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Jeremy Thorpe, Leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, Died Three Weeks Before Christmas 2014

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Jeremy Thorpe, Leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, Died Three Weeks Before Christmas 2014 ASSESSING JEREMY ThORPE Jeremy Thorpe, leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, died three weeks before Christmas 2014. In the last issue of the Journal of Liberal History (issue 85, winter 2014–15), we carried two articles by Robert Ingham and Ronald Porter commemorating Thorpe’s political career. Several of our readers subsequently wrote to take issue with, or to supplement, the picture of Thorpe’s life and political career they portrayed. Here we carry articles by Michael Steed, Tony Greaves, Andrew Duff and Joyce Arram. 8 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 ASSESSING JEREMY ThORPE Jeremy Thorpe – myth and magic The announcement of Jeremy Independent offered an interesting he developed an obsession with the Thorpe’s death on 5 December 2014 and very personal appreciation, idea that Scott was a serious threat, unleashed a wide range of feelings while fighting old battles against even after his pathetic ravings had and claims. the Young Liberals (about whom been dismissed by everyone who The Jeremy fan club came out both he and Thorpe were rather then mattered. Thorpe’s addic- in force, with views from Sir Nick ill-informed). Michael Meadow- tion to risk-taking brought about Harvey (present MP for North croft’s reflections inLiberator were his nemesis. It was close to a case of Devon) that his predecessor had also something of a witness state- political suicide, in which the pas- ‘shaped the political landscape’ to ment, this time about how difficult sengers in the vehicle he piloted (his The Times news report by Lucy Jeremy made it for party officers party) were put recklessly at risk. Fisher, calling him a ‘crucial mod- to do their job, even whilst they It is an interpretation which fits erniser who turned the Liberal were striving to protect the repu- my own encounters with Jeremy Party into a radical force’. But late tation of their leader, or (by 1978 Thorpe. on the evening of 5 December, at the Southport Assembly) that of My own full reflections would BBC Radio 4 broadcast what had their party against the way its for- be coloured by the fact that the originally been put together in 1979 mer leader wanted to drag it down major part of my personal contri- as a documentary by Tom Man- with him. butions to the Liberal cause came gold, scheduled to go out follow- Michael Bloch’s long-awaited during the two decades that Jeremy ing the expected ‘guilty’ verdict at biography was hurriedly (with sat for North Devon, first as the ris- Thorpe’s Old Bailey trial. In this, inadequate time for proper index- ing hope of the Grimond revival, the Thorpe story was presented, checking) published straight after then as my leader for nine years with emphasis on the class character Thorpe’s death, a fascinating and and finally (in the three years fol- of 1960s British society, as an estab- thoroughly researched delve into lowing his resignation as leader) as lishment conspiracy, including con- Jeremy’s psychology, though not a haunting presence still demand- temporary interviews establishing always so reliable on political and ing a leading role in politics. It was early police knowledge of Jeremy’s electoral detail (reviewed by me during this last period that I found risky sex-life, and clear evidence in the Times Literary Supplement, 1 myself, as party president, investi- that the purpose of the plot in April 2015; review in the Journal gating what had happened to large which he was involved was indeed forthcoming). No attempt to evalu- donations secured by Thorpe from to kill his former lover, Norman ate his life and career should now be Jack Hayward for the party – they Scott. The former leader had been a made without taking this magnum turned out to have been used for would-be murderer. opus into account. Bloch is careful legitimate political purposes, but Not surprisingly, the obituaries to reserve judgement on some criti- with loose accounting procedures found it difficult to strike a balance. cal points, e.g. whether the point of Thorpe arrives that would today be outside the Of those I read, the Daily Telegraph’s the plot was to kill Scott or just to at 10 Downing law. was the most comprehensive and scare him into silence. Street for talks That was not the only investi- balanced, while that in The Times Bloch, however, makes a bold with Prime gation I once made into his darker contained most errors and doubt- judgement on Jeremy’s character. Minister Edward side – I saw that when as returning ful judgements (both were anony- He argues that he was a fantasist, Heath, 2 March officer for the 1971 Young Liberal mous). Richard