in and ay child'a participation in a study antitlad THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARENTAL ATTITUDES AND EARLY______

ADJUSTMENT TO KINDERGARTEN

_____— ———— — — ———— —-————— **** (Investigator/Project Director or his/her authorised rapraaantativa) explained tha purpose of the study and procedures to be followed. Possible benefits of the study have been described as have alternative procedures, if such procedures are applicable and available.

Z acknowledge that Z have had tha opportunity to obtain additional in­ formation regarding the study and that any questions Z have raised have been answered to my full satisfaction, rurthar, Z understand that Z an (my child is) free to withdraw consent at any time and to discontinue participation in the study without prejudice to me (my child). The information obtained from me (my child) will remain confidential and anonymous unless Z specifically agree otherwise.

Finally, Z acknowledge that Z have read and fully understand the consent form. Z have signed it freely and voluntarily and understand a copy is avail­ able upon request.

Date: Signed: (Participant)

SIgned: (Participant)

C. Rav Williams ______(Znvestigator/Froject Director or (Person Authorised to Consent Authorised Aepreeentativa) for Participant - Zf Required)

PA-037 (3/79) ~ To he used only in connection with social and bmhmviotAl re­ search for which an 05V Rumen Subject Review Goamtittee hes determined that the research poses no risk to participants. FAMILY INFORMATION

Kindergarten Childi Birth date Sex ______Position in Family___ Number of Siblings___ Age of Siblings _____ Sex of Siblings______

Preschool Experiences Type _ Years

Fathers Birth date Education (highest level attained) Occupation Inc ome______

Mothers Birth date Education (highest level attained), Occupation______Inc om e

Other Family Members in the Homes 181

No.

ATTITUDES ABOUT CHILDCARE The following statements TcpTesent matters of interest and concern about childcare. Not all people feel the same way about them. Answer the statements as you are feeling now or think you will feel as your child grows older. Read each statement carefully and ciTde the numbeT at the right which most closely reflects YOUR degree of agreement or disagreement. Try to answer all statements without skipping items or looking back. Answer all the items without discussing any of them with your spouse.

1 2 3 4 S Strongly Disagree Somewhat Agree Strongly disagree agree agree 1. More than any other adult, I can best meet 1 2 3 4 5 my child's needs. 2. I worry when someone else cares for my child. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I would not leave my child with a babysitter 1 2 3 4 5 just so I could have some time for myself. 4. My child is afraid and sad when he/she is 1 2 3 4 5 not with me. 5. My life wouldn't be complete without a career. 1 2 3 4 5 6. I don't enjoy myself when I'm away from my * 1 2 3 4 5 child. 7. When away from my child, I often wonder if 1 2 3 4 5 his/her physical needs (dry diapers, enough to eat, ets.) are being met. 8. If a child is independent and outgoing, he/she 1 2 3 4 5 will make friends easily without his/her mother's help. 9. It is not good for my child to be cared for 1 2 3 4 5 by someone else because he/she may be exposed to values and attitudes that I disagree with. 10. I would resent my job if it meant I had to be . 1 2 3 4 5 away from my child. 11. My child will benefit from group experiences 1 2 3 4 5 (i.e., nursery school, day care, kindergarten) since they will provide him/her social exper­ iences that he/she could not get at home. 12. When I am away from my child, I feel lonely 1 2 3 4 5 and miss him/her a great deal.

(Hock, E., 1981) 182

1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Disagree Somewhat Agree Strongly disagree agree agree

13. Khen I am away from my child, I would expect 1 2 3 4 5 him/her to be frightened and insecure and to show a lot of distress. . 14. If I routinely left my child with a babysit- 1 2 3 4 5 ter or in a day care center, 1 would feel I was neglecting my responsibilities as a parent.

15* I am more concerned with my child's physical 1 2 3 4 5 safety than a babysitter or teacher. 16. £ven if my child doesn't act scared, I know 1 2 3 4 5 'he/she is really upset when I leave. 17. Khen my child is being cared for by a baby- 1 2 3 4 5 sitter or in a group care program/school on a regular basis, I feel that I have really lost control over his/her life. IB. Holding and cuddling my child makes me feel 1 2 3 4 5 so good that I really miss the physical closeness when I'm away. 19. Khen away from my child, I am sure that the i 2 3 4 5 bsbysixter or teacher spends enough time playing with him/her.

20. I like to have my child close to me most of 1 2 3 4 5 the time. 21. 1 have a systematic plan for how I'm going 1 2 3 4 5 to build my career in the world of work.

