ASSESSING Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe, leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, died three weeks before Christmas 2014. In the last issue of the Journal of Liberal History (issue 85, winter 2014–15), we carried two articles by Robert Ingham and Ronald Porter commemorating Thorpe’s political career. Several of our readers subsequently wrote to take issue with, or to supplement, the picture of Thorpe’s life and political career they portrayed. Here we carry articles by Michael Steed, Tony Greaves, Andrew Duff and Joyce Arram.

8 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 ASSESSING Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe – myth and magic The announcement of Jeremy Independent offered an interesting he developed an obsession with the Thorpe’s death on 5 December 2014 and very personal appreciation, idea that Scott was a serious threat, unleashed a wide range of feelings while fighting old battles against even after his pathetic ravings had and claims. the Young Liberals (about whom been dismissed by everyone who The Jeremy fan club came out both he and Thorpe were rather then mattered. Thorpe’s addic- in force, with views from Sir Nick ill-informed). Michael Meadow- tion to risk-taking brought about Harvey (present MP for North croft’s reflections inLiberator were his nemesis. It was close to a case of Devon) that his predecessor had also something of a witness state- political suicide, in which the pas- ‘shaped the political landscape’ to ment, this time about how difficult sengers in the vehicle he piloted (his The Times news report by Lucy Jeremy made it for party officers party) were put recklessly at risk. Fisher, calling him a ‘crucial mod- to do their job, even whilst they It is an interpretation which fits erniser who turned the Liberal were striving to protect the repu- my own encounters with Jeremy Party into a radical force’. But late tation of their leader, or (by 1978 Thorpe. on the evening of 5 December, at the Southport Assembly) that of My own full reflections would BBC Radio 4 broadcast what had their party against the way its for- be coloured by the fact that the originally been put together in 1979 mer leader wanted to drag it down major part of my personal contri- as a documentary by Tom Man- with him. butions to the Liberal cause came gold, scheduled to go out follow- Michael Bloch’s long-awaited during the two decades that Jeremy ing the expected ‘guilty’ verdict at biography was hurriedly (with sat for North Devon, first as the ris- Thorpe’s Old Bailey trial. In this, inadequate time for proper index- ing hope of the Grimond revival, the Thorpe story was presented, checking) published straight after then as my leader for nine years with emphasis on the class character Thorpe’s death, a fascinating and and finally (in the three years fol- of 1960s British society, as an estab- thoroughly researched delve into lowing his resignation as leader) as lishment conspiracy, including con- Jeremy’s psychology, though not a haunting presence still demand- temporary interviews establishing always so reliable on political and ing a leading role in politics. It was early police knowledge of Jeremy’s electoral detail (reviewed by me during this last period that I found risky sex-life, and clear evidence in the Times Literary Supplement, 1 myself, as party president, investi- that the purpose of the plot in April 2015; review in the Journal gating what had happened to large which he was involved was indeed forthcoming). No attempt to evalu- donations secured by Thorpe from to kill his former lover, Norman ate his life and career should now be Jack Hayward for the party – they Scott. The former leader had been a made without taking this magnum turned out to have been used for would-be murderer. opus into account. Bloch is careful legitimate political purposes, but Not surprisingly, the obituaries to reserve judgement on some criti- with loose accounting procedures found it difficult to strike a balance. cal points, e.g. whether the point of Thorpe arrives that would today be outside the Of those I read, the Daily Telegraph’s the plot was to kill Scott or just to at 10 Downing law. was the most comprehensive and scare him into silence. Street for talks That was not the only investi- balanced, while that in The Times Bloch, however, makes a bold with Prime gation I once made into his darker contained most errors and doubt- judgement on Jeremy’s character. Minister Edward side – I saw that when as returning ful judgements (both were anony- He argues that he was a fantasist, Heath, 2 March officer for the 1971 Young Liberal mous). Richard Moore’s in The who needed to live dangerously; 1974 elections I had to deal with (and for

