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Adrian Slade talks to former Liberal leader (Lord Steel of Aikwood) about his career in politics, from his election in 1965, through his period as leader of the Liberal Party from 1976 to 1988 to his recent role as Presiding Officer of the .

ARCHITECT OF POLITICAL REALISM

or all the high hopes of been afraid to take risks and court which had a deep effect on me, ’s ‘Liberal controversy. His introduction of and I joined the Anti-Apartheid Revival’, only three the 1967 Abortion Bill; his crea- Movement that was formed as a by-elections were tion of the 1976 Lib–Lab Pact; his result. Also, much influenced by actually won by the encouragement of the formation Jo Grimond, who was rector of FLiberal Party of the 1960s. The of the SDP; his proposed alliance the university and actually intro- most significant for the future with the new party; his ultimate duced me to my future wife, Judy, was Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles, strong advocacy of Liberal–SDP I joined the Liberals.’ where, in 1965, 26-year-old David merger: all have made him and Steel, ‘Boy David’ as he quickly enemies, even if those enemies had at different times suggested became known, won the seat with are heavily outnumbered by his that David Steel was always more a 4,500 majority over the Tory. supporters. But, on each occasion, of Social Democrat than a Liberal. Unlike the other by-election events have tended to vindicate How true was that? ‘Oh, Jo jok- victors, Eric Lubbock and Wal- him, and his place in history as ingly suggested it too, at the time lace Lawler, Steel’s majority just the Liberal Party’s architect of of the Alliance,’ he says. ‘If being survived the party’s debacle at the political realism and co-operation a bit of an interventionist Liberal 1970 election and he went on to is firmly assured. also means being a Social Demo- become one of the Liberal Party’s Steel’s Liberalism is deeply crat then perhaps there is an ele- longest serving leaders. rooted in colonial Africa, where ment of truth in it. But, despite Four years ago the creation his father was a minister of the some early efforts by Labour MP of a Scottish Parliament drew Church of and where John Mackintosh to persuade him back from near-retirement he was educated until coming to me, I never wanted to join the politically. He stood for election boarding school in Scotland in his Labour Party. No doubt, if I had, as an MSP and then became the teens. ‘Right up to independence, I would later have helped to form parliament’s first speaker. Having education in colonial Africa was the SDP! I’m a Keynesian Liberal. recently stepped down, he once as segregated as it was in South Was he a Social Democrat?’ again feels free to talk on wider Africa,’ he says. ‘Even at fifteen, In 1962, when Steel was in issues. that seemed all wrong to me. Then his last year and president of his From the moment he entered my time at university coincided university’s Liberals, uncrowned politics, David Steel has never with the Sharpeville massacre, Scottish Liberal king George