22. If 1 am not at home full-time with my y o u n g j 2 3 4 5 child, he/she will not develop a trusting, secure, and loving relationship with me. 23. I don't like to leave my child. 1 2 3 4 5 24. If my child spends a lot of time with a baby- 1 2 3 4 5 sitter, I would be afraid he/she would begin to prefer the babysitter to me. 25. I would not feel guilty leaving my child with 1 2 3 4 5 a babysitter. 26. I would feel self-conscious and uneasy if my 1 2 3 4 5 child got upset when I left him/her with a sitter. 27. I believe that my child misses me when I have 1 .2 3 4 5 to let someone else take care of him/her for awhile.

2 183

. 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Disagree Somewhat Agree Strongly disagree agree agree 28. It reflects badly on me if my child makes a 2 3 4 5 fuss when I leave him/her with someone else. 29. It is good for my child to spend time away 2 3 4 5 ‘from me so that he/she can learn to deal independently with unfamiliar people and new situations. 31). 1 miss holding or cuddling my child when I 2 3 4 5 am away from him/her. 31. Khen 1 am separated from my child, I wonder 2 3 4 5 whether he/she is crying and missing me. 32. A career or job brings me a lot of personal 1 2 3 4 5 satisfaction.

33. When away from my child, I worry about 1 2 3 k 5 whether or not the babysitter or teacher is able to soothe end comfort my child if he/she is lonely or upset.

34. I really worry about whether or not my child l 2 3 4 5 will be good when he/she is with a babysitter or at school. 35. I can provide more intellectual stimulation 1 2 ‘3 U 5 for my child than could another caregiVer. 36. Even though my child fusses a bit when I 1 leave, I Know he/she will be OK in a few 23^5 minutes— after I'm out of sight.

37. Either my spouse or I could care equally 1 2 3 U 5 well for my child. 38. It is normal for me to worry about my child's 1 2 3 4 5 safety when he/she is not with me. 39. Khen I am away from my child I am afraid I 1 2 3 4 5 will miss out on the excitement of seeing ' him/her achieve developmental milestones. 40. I rarely worry when my child is away from me. 1 2 3 4 5 41. I would not regret postponing my caTeeT in 1 2 3 4 5 order to stay home with my child. b2. Ky child would often get into dangerous 1 2 3 4 5 situations if X were not there to protect him/her. 43. I would not expect to feel sad, as though . 1 2 3 4 5 I am losing my "baby," when my child begins day care or kindergarten.

3 184 4 Somewhat Agree Strongly Strongly Disagree agree disagree agree 44. My child is happier with me than 2 3 4 5 with babysitters or teachers. 45. Children are very demanding and I often 2 3 4 5 wish 1 had more time for a career. 46. 1 would expect my child to adjust easily 2 3 4 5 to new situations whether or not I am with him/her. 47. My child prefers to be with me more than : 2 3 4 5 with anyone else. 48. If my child cries and is obviously disturbed ■ •2 3 '4 5 when I leave him/her with a babysitter, at a day care center, or at school, I'm afraid people will think that I am an ineffective parent. 49. A child is likely to get upset when he/she ] 2 3 4 5 is left with a babysitter. 50. Khen I first leave my child in an unfamiliar ] 2 3 4 5 setting I get depressed and feel sad. 51. My child will not get enough physical affec- 1 2 3 4 5 tion at a babysitter's, day care center or kindergarten. 52. It will be difficult for my child to adjust 3 2 3 4 5 to someone else taking care of him/her. 53. Children will be afraid in a new place with- 1 2 3 4 5 out their mother. 54. A mother should take her young child with 1 2 3 4 5 her whenever she feels like it. 55. 1 am naturally better at keeping my child 1 2 3 4 5 safe than any other person.

56. My child needs to spend time away from me 1 2 3 4 5 in order to develop a sense of being an individual in his/her own Tight. 57. If I could choose between working full-time 1 2 3 4 5 or staying home with my child, 1 would want to stay home. 56. If my child were in a group situation (i.e., 1 2 3 4 5 nursery school, day care, .public school), I would worry if he/she is being dominated by other children. 59. Most young children seem to adapt very easily 1 2 3 4 5 to other people who caTe for them. 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Disagree Somewhat Agree Strongly disagree agree agree

60. Only a mother just naturally knows how to ; 2 3 4 5 comfort her distressed child. 61. Children adjust easily to being in new 2 2 3 4 5 situations. 62. Exposure to many different people is good 3 2 3 4 5 for my child. 63. 1 feel sad when my child is affectionate ] 2 3 4 5 with other adults. 64. Motherhood is a major way of fulfillment ] 2 3 4. 5 in a woman's life. 65. 1 worry that my child is never completely 1 2 3 4 5 comfortable in an unfamiliar setting if 1 am not with him/her. 66. After leaving my child with a sitter or at ] 2 3 4 5 school, I rarely feel sad. 67. There are times in the lives of young 3 2 3 4 5 children when they need to be with people other than their mothers. 68. I need time away from my child in order to 2 2 3 4 5 enjoy adult company and to be a well-rounded and fulfilled individual. 186