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 9 assessing jeremy thorpe the sake of the party’s reputation had argued for the broadest front If the Liberal bottomless pits for cash and human draw a veil over) his attempt to rig (against Thorpe’s judgement) from effort. It is difficult to identify a those elections to block Peter Hain, 1970 on, and the president-elect, Party organi- single seat which Thorpe’s meth- as Tony Greaves explains below. I Arthur Holt, who made it happen. ods or money made winnable – the am also witness to many occasions The jump from 328 candidates in sation was best case perhaps is the Isle of Ely in which he undermined, bypassed 1970 and the 380 the party had in by-election in 1973. The test in or trampled over party officers, the field on 8 February 1974 to the sometimes the end is what happened to Lib- so weakening the party’s collec- 517 that stood at the general elec- eral representation at Westminster. tive leadership. If the Liberal Party tion on 28 February was achieved ineffective Under Grimond, the party rose organisation was sometimes inef- by the very party officers that from 6 MPs (half of them depend- fective or muddled during his lead- Thorpe liked to bypass; character- or muddled ent on Conservative votes) to 12 ership years, his behaviour bears istically, Jeremy grabbed the credit (all in three-cornered fights); under much responsibility. for the extra votes this produced. during his Thorpe it just limped up from 12 to Yet I also recall a leader of real On 28 February, Labour (which 13. With Steel it went from 13 to 17 passion and deep principle, truly took office) lost more deposits than leadership (or 19 Lib Dems). capable of inspiring. A leader who the Liberals. Further, the myth of Thorpe’s really does bring tangible political We must also put the surge of years, his success hides the real revolution in benefit to his cause can be forgiven February 1974 against the slumps of behaviour targeting. Already in the mid 1950s, a lot of rough handling. So let us June 1970 and October 1974. When some Liberals locally took the view focus on simply what good he did they led the party, both Grimond bears much that the party could win outside for the Liberal Party. and Steel achieved two surges Celtic fringe or traditional areas by He was a superb constituency against one slump; Thorpe’s cam- responsibil- patient, hard work and a long-term Liberal MP, not the first, and cer- paign track record was the worst of commitment. Typically in newer tainly not the last – but a model the three. The party’s misfortune in ity. urban areas, they set about building for many who followed and have the 1970 and October 1974 elections up support through local elections; learned how to cultivate their owed as much to its leader as did the from 1960, that became a national patches and so build up the party’s February 1974 fortune – in particu- strategy. The credit for that goes to Commons representation. lar, his final broadcast in 1970 tell- men (sic) like Richard Wainwright, He has been said to have made ing the electorate that it was about Pratap Chitnis and Michael Mead- an intellectual input. This is absurd, to vote Wilson back into power owcroft, i.e. despised party officers not least as it is what he specifi- (Heath won), so the country needed and generally Thorpe’s opponents. cally claimed not to do. Rather, he a few opposition Liberal MPs. In The fruits were victories in seats claimed that, Jo Grimond having October 1974 he seemed not to not previously within the party’s brought intellectual credibility to know what he was doing; Bloch’s radar: Orpington (1962), Cheadle/ the party, his purpose was to bring revelations on the growing pres- Hazel Grove (1966/74) and Bir- it political credibility. Did he? sures on him at that stage may help mingham Ladywood (1969). By The unexpected six million to explain why. 1970, Trevor Jones, with his inno- Liberal votes cast in February 1974 Those seeking credits for Thor- vative techniques, and the Young suggest some success. Anyone who pe’s leadership point to his focus Liberals, in search of an ideal, knocked on doors then (as I did) on winnable seats, some even see- brought methods and philosophy can witness to the wave of per- ing it as the herald of the party’s together as the community politics sonal support he aroused – similar successful targeting strategy. Yet strategy; many more electoral vic- to Cleggmania in 2010. His style targeting was not new; in the 1950 tories have followed. matched the moment, aided by the election, the student activist Jer- This of course happened on way he led the campaign by press emy had gone (in vain) to the tar- Thorpe’s watch, but he played lit- conferences relayed from Barnsta- get seat of North Dorset to help the tle part in it. It is doubtful that he ple to London. He decided on this chief whip, Frank Byers. He went really understood what was hap- innovation (paid for by Hayward) on to raise funds personally to dis- pening at his party’s grassroots; to save what he wrongly thought perse directly in secrecy (a practice he was always an Oxford Union was his