ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY Atugust 14, 1982

cal distinctioins of Marxistn-Leninisin- 's Marxist-Leninists-II Maoism - in which the various Sumanta Banerji Marxist-Leninist groups of Bangla- desh delight to indulge - the JSD FROM a review of the last decade, it The Unfinisfied Revolution" has ex- chose two issues: first, the general 'is obvious that the different Marxist- haustively investigated the American frustration among the masses because Leninist groups faced an ideological links behind the August 15 events. of Sheikh Mujib's failures in the eco- crisis immediately after the liberation But he has also - in the other part of nomic sphere; and second, the patrio- of Bangladesh. Almost all of them the book dealing with Abu Taher's tiC aspirations of the people, parti- agreed that the liberation was pri- uprising - touched upon the popular cularly the army 'jawans' wlho had marily brought about by the interven- feeling of relief at Mujib's departure fought in the liberation war and tion of the Indian army - which and expectation of a change. It is this found to their dismay that they were prevented a protracted national libera- mass expectation oni which the Jatiya being forced to submit to pressures tion war against and pre-etn- Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) - a break- from the Indian government (imme- pted the emergence of an indigenous away group from the , diately after liberation, Major Jalil patriotic (probably Leftist) leadership led by students and young intellectuals who later became a leader of the JSD - and that the Awami League gov- committed to a vague Leftist strategy -- protested against the depredations ernment was subservienit to Soviet of a 'socialist revolution' in Bangla- carried out by the Indian army, and Union and the Indian governmnent.But desh - capitalised, anid in conjunc- as a result, was imprisoned by the they differed on the strategy to be tion with the patriotic sections of the Mujib regime). These two issues were followed. Was the main contradiction 'jawans' of the Bangladesh almy attemp- the bases of JSD popularity in between the masses and the external ted an uprising on November 7, 1974-75. powers represented by 'Soviet social- 1975. But the uprising paved the way But the JSD failed to achieve their imperialists and Indian expansionists', for the return of yet another dictator, objective, as their strike was confined or between the masses and the indi- Ziaur Rahmain, safeguarding the inter- to a coup d'etat only. There was no genous feudal and compradore inter- ests of the same feudal and compra- plan to co-ordinate the mutiny in the ests? Wile these ideological debates dor interests, as evident from the re- barracks with peasants' uprising in the continued, split after split followed in cord of his regime. This experience countryside, where 80 per cent of the the ranks, eroding the strength of the carries lessons for the Marxist- Bangladesh population lives. Such a Marxist-Leninists and making them Leniniists of Bangladesh. As one co-ordination could have -re--empted vulnerable to the militarily surperior Marxist-Leninist pamphlet referring the return of a careerist armyman-poli- offensive launched by the state's re- to the November 7, 1975 events points .tician like who continu- pressive forces as well as the Awami out: "Why, in spite of the role of ed to represent the interests of the Leaguie hoodlums. patriotic forces in the army, state ruling classes and imperialists. The In the meantime, the initial euphoria power again reverted to the same rul- Marxist-Leninist groups who were among the masses generated by the ing clique instead of progressive active in the countryside at that time 1971 liberation was fast evaporating patriots? The answer to this question the EPCP (M-L), the Purba Bangla dIe to the inevitable crisis in the eco- is: the 'Jawans' of the army, although Communist Party (M-L) and the Sar- nomic and political fields. Inflation, inspired by patriotic instincts, are not bahara Party - and were committed blackmarketing, hoarding of food- aware of their own class role. In the to armed struggle, suffered from pre- grains by profiteers and landlords, the present socio-economic st-ucture of judices against the leaders of the JSD. emergence of Awami League armed Bangladesh, the political leadership The JSD leaders, Rab and Sirai, one- hoodlums terrorising villagers and which can make them aware of their time activists of the Awami League citizens testified to the failure of historical role and organise them to students' front, had played a prominent Sheikh Mujibur's policies. In a des- carry out that responsibility has not part during 1971 in fighting and killing perate bid to maintain power, Mujib yet emerged. Those who are carrying Marxist-Leninists. The mutual bitter- declared Emergency on December 28, on the progressive Leftist tradition ness between the JSD ranks and Mao- 1974; made himself President for five have failed to come forward unitedly ists continued even after liberation and years in a constitutional change on to play their historical role" (Pro- still lingers. gramme of the Patriotic January 25, 1975 and stampeded all Front, August The various Marxist-Leninist groupg the 1981(?)). political parties into joining a of Bangladesh still