ATTITUDE TOWARD EDUCATION

The following statements represent matters of Interest and concern about education. Not all people feel the same way about them. Answer the statements as you are feeling now or think you will feel when your child starts kindergarten. Read each statement carefully and circle the number at the right which most closely reflects your decree of agreement or dis­ agreement. Try to answer all statements without skipping items or looking back. Answer all the items without discussing any of them with your spouse.

0 1 2 3 Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly disagree disagree agree agree

1. In looking back it seems to me that most of my teachers 0 1 2 3 didn't know what they were talking about.

2. Going to school Is a profitable experience. 0 1 2 3

3. On the whole schools do a good job in cooperating 0 1 2 3 with parents.

k. Too much nonsense goes on in classrooms these days. 0 1 2 3

5. Parents should back up the school in matters of , 0 1 2 3 discipline.

6. Schools should spend more time than they do teaching 0 1 2 3 boys and girls how to be useful citizens.

7. When I look back on my school years, I feel they were 0 1 2 3 well spent.

8. My years in school did little to help me in what 0 1 2 3 I'm doing now.

9. The interests I developed while I was in school 0 1 2 3 still provide me with enjoyment.

10. Many school principals and superintendents are 0 1 2 3 too bossy in their attitude toward children.

11. It seems to me that the. pub 1 ic. money which'is 0 1 2 3 put into schools today is well worth it.

12. Schools teach a lot of things that don't work 0 1 2 3 out when you actually get on the job.

13* If a child doesn't do well In learning to read 0 1 2 3 it's probably the teacher's fault. 187

No.

14. Some teachers are so mean you can't blame boys 0 1 2 3 and girls for sassing (or disobeying) them.

15. Some boys and girls are always getting tough 0 1 2 3 breaks in school.

16. On the whole the schools are doing a good job 0 1 2 3 today. 0 1 2 3 17- Some teachers ask parents too many questions about how they treat the child at home.

18. Many teachers are more interested in their own 0 1 2 3 social life than they are in educating children. 0 1 2 3 19. Teachers usually do the best they can in trying to teach what they are supposed to.

20. There are times when teachers can't be blamed 0 1 2 3 for losing patience with a pupil.

21. Children should listen to the teacher and do 0 1 2 3 what she says .

22. It doesn't do any harm for pupils to skip school 0 1 2 3 once in a while. 0 1 2 3 23. If children listened to everything their teachers told them they'd end up pretty confused.

24. I never could seem to get to school on time. 0 1 2 3

25. The boys and girls who like school most are usually 0 1 2 3 sissies or teachers' pets.

26. Most schools don't let the parents know enough 0 1 2 3 about what's going on. 0 1 2 3 27- They're not teaching reading as well as they used to.

28. Many teachers don't explain enough in their 0 1 2 3 teaching. 0 1 2 3 29. Teachers don't make the pupils behave themselves as well as they should.

30. Many people go into teaching simply because they 0 1 2 3 like to boss others.

2 188

No.

31. Schools are the backbone of American Democracy. 0 1 2 3

32. Some of my teachers were a source of great In- 0 1 2 3 spi ration to me.

33- Host teachers have pets. 0 1 2 3

34. Most teachers treat the children In their class- 0 1 2 3 rooms fairly.

35. The main reason I can see for going to school 0 1 2 3 is that the law requires it.

36. Most people will learn more by working four 0 1 2 3 years than by going to school four years.

37- The best way to get a good job is to get a .0123 good education.

38. The school is often to blame where students 0 1 2 3 don't like the school.

39- Many children would be better off if they left 0 1 2 3 school after the eighth grade.

40. Most teachers teach because they like children. 0 1 2 3

3 FIRST CRAPE ADJUSTMENT SCALE

Directions for Rating:

Please read carefully the descriptive phrases which appear at either and of each trait scale. These phrases define the traits and are to be considered as anchor points. It should be noted that In every case the right and describes the positive or desirable aspect of a trait while the opposite Is true of the left and. Each trait should be thought of, then, as existing on a continuum from negative to positive. The center of each scale, " 3 " . Indicates the position In which the "average" child would be placed with regard to a trait.