vulnerable seat in North now unlawful) to favoured candi- and House of Commons man, not Devon; it gave him simultaneously dates or seats he spotted as winna- a community politician. Yet as a presence and a curious magisterial ble. A leader raising funds outside role-model constituency MP, he detachment from a frayed national the party’s accounts, and dispersing nicely complemented the strategy campaign. He deserves some credit in that manner, was also not new: his party adopted. for the six million. Lloyd George had done it before, He could also inspire activ- But the relevant innovation was on a grander scale. ists to go out delivering the leaflets that the Liberal Party, previously To spot winnable seats, he did and knocking on the doors that the scarred by the mass loss of depos- what we all did in those days – strategy required. He was, too and its in 1950, decided to fight on a picking the few, mainly in the for a time, immensely popular with broader front, while Heath’s hesita- Celtic fringe, with a good vote in them, whilst ill at ease both with his tion about using the miners’ strike the depths of the 1950s, or those own party officers and those (by the as an excuse for a precipitate elec- which had returned a Liberal early 1970s grouped around Radi- tion allowed the party organisation MP sometime after 1931. Some cal Bulletin) who were promoting the to get a lot more candidates in the now possess, once more, Liberal strategy. What was his magic? field. Thorpe played no part in that; (Democrat) MPs; some like Den- At the personal level, he had an credit goes to John Pardoe, who bigh or North Dorset proved to be exciting platform and TV screen

10 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 assessing jeremy thorpe presence; his view of politics was Thorpe and the Young Liberals theatrical and he was a top-class performer on his chosen stages. I fear that too many people are Thorpe then tried to bully me His fantasist’s self-confidence saw rewriting the history of Jeremy into changing YL policy on Israel/ the party through setbacks, and Thorpe’s leadership of the Liberal Palestine. ‘Tony – you are now played up meagre advances into Party. Others will debunk the idea Leader of the Young Liberals.’ (No, triumphs. With drive, wit, mim- that he was personally responsible I said, I was the chairman, not the icry and old-fashioned (Oxford for all the electoral advances in the leader). ‘We believe that you must Union) rhetoric, he could soar over early 1970s (or indeed in the 1960s) show the necessary leadership on reality. The Young Liberals, with better than I can. However, the fol- behalf of the party. The future of whose own drive and commitment lowing true stories from 1970–71, the party is at stake and we are rely- he struggled, greeted him at Great when I chaired the Young Liberals, ing on you.’ Yarmouth in 1967 (their first con- may give a sense of the flavour of I asked what this was all about ference after his election as leader) his leadership. and he said that the YL policy on with chants of ‘Jeremy, Jeremy, Israel and Palestine and the publicity Jeremy’ – more like a Nuremburg from it was very damaging. He said rally than a gathering of rational Attempt to bully the YLs it had been passed by a few unrep- Liberals or the revolting young! The annual Easter conference of the resentative individuals and I had to Only later did they identify him as National League of Young Liberals make it clear that it was not the view an obstacle to radical Liberalism. (NLYL) in 1970 took place at Skeg- of the Young Liberals. He said they But many Liberals continued to ness. I was elected as YL chairman. had prepared a press statement for idolise him until, and even after, his Apart from the forthcoming South me and all I had to do was agree to it. disgrace. African cricket tour, the main I said that there had been a very At the political level, he joined topic of discussion was Israel/Pal- thorough discussion at the confer- a party struggling to survive but estine. There was a long and thor- ence with several hundred members convinced that in its internation- ough debate, with proposals from in attendance, there had been a long alism, its understanding of Brit- all viewpoints. A pro-Palestinian debate with all sides putting their ain’s changed role in the world, resolution was very clearly carried views forward, and the final vote its commitment to freedom with which resulted in national public- had been quite decisive. The YLs social justice, its programmes of ity, including hostile coverage in were a democratic body and there constitutional reform and of co- the Jewish press. was no way I could overturn the partnership in industry, it stood Shortly afterwards I travelled decision. And really, why was it so for distinctive principles. He was a to London on YL business. When I important? skilled articulator of this identity, arrived I was told that Ted Wheeler Lord Byers looked