do not have any single party called the Bangladesh JSD's ROLE concrete programme for the 'jawans' Krishak Sramik Awami League of the army. Yet, unlike soldiers in (BAKSAL) on February 24 that year. The ability of the JSD to fill the other parts of the sub-continent, the T4e divided and enfeebled Marxist- vacuum created by the absence of an members of the armed forces in Leninists could hardly be expected to effective and viable revolutionary oppo- Bangladesh have a militant and radical pose a challenge to this fast-mnoving sition to Sheikh Muijibur Rahman's past. Their role in the liberation war pace of dictatorial onrush and provide regime (it was mainly the students and their radicalisation in the course of a viable alternative to the people of and petty-bourgeois militants who events set them apart from the armed Bangladesh. In such a situation, the flocked to the JSD, which proved to forces of Pakistan or India. It is signi- decisive strike could be sprung only be a powerful challenge in November ficant that during the last one decade by an organised group. It was a sec- 1975 when it received support from there have been at least 20 small or tion in the army which dealt the fatal the army 'jawans' led by Abu Taher) major attempted army coups in Bangla- blow by assassinating Mujib and his should be a lesson for the Marxist- desh. While political observers can family members on August 15. Law- Leninists of Bangladesh. Uninhibited dismiss them as foreign-inspired ience Lifschultz in his "Bangladesh: by the need to explain subtle theoreti- attempts, a dispassionate analysis can-

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This content downloaded from 137.189.171.235 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 04:56:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Auti(ist 14. 1982 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY not ignore the desperate urge for a Party descrilbed Zia as a "puppet" of. Inidia and Soviet Uniioin, one of their change among the 'jawans? which has US imperialism aind called for the des- followers in a self-critical mood says: led them all these years to support one truction of US imperialists, Soviet "All their discussions and decisions coUp or another. Not all the coups social-imperialism and Indian expan- stem from their opposition to Russia can be explained as expressions of sionists. But Toaha's SamyvabadiDal and India, not from a Marxist or a class rivalry among the army officers, which which at first supported Zia, at a later viewpoint.. They do not work in the incidentally is an important factor in stage accused him of subservience to interests of our people, but for the the crisis in the alrmedforces of Bangla- 'Indian expansionism' on issues like sake of their internationaI allies." (Syed desh. As for the 'jawans', they pri- Farakka. Toaha's consistent proximity Tarikuzzaman, Forum, October 19, marily come from the peasantry or to the official Chinese view, and his 1981.) The same criticism is made by workinig class families, and are affected adherence to Beijing's new fangled another Bangladeshi Marxist-Leninist by the economic disabilities that have 'Three World Theory' which holds theoretician, when he says that Leftists hit the poor in villages and cities in the Soviet social-imperialism as the main in Bangladesh "dissociated from class recent years. To their utter dismay enermy, possibly led him to ignore Zia's struLggles,[have] become direct or in- they found that the November 7, 1905 pro-US stance. Yet, the national com- direct servants of one superpower in coup which many among them support- pulsion of ooposing Zia forced him to the name of opposing the other". ed, brought about a regime which fail- find an ideological rationale that would (Badruddin Umar. "Leftists of -Bangla- ed to solve basic economic problems. justify the opposition. What better desh", Sanskr-iti, September 1981.) Inflation reached alarming heights rationale could there be than branding during Zia's six-year regime. The Zie as a weak-kneed ruler kowtowing IIEAL.rTHYSIGNS prices of essential commodities showed before India and the Soviet Union? These comments are healthy signs of a six to 10 times increase. The cost of Some other Marxist-Leninists, however, a new realisation among Marxist-Lenin- living index duiring 1980-81, the last like the pro-Beijing faction of Bhasani's ists of Bangladesh. Their experience year of his government, went up by 17 NAP, held that Zia was a staunch duiring the. last 10 years as well as per cent. The country's economy which fighter against the Indian expansionists the recent developments in China have during the Pakistani days was domi- and Soviet social-imperialism and they forced them to take a fresh look at nated by 22 families, is today control- sunk their identity into Zia's Bangla- their own couintry and slowly diss- led bv 2 0 millionaires who have mush- desh Nationalist Party (BNP). In the associate themselves from Chinese roomed during the last decade by name of opposing Indian expansionism policies. Both the factions of the Sar- taking advantage of the liberal credit and Soviet social-imperialism, some bahara party have (lenounced the present palicy of the banks for industrial deve- Marxist-Leninists did not hesitate to Chinese leadership. The Anwar Kabir- lopment. On