In making your decision concerning the rating to be given, freely conpare the child with other children of his age level on a particular dimension. Consider only one trait at a time. In this way a generally favorable or unfa­ vorable Impression which you may hold of a child will not Influence your objective rating of him on each scale. Although occasionally you may feel that the child is best described by a point lying between two numbers, please select one of the numbers.

After selecting one number as a rating, write that number on the separate blank provided opposite the appropriate Item number. Please do not write on the rating scale Itself.

(Medlnnue, C ., 1961) 190

I. Physical Status and Motor Behavior

1. Physical: condition and health I 2 3 A 5

Weak physical system; poor health; Excellent physical condition; tires easlly heal thy

2. Physical coordination (gross muscle coordination)

1 2 3 A 5

Poor physical coordination; akward Excellent physical coordination; agi 1e

3. Muscular control (fine muscle coordination)

1 2 3 A 5

Poor muscular control- Excellent muscular control- as in drawing, coloring e.g., in holding crayon, chalk

A. Ability to dress self

1 2 3 A 5

Unable to dress self Very capable of dressing self; can tie shostrings

11. Social Behavior

1. Leadership

1 2 3 A 5

Is lacking in leadership Possesses good leadership qualiti* qualities

2. Relationship with other children

1 2 3 A 5

Doesn't get along well Gets along well with other with other children; children; has many playmates; quarrels; fights; bullies; is well liked has few playmates

2 191

3. Friendliness to other children

J______.______2______2______it______S.

Unfriendly to other children; Shows open friendliness to hosti1e other chiIdren

U. Sympathy

1 2 3 _ . A 5

Unsympathetic; Indifferent Sympathetic to other's problems; compass ionate

5. Consideration for others

1 2 3 k 5

Inconsiderate; self centered Considerate; thinks of others; respects abilities and opinions of others

6. Sense of fair play

1 2 3 k 5

Lacks a sense of fair play Strong sense of fair play; abides by peer group rules and requirements

7. Willingness to share

J_ 7 3 k 5

Unwi11ing to share; hasn't learned to share Always willing to share

•8. Willingness to take turns

1 2 3 .... b 5

Unwilling to take turns; Always willing to take turns; impatient in waiting waits patiently for a turn

9- Ability to play In a large group

1 2 3 k 5

Doesn't know how or is unable Is able to play in a large group to play in a large group

3 192

10. Defensiveness

1 2 3 k 5

Defensive - every little hit Doesn't have to fight back if demands a full battle pushed or hit; able to accept taunts

11. Self-assertiveness

1 2 3 k 5

Takes a back seat; Sticks up for self; doesn't passive; can be led let others run over him

12. Outgoingness

1 2 3 k 5

Shy; bashful; timid; Outgoing; initiates many contact initiates few contacts with with other children other children

13. Tendency to tattle

1 2 3 k 5

Frequently tattles on other children Is not a tattle-tale lk. Social independence

1 2 3 k 5

Socially dependent; disturbs other Socially independent and children; handles, touches them; self-sufficient; doesn't pokes others touch or feel other children

III. Emotional Behavior

1. Happiness, cheerfulness

1 2 3 k 5

Unhappy, gloany disposition; Happy, cheerful whiny; pouts

2. Reaction to praise and criticism 1 2 3 k ?

Resents correction or criticism; Takes praise and criticism in sti overreacts to praise k 193

3. Fears and anxieties

1 2 3 A 5

Has many fears and anxieties Free of fears and anxieties

*4, Flexibility

1 2 3 A 5

Inflexible - gets upset over a change Flexible - if doesn't get own wi in the pattern of activities can modify behavior; doesn't get upset over a change in routi

5. Reaction to failure

1 2 3 A 5

Unable to face failure; reacts to Courageous, perseveres in face failure with discouragement and irritability of failure

6. Emotional maturity

J 2 3 A «;

Immature, cries easily; easily upset; Emotionally mature; stable; lacks self-control; babyish possesses self-control

7. Degree of tension

1 2 . 3 A 5

Tense; nervous Relaxed

8. Initial adjustment to school situation

1 2 3 A 5

Initial fear of school; took a Adjusted readily to school; long time to adjust to the school inapprehensive of school s i tuat ion situation

9. Sense of humor

1 2 3 A 5

Lacks a sense of humor Possesses an excellent sense of humor

10. Self-confidence

1 2 — 3 ..... J l .. . 5 Lacks self-confidence Self-confident; self-assured

5 194

IV. Intellectual Abilities and Behavior

1. Language development

1 2 3 4 5

Immature language development; Mature language development; unable to express self adequately; able to talk in simple, accurate poor vocabulary sentences; large vocabulary for age level