me in the and persuaded many who sympa- (head of Liberal Party HQ – known eye and said I must understand thised with the consequent poli- as the Liberal Party Organisation, how serious it was. The party was cies – particularly with European or LPO, and located in a scruffy almost bankrupt, with a general integration, African freedom and yard off the Strand) wanted to see election pending, and it relied a pragmatic moderation on eco- me urgently. I was rushed into his heavily on a few important donors. nomic issues – to join with and room. ‘Jeremy wants to see you – I looked back at him and he paused. work for the Liberal Party. The now,’ he said. I explained that I was Then he said: ‘We are talking about party’s tradition and Jo Grimond due to meet fellow YL officer David a few very generous members of the defined his starting points. He did Mumford over lunch and could not party who are also leading mem- not need to add to them; he main- see him until the afternoon. bers of the Jewish community.’ tained them well. The par- I insisted, but Wheeler said: ‘I Desmond Banks looked So how do we balance the can’t tell him that – you will have unhappy but said nothing through- Thorpe account? Nick Clegg’s con- ty’s tradi- to tell him’, rang his number and out the whole interview. I said I cise tribute, circulated to party passed me the phone. ‘You must was sorry but there was nothing I members on the day that Jeremy tion and Jo come to the House of Commons could do, and after some further Thorpe died, is a reasonable sum- now,’ said Thorpe, ‘We are all wait- but repetitive discussion I left. I ming up: Grimond ing for you.’ I wondered who they reported back to the other YL offic- ‘all’ were but told him firmly but ers that I had been asked to change Jeremy Thorpe’s leadership defined politely that I would see him at YL policy and had refused, but was and resolve were the driving 2.30. He slammed the phone down. otherwise circumspect in what I force that continued the Liberal his start- When I got to his office in the told them. revival that began under Jo Gri- ing points. Commons, I found Thorpe himself mond. Jeremy oversaw some of sitting behind his desk, Lord (Frank) the party’s most famous by-elec- He did not Byers (leader of the Liberal Party The Terrell Commission tion victories and his involve- in the Lords and perhaps Thorpe’s In the year I chaired the YLs I was ment with the anti-apartheid need to add main party manager) sitting nearby, teaching at Colne Grammar School movement and the campaign and Desmond Banks (chairman of in Lancashire. One lunchtime in for Britain’s membership of the to them; he the Liberal Party Executive, later December 1970 the school secretary Common Market were ahead of a Liberal peer) sitting at the other put her head round the staff-room his time. maintained end of the room. I sat on the green door and said: ‘Jeremy Thorpe is leather chaise longue that was a fea- on the phone for you.’ (The phone Michael Steed them well. ture of the office. in the school office being the only

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 11 assessing jeremy thorpe one in the school at the time!) I to any member of a YL branch Cornwall and nationally linking the had about five minutes before I (or other ‘recognised unit’ such as leadership to a campaign to defeat was due to take the first class in the a Women’s Liberal Association) Hain. Suspicions were raised when afternoon. within their area. The YLs did not YL HQ reported that most of the Thorpe said: ‘Tony – we are get- disagree with this, and I never came cheques for the memberships were ting all these complaints about the across a single instance of the provi- from one person, a young activist in Young Liberals and we would like sion being used. What is certain is Barnstaple (North Devon). to help you to sort things out. This that the Terrell Commission took On the recommendation of the afternoon I am announcing to the up a lot of fruitless time and energy joint returning officers, Michael press that we are setting up a com- during the rest of the year, includ- Steed and Margareta Holmstedt, mission of inquiry to investigate ing a night spent by me on Kings the conference agreed to set up a the relationship between the Young Cross station after missing the last commission to investigate the mat- Liberals and the party. We have pre- train after giving evidence to them! ter, and a group of people including pared a statement and I am asking me spent much of the conference you to add your name to it.’ He said weekend doing that. We were for- that the inquiry (which subsequently Postal vote scam tunate to be able to include two called itself the ‘Liberal Commis- In 1971 an attempt was made to rig regional party officials, one of sion’) would be chaired by Stephen the election for the new chairman whom was Frank Suter, a respected Terrell, a Liberal QC who had con- of NLYL and some other posts. The Devon solicitor, Liberal candidate tested Eastbourne at the 1970 elec- election took place at the annual in Tiverton and Devon County tion, and he hoped that we would conference of NLYL in Plymouth Councillor, who had just come co-operate fully with its work. at Easter. I was the retiring chair- along to observe the proceedings! I told him I had to teach at 1.30 man but not standing again. The Stuart Mole was appointed to carry and had no time to talk. I asked him plot was based in North Devon and out fieldwork, since he had turned to delay by a day so I could consider it was and is clear that Thorpe was up in his own car – luckily we were the matter and consult my other behind it and funded it, though that meeting in Plymouth – and was officers (answer – no); and then if could not be proved at the time. nicknamed ‘Inspector Mole’. (Stu- we could nominate a member of The expected successor was art was subsequently the almost the inquiry (answer – ‘we expected Peter Hain, the retiring publicity successful Liberal candidate in you to say that and we have con- vice-chairman and the only candi- Chelmsford and a leading member sidered the matter but we have date from amongst the existing YL of Chelmsford Council; he is still in decided against it’). I refused to put officers. The challenge came from the lists this year in his now home my name to it, told him we would Chris Green, a young mainstream patch of East Devon.) discuss our attitude to it and let him radical Liberal who had contested Various irregularities came to know, and rushed off to meet my Surbiton at the 1970 general elec- light. Not only were some of the geography class. tion and by Easter 1971 lived in the people on the lists not aware that The YL National Executive North West. Chris had organised they had been signed up as YLs, and did subsequently agree, though a large and successful community some of the Devon village branches not unanimously, to co-operate action programme while a student were clearly fictitious, but the sup- and give evidence. The inquiry in London, and wanted to bring posed YLs also included grannies reported to the party and in spite that experience to the YLs. He was and aunties, and even family pets of some not totally coherent criti- not involved in the vote-rigging and farm animals among many cism of NLYL the only proposal plot and was dismayed when he genuine young Liberal supporters. was in regard to the membership found out how he was being used. Bizarrely, it was also discovered system. Previously all members of (He was later to fight almost suc- that members of an anarchist com- YL branches were automatically cessful parliamentary campaigns in mune in Cornwall had signed up as members of their constituency Cheadle and Hereford and played a YLs in order to help block the plot! association (and thereby the party). leading part in Liberal and Liberal The outcome was that many of The proposal was that all mem- Democrat policy-making in the the postal vote applications which bers should be enrolled through arts field). were generated by this activity the party. However, the report was I fear that The YLs had a system of individ- were disallowed (the technical rea- seriously undermined by two of the ual membership in which branches son in many cases was the lack of three members of the commission too many paid an ‘affiliation fee’ to YL HQ in any signature on the lists of names (Lord (John) Foot and Councillor London for each of their members. sent in by post) and the plot failed. Gruffydd Evans) who each issued a people are They had also introduced a sys- NLYL benefited from the money separate addendum which started rewriting the tem of postal voting on demand for which was not returned, Peter Hain with the words ‘This is not a note of their internal elections. In the weeks was elected as YL chairman, and dissent … but …’. history of leading up to the conference YL the plot by the party leadership to In the event the Women’s Lib- HQ received several hundred new ‘take over’ the YLs was thwarted. eral Federation objected to the Jeremy Thor- membership registrations, followed Chris Green went on to play a part terms of the proposed consti- by postal vote requests, mainly as an officer of the Young Liberals tutional amendment and it was pe’s leader- from YL branches in North Devon, in the North West and in retrospect amended (and adopted at the Lib- with some from other parts of the would have made a good radical YL eral Assembly in 1971) to merely ship of the Devon and Cornwall area. chair – something that neither we give a constituency association the There were also a number nor Thorpe realised at the time! right to deny party membership Liberal Party. of press articles in Devon and Tony Greaves

12 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 assessing jeremy thorpe The European cause