the other hand, once- ally with the extreme Rightwing ele- led faction has called upon all "devot- profitable industries like jute and tex- ments like the Muslim League or ed Marxists to firmly oppose the neo-re- tiles have begun to show a declining Jamaat-e-Islami, who are traditionallv visionist leadership of China and uphold trend in production. The public sector anti-Indian and anti-Communist. Dur- Mao Zedong Thought". The other fac- corporations have suiffered tremendous ing the recent elections, they -joined tion led by Ziauddin has urged all Marx- loss because of widespread corruption the 17-party National Front formed by ist-Leninists to reject the 'Three World and mismanagement. Ataur Rahman Khan along with Right- Theory' of the "revisionist Chinese Instead of taking firm measures wing elements to fight Russia and Leadership". The Purba Bangla Com- against the upstart millionaires, Zia India. munist Partv (M-L) in a circular pub- leaned more and more on the US for Thus, it is evident that during Zia's lished sometime ago stated: "After hav- loans and imports. US commitment of regime, the bogey of 'Indian expansion- ing analysed the national and inter- assistance which was only S 59.8 mil- ism' and 'Soviet social-imperialism' - national policies of the present Chinese lion in 1973-74 (during the last years on the fear of which an entire genera- party, we can come unhesitatingly to of Mujib's regime) rose to $ 221.9 mil- tion had been brought up in Bangla- the conclusion that revisionists are in lion in 1978-79, which significantly desh - continued to be evoked both power today in the Teng-led Chinese svnchronised with in a decline Soviet by Zia (to oppose Awami League) and par-ty.... But we believe that they commitment - from $ 32 million in Zia's opponents, including some Marx- would not be able to remain in power 1973-74 to S 6.5 million in 1977-78. ist-Leninists. The bogey was a conveni- for long." Abdul Huq's Revolutionary Similarly. the value of goods imported ent by-pass for Zia to divert the atten- Comnmunist Party of Bangladesh has from the US went up from about S 80 tion of the masses from domestic eco- also rejected the 'Three World Theory' million to between 1976-77 $ 230 million nomic problems, as well as a handy but remains firm in the Maoist strategy and while 1978-79, that from East- stick to beat the Opposition. The latter of 'encircling cities with villages'. ern Europe including the USSR show- also found it a suitable slogan to curly It is significant that these are the ed a much smaller increase from $ 40 favour with the anti-Indian sections of groups which still have some armed a S million to little over 63 million. the population. The pattern of political bases in the countryside, and enjoy There wa7-s a in the definitely shift, policy campaign was a close parallel to the mass popularity in their bases. The of devendence, from the Soviet camp Indian situation, where the CIA is Sarbahara party for instance reguilarly to the West, particularlv the US. evoked as the bogeyman - both by the holds people's courts to punish local ruling party (which blames 'foreign criminals in the villages they control. CHANGE IN DEPENDENCE PA- rERN hands' for every failure) and the Left But one has to admit at the same time It was this clearly discernible change Opposition (which attacks the ruling that both numerically and area-wise in the dependence pattern that forced party for not being tough enough with their influence is marginal in the con- many Marxist-Leninists to reassess the CIA). text of entire Bangladesh. their old judgment about the ruling Com-mentingon the pre-occupation There are still no political forces on powers of Bangladesh. The Sarbahara of Bangladeshi Marxist-Leninists with the ho)rizoncapable of bringing together

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This content downloaded from 137.189.171.235 on Tue, 16 Feb 2016 04:56:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions all the splinitered Marxist-Leninist (with in 1971, with of united. action against repression not groups around a single coherent set of Soviet social-imperialism and India in only for the revolutionary group but strategy and tactics. Identification of 1975 and with US imperialism today) for other radical elements outside the the principal contradiction, isolation of on the other keep shifting - some- Marxist-Leninist fold, the renewal of the main enemy and selection of -the times one, sometimes the other assum- interest in Marxism among a large potential allies, develoment of a flexi- ing importance. It is the failure to body of students and young oeople as ble combination of legal and under- identify the main contradiction at a evident from the growth of study ground functioning, assigning a role to given time in a fast changing political groups, are perhaps straws in the wind. the army 'jawans' in the future revolu- scenario that has led the Bangladesh If an imaginative leadership with a tion - are still questions to which Marxist-Leninists to let slip opportuni- coherent strategy that would link dav- satisfactory answers have to come up. ties in the past, even though they can to-day practice for the workers and It is on these questions that the various -claim a band of dedicated cadres anid peasants with a revolutionary