2. Creativity, originality

1 2 3 4 5

Few original ideas; unimaginative Very creative; much originality, excellent imagination

3. Background knowledge and information

_L 2 3 4 5

Possesses little or inadequate Possesses much background background information knowledge and information

4, Curiosity

1 2 3 4 5

Little curiosity; fails to explore, Is keenly curious investigate

5. Evaluation of own abilities and achievement

J 2 3 4 5

Incorrect view of ability; Realizes own capacities and is either over- or under­ satisified; able to evaluate estimates ability own achievement

6. Eagerness to learn

1 2 3 4 5

Lacks drive; no spark; Eager to learn; drive; initiative lacks initiative to learn to work out own ideas

7. Speed of comprehension

1 2 3 4 5

Slow in understanding new ideas Catches onto things quickly; and new material grasps ideas without difficulty 6 195

V. Adjustment to Classroom Membership and Requirements

1. Ability to listen J______2______2______k______5. Inattentive; dreamer; in a Is a good listener; gives rapt world of his own attention

2. Cooperativeness

1 2 3 U 5

Uncooperative; hinders group activities Cooperates well In organized group activities and functions

3, Ability to follow directions

1 2 3 «♦ 5

Doesn't follow directions Follows directions well it. Use of extra time

1 2 3 k 5

Poor use of extra time; Uses extra time well; never wastes time lacks for something to do; always busy

5. Acceptance of school rules

1 2 3 U 5

Doesn't follow rules; Accepts and obeys school rules resents them and regulations

6. Ability to work independently

1 ? 7 U A

Can't work independently Independent; can work independen

7. Attention span

1 2 -3 k A

Short attention span Excellent attention span

8* Interest in classroom activities

1 2 3 k A

No interest in school Great Interest In classroom nor its activities activi ties 7 196

9 . Distractibi1ity

J______2______2______U______£

Restless; can't settle down; Able to work quietly for an needs very varied activities adequate period of time without becoming restless

10. Contributions to group

1 2 3 k 5

Contributes little meaningful Hakes worthwhile contributions information to group discussions to group discussions

11. Care of own equipment

1 2 3 U 5

Unable to take care of Competent in care or own equip­ personal equipment; misuses It ment - e. g. , crayons

12. Work habits

1 2 3 '■* 5

Doesn't know what to do next; Knows what to do at the right doesn't get work done; messy; careless time; completes assigned work; cleans up own space

13- Attitude toward work 1 2 3 U 5

Lazy; does work poorly; Accepts the job to be done; complains about work to be done; . works hard; takes pride in his doesn't want to work - would work rather play with toys • lk. Persistence

1 2 3 k 5

Lacks persistence Always persistent

15- Reliability, dependability 1 2 3 k 5

Unreliable; undependable; Reliable; dependable; sense of can't be counted on to carry out assigned responsibility; able to take respons ibi1i t ies responsibility in the room

8 197

16. Acceptance of role as group member

Displays continual attention-getting Fits into classroom affairs behavior without demanding undue attention from teacher or from peers

17* Sense of responsibility to group and to teacher

1 2 3 i» 5

No sense of responsibility Strong sense of responsibility to group or to teacher to group and to teacher

IB. Attitude toward school property

1 2 3 b 5

Destructive of school property Strong sense of responsibility and equipment towards school materials and property

19> Acceptance of teacher's role

1 2 3 b 5

Rebellious against authority; Accepts teacher's (authority) defiant role

9 Child's Name:__ No. Child's Race:__ FIRST GRADE ADJUSTMENT RATING SHEET Teacher's Name:_

I. Physical Status II. Social III. Emotional IV. Intellectual V. Adjustment to and Motor Behavior Behavior Abilities arid Classroom Behavior Behavior Membership and Requirements 1. 1 2 3 4 5 1. 1 2 4 1. 1 2 4 1. 1 2 3 4 5 1. 1 2 4 5 2. 1 2 3 4 5 2. 1 2 4 2. 1 2 4 2. 1 2 3 4 5 2. 1 2 4 5 3. 1 2 3 4 5 3. 1 2 4 3. 1 2 4 3. 1 2 3 4 5 3. 1 2 4 5 4. 1 2 3 4 5 4. 1 2 4 4. 1 2 4 4. 1 2 3 4 5 4. 1 2 4 5 5. 1 2 4 5. 1 2 4 5. 1 2 3 4 5 5. 1 2 4 5 6. 1 2 4 6. 1 2 4 6. 1 2 3 4 5 6. 1 2 4 5 7. 1 2 4 7. 1 2 4 7. 1 2 3 4 5 7. 1 2 4 5 8. 1 2 4 8. 1 2 4 8. 1 2 4 5 9. 1 2 4 9. 1 2 4 9. 1 2 4 5 10. 1 2 4 10. 1 2 4 10. 1 2 4 5 11. 1 2 4 11. 1 2 4 5 12. 1 2 4 12. 1 2 4 5 2 13. 1 2 4 13. 1 4 5 14. 1 2 4 5 ■ 14. 1 2 4 15. 1 2 4 5 ' 16. 1 2 4 5 17. 1 2 4 5 18. 1 2 4 5 1 2 4 5 19. 198 199

INTERVIEW GUIDE: MOTHER

How do you feel about Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten?