Moore’s in The who needed to live dangerously; 1974 elections I had to deal with (and for Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 9 AssEssiNG JEREMY THORPE the sake of the party’s reputation had argued for the broadest front If the Liberal bottomless pits for cash and human draw a veil over) his attempt to rig (against Thorpe’s judgement) from effort. It is difficult to identify a those elections to block Peter Hain, 1970 on, and the president-elect, Party organi- single seat which Thorpe’s meth- as Tony Greaves explains below. I Arthur Holt, who made it happen. ods or money made winnable – the am also witness to many occasions The jump from 328 candidates in sation was best case perhaps is the Isle of Ely in which he undermined, bypassed 1970 and the 380 the party had in by-election in 1973. The test in or trampled over party officers, the field on 8 February 1974 to the sometimes the end is what happened to Lib- so weakening the party’s collec- 517 that stood at the general elec- eral representation at Westminster. tive leadership. If the Liberal Party tion on 28 February was achieved ineffective Under Grimond, the party rose organisation was sometimes inef- by the very party officers that from 6 MPs (half of them depend- fective or muddled during his lead- Thorpe liked to bypass; character- or muddled ent on Conservative votes) to 12 ership years, his behaviour bears istically, Jeremy grabbed the credit (all in three-cornered fights); under much responsibility. for the extra votes this produced. during his Thorpe it just limped up from 12 to Yet I also recall a leader of real On 28 February, Labour (which 13. With Steel it went from 13 to 17 passion and deep principle, truly took office) lost more deposits than leadership (or 19 Lib Dems). capable of inspiring. A leader who the Liberals. Further, the myth of Thorpe’s really does bring tangible political We must also put the surge of years, his success hides the real revolution in benefit to his cause can be forgiven February 1974 against the slumps of behaviour targeting. Already in the mid 1950s, a lot of rough handling. So let us June 1970 and October 1974. When some Liberals locally took the view focus on simply what good he did they led the party, both Grimond bears much that the party could win outside for the Liberal Party. and Steel achieved two surges Celtic fringe or traditional areas by He was a superb constituency against one slump; Thorpe’s cam- responsibil- patient, hard work and a long-term Liberal MP, not the first, and cer- paign track record was the worst of commitment. Typically in newer tainly not the last – but a model the three. The party’s misfortune in ity. urban areas, they set about building for many who followed and have the 1970 and October 1974 elections up support through local elections; learned how to cultivate their owed as much to its leader as did the from 1960, that became a national patches and so build up the party’s February 1974 fortune – in particu- strategy. The credit for that goes to Commons representation. lar, his final broadcast in 1970 tell- men (sic) like Richard Wainwright, He has been said to have made ing the electorate that it was about Pratap Chitnis and Michael Mead- an intellectual input. This is absurd, to vote Wilson back into power owcroft, i.e. despised party officers not least as it is what he specifi- (Heath won), so the country needed and generally Thorpe’s opponents. cally claimed not to do. Rather, he a few opposition Liberal MPs. In The fruits were victories in seats claimed that, Jo Grimond having October 1974 he seemed not to not previously within the party’s brought intellectual credibility to know what he was doing; Bloch’s radar: Orpington (1962), Cheadle/ the party, his purpose was to bring revelations on the growing pres- Hazel Grove (1966/74) and Bir- it political credibility. Did he? sures on him at that stage may help mingham Ladywood (1969). By The unexpected six million to explain why. 1970, Trevor Jones, with his inno- Liberal votes cast in February 1974 Those seeking credits for Thor- vative techniques, and the Young suggest some success. Anyone who pe’s leadership point to his focus Liberals, in search of an ideal, knocked on doors then (as I did) on winnable seats, some even see- brought methods and philosophy can witness to the wave of per- ing it as the herald of the party’s together as the community politics sonal support he aroused – similar successful targeting strategy. Yet strategy; many more electoral vic- to Cleggmania in 2010. His style targeting was not new; in the 1950 tories have followed. matched the moment, aided by the election, the student activist Jer- This of course happened on way he led the campaign by press emy had gone (in vain) to the tar- Thorpe’s watch, but he played lit- conferences relayed from Barnsta- get seat of North Dorset to help the tle part in it.
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