prolject Marxist-Leninists are dffering, shiftina the martyrdom of the largest number of ultimate transformation of Bangla- and splitting. of ranks and followers. desh society, can bring together these To list catalogue of groups and their The attempts by some of the active various strands into a unified body, specific features would miss the pur- groups to break away fr(om Chinese only then can the Marxist-Leninists pose. There are at least 12 groups. influence, the setting un of the 'Sha- make their bid for the leadership of the It might be useful, though somewhat heed Biplabi 0 Deshapremik Smriti next popular upsurage. unfair, to regroup them under the Samsad' (mentioned earlier) as a centre (Concluded) following headings: those who regard the contradiction between feudalism and the masses as the basic contradic- The University of Papua New Guinea ti.on, and those who do not accept this. The first group can be subdivided into (Port MIoresby) two: -those who primarily work legally ECONOMICSDEPARTMENT in open mass fronts. and those who Applications are invited from suitably qualified persons for the following are underground. Among the groups at positions in-the department of Economics: the moment, at least three groups - the 1. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR/SENIOR LECTURER the Revolutionary Sarbahara Party, Preference will be given to candidates having a Ph. D. or equivalent, Communist Party of Bangladesh (M-L) internationally recognized academic achievements and ability to and the Purba Bangla Communist Party provide leadership in teaching and research. The applicants (M-L) - are functioning from- the should have specialized in the Economic Theory of Socialism, Economic Planning and Comparative Economic Systems, having a underground and carrying out armed strong interest in Marxian Economics with reference to developing operations. Among those groups which economies. do not regard feudalism as the main The successful applicant will teach mainly in the final year of the enemy, and anpear to stress the deve- undergraduate Economics Degree and in the Honours Programme, lopment of capitalism in agriculture are from First Semester (February) 1983. the Bangladesh Communist Party (M-L), 2. SENIOR LECTURER/LECTURER Bangladesh Janamukti Party, and Work- Preference will be given to candidates having a Ph. D. or equivalent ers Party. All the three work through qualification. Teaching and/or research experience relevant to a open mass organisations. developing country would be an advantage. The applicants should have specialized in Macro Economics with GHOST OF THE PAST applied interests in International Trade Theory, Regional Economics and Economic Policy. The ghost of the past still haunts all The successful applicant will be engaged in teaching undergraduate the groups. The failure to resolve the and Honours level courses and in supervising research at Honours tussle between stress on domestic class and Postgraduate levels. conflicts and that on the contradiction SALARY: Associate Professor K20,680 per annum plus gratuity Senior Lecturer K18,680 per annum plus gratuity between the nation at large and the Lecturer 2 K16,830 per annum pius gratuity external colonial nowers dogs them at Lecturer 1 K14,980 per annum plus gratuity. every step. In 1971 they paid the price Applications will be treated as strictly confidential and should include for ignoring the rising mood of hosti- a full curriculum vitae, a recent passport size photograph, the names lity of the entire East Bengali people and addresses of three referees, and an off-print copy of relevant against West Pakistan, and lost the articles published in journals of international standing. leadership of the movement to the The successful applicant will be offered a contract for a three-year Awami League. In 1975 again, their appointment. The gratuity entitlement is based on 24% of salary earned -and is payable in installments or lump sum and is taxed at a pie-occupation with theoretical debates flat rate of 2%. In addition to the salaries quoted above, the main about relations between Banggladesh benefits include: support for approved research; rent-free accommoda- and India to the neglect of the more tion; appointment and repatriation airfares for appointee . and urgent task of uniting therselves and dependants; settling-in and settling-out allowances, 6 weeks annual recreation leave with home airfares available after each 18 months of mobilising the masses against internal continuous service; generous education subsidies for children attending corruption and repression of the Mujib schools in PNG or overseas; a salary continuation scheme to cover regime, paved the way for an arm'; extended illness or disability. Applicants who wish to arrange second- faction to strike the blow, and later for ment from their home institutions will be welcome. the JSD to emerge as the motivating Applications should be forwarded to the Assistant Secretary (Staffing), force for the next change. The* domes- University of Papua New Guinea, P 0 Box 320, UNIVERSITY,to reach him not later than 31 1982. tic class conflict on the one hand, and August OF the contradiction between Bangladesh SECRETARY(UNIVERSITY PNG) people and external colonial powers

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