Have you experienced any sadness or anxiety related to Ryan's school entry?

What has caused you to feel sad?

What changes In behavior have you noticed in Ryan since school began?

How has Ryan's being in school affected your personal routine?

What are your impressions of the kindergarten program?

What are your impressions of the kindergarten teacher? School principal? School secretary? School itself?

What are father's reactions to the school program?

What rules or expectations have you established for Ryan at home? 200

INTERVIEW GUIDE: FATHER

How do you feel about Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten?

What are your impressions of the school program?

What changes in behavior have you noticed in Ryan since school began?

Have you experienced any sadness or anxiety related to Ryan's

school entry?

How has Ryan's being in school affected your personal routine?

What are your impressions of the kindergarten teacher?

Principal? School secretary? School itself? 201

INTERVIEW GUIDE: TEACHER

How do you feel about the way your group of students has adjusted to school?

What kinds of adjustment problems have you seen? Good adjustment?

How do you recognize adjustment problems?

What are your expectations of students at the beginning of the school year?

What do you expect from your student?

What rules have you established?

How would you describe your kindergarten program?

What are your goals for your students?

How would you describe Ryan's adjustment to kindergarten?

What kinds of parent contacts do you make? APPENDIX B

RESEARCHER’S LETTERS TO PARENTS

202 August 21, 1981 Dear Parents,

Starting kindergarten is an important time for your child and your family. We are very interested in how kindergarten affects the child and the family; therefore, we are participating in a research study conducted by Ellen Martin Huff, a Ph. D. candidate in early and middle childhood education at The Ohio State University. This study considers the relationship between parents' attitudes and children's early adjustment to kindergarten. It is hoped that the findings from this study will help parents and teachers ease the child's transition from home to school. We would like to invite you and your kindergarten child to participate in this research study.

There are two distinct parts to this study. One part considers parents' feelings about education and child rearing just before their child enters kindergarten. Your feelings will be reflected by your responses to the enclosed questionnaires. These questionnaires were chosen because they have been used in similar research and because they represent a very wide range of attitudes. Parents' responses will be related to teachers’ perceptions of children's adjustment to kindergarten after the first and fifth complete weeks of school.

Also enclosed are a consent form and a family information sheet. The information from this sheet and from the questionnaires will be used to describe characteristics and attitudes of the entire research sample as a group. Ail information that you provide will be completely confidential and will be used for research purposes only. You and your family will not be publicly identified. No part of this research will be used to evaluate your child's progress in school, and there will be no school record of your family's participation In this study. You may discontinue your participation at any time.

If you agree to participate in this part of the study, we ask that each parent please complete the questionnaires before your child's first day of kindergarten and return all of the enclosed forms by September 5. 1981.

As a second part of this study one child will be observed at home and at school. This child and family will be selected from those families who volunteer to be involved in the second part of this research. You may volunteer to par­ ticipate by calling Ellen Martin Huff at 471-9295 before August 30, 1981. You may also be contacted by phone about your interest In this aspect of the research, As before this information will be used for research purposes only and will remain completely confidential. Neither the child nor the family will be publicly identified in any way. Completing and returning the Question­ naires and consent form in no wav Indicates vour willingness to participate in the second part of the study.

We hope that the information gained In this research project will help make the transition from home to kindergarten easier for children and families. Thank you for your consideration of this matter. If you have any additional questions about this research please call Ellen Martin Huff. Sincerely,

Principal

Researcher 204

Dear Parents,

Now that school has started and the busy holiday weekend has passed, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for participating in the research that is being conducted in your school.

Your interest and participation are vital to the success of this research project. If you have not yet taken the time to complete and return your questionnaires, would you please take a moment now to do so. I would like to thank you again for your cooperation and to extend to your family my best wishes for a happy and successful school year.

Sincerely,

Ellen M. Martin Huff Researcher 205

Are these the reasons that you have not yet returned your questionnaires?