Robert Ingham and Ronald Por- sense of British potential in a united ter are surely right to insist that, Europe. despite his downfall, Thorpe left Jeremy Thorpe was hugely an important legacy to the Lib- encouraging to young aspirants like eral Party. At the first election in me. He could charm both party and which I could vote, in February public audiences. Clement Freud 1974, I was drawn to join the Lib- told me that when Thorpe came erals because of Thorpe’s stylish, up to the Isle of Ely by-election in modern leadership, his clear articu- 1973, he wooed the crowd at the Ely lation of the need for Britain to be Maltings by declaring: ‘If you elect radically reformed, and, above all, Clement Freud, nobody will ever his advocacy of the case for UK again have to ask who is the Mem- membership of the European Com- ber of Parliament for Ely’. Freud munity. In the latter cause, Thorpe told him afterwards how touched appeared to be rather less defensive he had been by those words. ‘Oh, than Ted Heath and much more that’s alright,’ said Thorpe, ‘I say sincere than Harold Wilson; only that at all my campaign meetings.’ the Liberals, so it seemed, offered a An dre w D u ff

Candidates, coalition and charities

I first met Jeremy Thorpe when he it to him and he told me that he had been recently elected MP for had had no intention of taking up North Devon at a ball to raise funds Heath’s invitation, but felt that he for the Liberal Party, held at the had at least to hear what he had to Election poster, trustee retired in October 1993 home of Laurence and Stina (later offer. He was fully aware of the February 1974 he suggested that I should replace Baroness) Robson at Kidlington party’s feelings about a coalition at general election him, which I did. Despite his no – think Gosforth Park and Down- the time. longer being involved, whenever I ton Abbey and you can imagine Jeremy’s ability to remember came to see him he always wanted the scene. I was one of a party of people was renowned. I once asked to know how the charity was far- young hopeful parliamentary can- him what his secret was and he ing and what it was doing. didates. Jeremy was dashing, ele- told me it was ‘association of ideas’, His other charity was the Caro- gant, witty and charming in his and recounted an instance when a line Thorpe Memorial Fund, set white tie and tails. We remained woman came up to him gushing: ‘I up in memory of his first wife and friends ever after and, along with don’t suppose you would remember mother of his son Rupert, which a small band of other loyal friends, me, Mr Thorpe’. ‘Oh yes, I do, Mrs raised funds initially for the Caro- were there for him to turn to dur- Bag’, came the reply. ‘My name is line Thorpe Children’s Ward at ing the time of his losing his seat Mrs Sacks’, was her frosty retort! North Devon Hospital, and then and throughout his trial. We recog- Jeremy was deeply devoted to expanded to include all deprived nised his faults and weaknesses and his wife Marion, and she recipro- children in North Devon. did not hesitate to tell him when we cated his devotion. Her concern Jeremy’s nickname for me was thought he was in the wrong. was that she would die before him, ‘the Arum lily’, a play on my sur- As a member of the commit- which sadly happened. You could name. I last saw him ten days before tee of the Parliamentary Candi- not but be moved at his distress and he died, dropping in on the off- dates Association (of which he was loss at her funeral. chance and, despite his loss of voice a Vice President at the time) dur- Despite his cruel illness, which due to his throat cancer, he still ing 1974, when there were the two gradually robbed him of his agility, managed to say to me: ‘how did general elections, I was one of the his mind remained as acute as ever we do in the by-election?’ – a ref- organisers of the emergency meet- and he loved having friends call and erence to the Rochester & Strood ing of candidates held to consider tell him the latest events, gossip and by-election in November 2014. the situation after the February progress of the party. His interest Unfortunately the exertion of this election and to tell Jeremy that if extended to his charities, including small question rendered him voice- he entered into any deal with the the National Benevolent Fund for less for the rest of my visit, and he Tories he would find himself with- the Aged, of which he was one of communicated in signs for the rest out any parliamentary candidates the founding trustees in 1957 and of of the time. I am so glad I had that prepared to stand for the party at which he remained a trustee until opportunity of (unwittingly) say- the next election. When an article his Parkinson’s made it too difficult ing goodbye to a good friend. about these events appeared in the for him to get to our trustee meet- Joyce Arram Journal of Liberal History in late 2008 ings; he stepped down as recently (issue 61, winter 2008–09) I showed as November 2002. When its ‘legal’

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 13