1. You have lost, destroyed, or not received your questionnaires ... Call me at 471-9295. and I will happily send you another set.

2. You are confused as to how to answer the Attitude Toward Education Survey ... Follow the directions on page one: disregard alternate answering systems.

3. You have completed the questionnaires, but your spouse has not ... Return vour questionnaires today. You can send the others later.

A. You think that It is too late to respond ... IT'S NEVER TOO LATE. Return vour questionnairea nog.

Please help me graduate. Hy dissertation depends on you. Return your questionnaires.

A Wifcfied Mailbox Never Fills APPENDIX C

SAMPLE OF FIELD NOTES

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SAMPLE OF CODED FIELD NOTES

211 212

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SAMPLE OF TRANSCRIBED HOME LANGUAGE

214 215

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nt* a- a! da. • • |

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\ u * * * .’oah.

* M r you’ra r*pht* f*J. S« who* do you do whar yn»i fat off? r* iy ftj.ook both

I (|Jta ’M I 1 + • '\» And yo'i croaa In front o* tha bus, aha wa

thpt’a what thay do* And a ^1 tha cara, tha autonnbjlaa aton too* APPENDIX F

SAMPLE OF TRANSCRIBED SCHOOL LANGUAGE

216 217

R. S. day 1 9/2/B1 side 1, pape 4

"■p going to sit right next to C. Why dor't you go over there end no’ll

mark your things. And you are L.' . Hi 1. . How are you honey? Pretty

pood today?y\I'll walk then to the bus. She'll be fine. P.K. T, j . You

are right over there right next to A . Yon take your box over and

put It on top of'where your nane Is. T. Is this yours? Harp It right

up there. That’s a girl.

C.'. ) 1 J forgot ny tissues.

P' Unr.’t worry about It. vou ran bring them tomorrow. It doesn't master.

I.et me show you what to do. Take vour like that. Good. There Is

C: ujLav * ? A place. See your nane there?^ Ri ght here. A n d I'l1 be r! pht with

you to be sure everyth'rp

J ‘"'o-u Pick me up. f \ \ t J:' I'm goir.p to rick her up today.

~T, C.Y. Sure. That's fine. We'll kind of watch, for you.

fV P.Y. See you later. A

p; O.Y. A1 . Got everything narked?^ A'? right. I'll put it up

I'l1 nark it all for you so that we dor't get

it nixed up. The boxes all look alike.

■f]Everybody wants

Ri. ght. APPENDIX G

SAMPLE OF TRANSCRIBED MOTHER'S INTERVIEW

218 219

Interview with side 1, par* P

the parents thought. Wobody really said anything.

El lent D

/Wer*v, v#fth. Aith.oufji 1 was biased when I walked In.

El 1 or : By what?

fY\s>y?vs From what I had heard. I asked a rev women - oh Mrs. Is

great. But still - 1 knew T was a bit biased but still when I went In

there I said to myself .just observe and .just try to get the feeling. 1

got more of a good feel in

Elleni I was going to ask you if you had any other cortaot with the

school. You made the initiation to go In and observe on vour own.

There wisn’t an lrvltatlon or letter sent, out? yHoh*. 1 *,°» no. Ther the next contact was with the screening and T think

that was fantastlo.

Eilen* When

f'Vvaflo I think it was Ir May.

El lent Did thev send a ' letter to all the incomirg parents? Whs

that how yon found out about It?

Yes. And It was kind of a relaxed approach. One of the purposes

of tha screening was to determine If a child should be held beck and

wait until next year for the kindergarten and the” sa’d anyone who had.

any problems would receive a letter In the mail - - otherwise just • going

to go ahead. He explained some of the things and we got a phamphlet APPENDIX H

SAMPLE OF TRANSCRIBED TEACHER’S INTERVIEW

220 t0 /9 -i i interview with * - s'de 1 ' page ’

Bilenj Tou don't mind that I'm recording?

Mrs. Ho that's all right. It depends on who yon ere p’sy'ng

Ellens Just for me. It helps because I car recall 5t. I'd really just

like to have your impressions shout the first part of school^in peroral

and some 'nformatinn about what yon expect these children to know when

they come in and how you assess— - the adjustment that yon think the

child is doing. First let's'talk generally about your class - what you

expect ir general from kinderf*

Vrs.^s 1 didn't expect as muoh as 7 received to tell you the truth.

The majority of the children had been to nursery school and T was amared

at what they did know. I've never had a class that knew this much before

but T*ve never had a class of this size that the majority of them had

been to nursery school. And I went over to visit St. Johns - I went to visit their nursery school to see just exactly what was going on. They

ere right on top of it. Tou might as well walk into a kindergarten.

Their bulletin boards look I'ke our bulletin boards. They have the same

story books - the same project. They had leaves out on the table - just exactly as we would have done in kindergarten only the” are about a year

-ahead. So they come to us with o»*te a b't n' knowledge and know-how about school. I think that's irtsy I saw such a good adjustment - at 'east APPENDIX I

SAMPLE OF MOTHER’S JOURNAL ENTRIES

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SAMPLE OF SCHOOL’S LETTERS TO FAMILY

228 Dear Kindergarten Parent:

The entrance of your child in kindergarten is a very important time for both you and your child. He are greatly aware of the trust and responsibility being in­ vested in us. You can be assured that all staff members are committed to making this first school experience as rewarding as possible. He thank you for your patience as we worked out school boundaries, and hope this letter clarifies what will be happening the beginning of this school year.

Child's name: 'JLijOs h j

Teacher'8 name: •______Room

School: Deer Run

School begins: 9:00 A.M. ( ^ T : 0 0

Bus #: To School 5 Home / 7

On Monday, August 31, the teachers will meet with parents in small groups to discuss details of a typical day and what materials will be used. You are to attend the session beginning at So pm- in your child's room.

Students will begin attending on September 1 and 2 with only one half of the class coming on either of thege two days. Your child is to come on Tuesday, September 1 -Wednesday, September**?^ This is an attempt to reduce the impact of the first day of school. Remember, your child is tc come only on the day given above - not both days. All students will come on Thursday, September 3.

The enclosed name tag should be attached to your child for the first week. This helps all of us get students on the correct bus and aids in avoiding the confusion which accompanies the beginning of the school year.

Best wishes during the school year. 229 Sincerely, WHAT PARENTS SHOULD KNOW BEFORE YOUR CHILD COHES TO KINDERGARTEN

Adjusting to a Hew Environment Unless your child has previously attended preschool or day care instruction. Kindergarten will he his/her first step toward eventual independence. For the first time, your child will be spending considerable time away from home and from parents. For the first time, your child will be in a new environment, ina relationship with a teacher and fellow students. This new situation can initially cause stress on the child as well as on the parents. Spending time away from the familiarity of home and having to face and carry out new responsibilities may at first cause a child to be apprehensive or fearful. In turn, parents may react to this apprehension and fear by becoming overly protective, and by "not wanting to let go". It is normal for such emotions to occur in both parents and children. The Kinder­ garten teachers are prepared to help your child adjust, and to enjoy his/her new responsibilities and relationships. As parents, you are encouraged to place confidence in the teachers, and gently insist with your child that he/she now take on a new role and responsibility. Usually, children will be able to adjust in a few days, and learn to enjoy their experiences in the classroom. If your child has difficulty adjusting, the teacher will call you and consult with you.

Developing a Positive Attitude From the Start Parents are the first and the most important teachers of their children. Without doubt, children's attitudes are - and should be - most strongly influenced by the attitudes of their parents. As a result, it will benefit your children if you show them you place importance on school activities. A positive attitude on your part will most likely result in a positive attitude on the part cf your children.

WHAT PARENTS SHOULD KNOW

PARENTS CAN HELP THIN6S TO DO

HELPING YOUR CHILD WHAT YOUR CHILD WILL DO IN SCHOOL f CURRICULUM COMMUNICATIONS 'XXar-'^jari, . ffow eycif#fiy: Jfou. a r e c/J €f%ou.^l\ {e £0 ^t> ScS*eof, w 4 t*'1| have SucL a. Ao«J T’hte tn

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'^9 T & t x J b r - N5 U> to APPENDIX K

SAMPLE OF RYAN’S SCHOOL WORK

233 234 235 Ryan G a m 237 N ' ? T CT'i *y

-- U _ L V ) L . / •Vi \ 'N. > 238

2 POSITION Discuss. I

239 © by D.C. Heath and Company. rightsAll reserved.

CLASSIFICATION Mark the ahimal that ia the aame color. REFERENCES

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Winetsky, C. S. Comparisons of the expectations of parents and teachers for the behavior of preschool children. Child Development, 1978, 49, 1146-1154. REFERENCE NOTES

1. Hock, E., Stewart, L., and Martin-Huff, E. School entry; A critical period in the development of the parent-school relationship. Manuscript submitted for publication, 1982.

2. Schaeffer, E. S. Parent interview predictors of teacher ratings of school adaptation: Concepts, methods and findings. Paper presented at the Second International Conference on Developmental Screening, Santa Fe, 1977.

3. Zalusky, V. L. Relationships between writing and drawing in children's modes of production. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, 1982.

245