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Mackie offered him his first job and Roy Jenkins, by now Home days, particularly in local gov- – Assistant Secretary of the Scot- Secretary, were very keen that ernment. We suffered the classic tish Liberal Party. This was part I should it take it on. So for all squeeze. I don’t think there was of a successful Mackie plot to these reasons I decided to try.’ much we could have done.’ put him into Roxburgh, Selkirk It was a brave advocacy that ‘The next four years were & Peebles, one of Scotland’s few made him very unpopular with quite different because we ben- seats in which Liberals were in some people. ‘I still get letters to efited from the by-election effect. second place. He went on to this day, calling me Hitler, baby Ladywood had not been a major make huge inroads into the Tory murderer and so on,’ he says. by-election win but Rochdale vote in the 1964 election and to ‘But there was wide cross-party and Sutton were and they were win the by-election that soon fol- support for change, particularly followed by three other wins. lowed. ‘We fought it very much amongst Labour ministers. It People always tend to support on local issues,’ he says. ‘The local took up many hours of consul- winners and that was what we hospital, the threatened Beeching tation listening to doctors, the were. In the same way late, at a railway closure, the revitalisation churches and pro and anti groups, much more difficult time, we of the Borders, which had been but, crucially, Roy found us the were undoubtedly helped by suffering badly from depopula- parliamentary time to get the bill ’s win at Edge Hill tion by the young.’ through.’ a month or two before the1979 When he first entered Par- The new bill legalised abor- election.’ liament, these were the sorts of tion under certain conditions, Steel was soon to take over as constituency issues that Steel putting the decision in the hands party leader. In party terms what concentrated on. But he also of any two doctors who agreed to had he learned from his first ten developed his African interests. ‘I the abortion in good faith. ‘It was years? ‘To concentrate on our remember slipping into Rhodesia not a woman’s right to choose, strengths, such as we had, and not with Archy Kirkwood during the so you still get campaigning on to dissipate – to target seats and Smith UDI regime,’ he says. ‘We that issue, but at the time it was not spread resources too thinly. were arrested on the way out.’ At a pioneering reform compared to Of course we became much bet- this point he proudly produces most other countries,’ he says. ter at that a few years later.’ his ‘Prohibited Immigrant’ cer- His constituents were less Not surprisingly he had found tificate, which he was forced to unhappy with his Abortion Bill the period following Jeremy accept by the Rhodesian authori- ‘It had than his association with the Thorpe’s departure as leader ties. Shortly after this visit he anti-apartheid opposition to the ‘very depressing and long drawn took over from David Ennals as always 1969/70 South African rugby out’ but he refutes any sugges- President of the Anti-Apartheid tour. ‘ and I tion that the leadership election Movement. ‘They needed some- seemed to did a meeting in my rugby-lov- he fought with John Pardoe had one who wasn’t going to be made ing constituency. It was very been bad-tempered. ‘John and a minister,’ he says. me quite badly attended and didn’t make I always got on extremely well, But, after the 1966 election, unrealistic me popular. At the election the and I hand it to him that, within a he drew third place in the pri- next year my majority went day of my being elected, he came vate members’ bill ballot and to expect down to 500.’ to my office to give me his full shot immediately to the atten- He was not alone in suffer- support. I was devastated when tion of the public at large when us to move ing at that election. All but six of he lost his seat in 1979. Although he decided to introduce a bill the twelve Liberal MPs lost their he never was deputy leader, eve- to legalise abortion in certain straight seats. ‘And the combined majori- ryone thought he was and his circumstances. Until then abor- into major- ties of Jeremy, John Pardoe and economic expertise was of huge tion had been illegal, was often myself, half the parliamentary value, particularly to me because self-induced, and was also the ity govern- party, totalled just 1500,’ he adds I had none. He was a great loss to province of back-street operators with a laugh, although he found the party.’ and private clinics covering their ment so I it far from amusing at the time. When Steel became leader work under other names. In 1968 Wallace Lawler had and he used his first Assembly ‘I had supported change was always won a by-election seat from speech to call on his party to be openly in my by-election and looking for Labour in Birmingham Lady- prepared to share power at some here was a chance to do some- wood (now part of Clare Short’s stage. He sees the Lib–Lab Pact thing about it,’ says Steel. ‘Six or a pathway territory). This apart, why had as a logical sequel to that speech. seven previous attempts had all the party made so little impact ‘It had always seemed to me quite failed for lack of time, but the to get us between 1966 and 1970? ‘The unrealistic to expect us to move most recent, Lord Silkin’s, had Wilson government was very straight into majority govern- already gone through the Lords back into much in the ascendancy,’ he says. ment so I was always looking for a and I decided to pick up his influence ‘And, unlike today, there was a pathway to get us back into influ- draft. Silkin’s son, John, was the strong Tory party. We were also ence and power. When Labour then Labour Chief Whip and he and power.’ very thin on the ground in those faced a vote of confidence in the

24 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 ARCHITECT OF POLITICAL REALISM House I saw this as an opportu- that time, there was a difference Steel Labour into third place, the Alli- nity, not to avoid an election – we of view between Roy and David ance continued, and were not in particularly good Owen, who thought a new party believes took over from Roy Jenkins. ‘I shape but there was no reason should go it alone rather than actually got on well with David to suppose that we would be any work with in alliance with the strongly – those photos of us in woolly better later – but to do something Liberals.’ jumpers looking over farm gates positive in co-operation. Was that view shared by Bill that his were perfectly genuine,’ Steel says. In retrospect had the Pact Rodgers and ? legacy as ‘I didn’t have as much social con- achieved much? ‘Yes, I think it did ‘To begin with, yes it was, but tact with him as I did with Roy, – not so much in policy terms but Roy’s courageous decision to leader was but at times he was very support- politically, in forcing the party to stand in a difficult seat like War- ive, particularly after the defence think about possible coalition and rington and seek the support of to get his debate at Eastbourne. We had our relations with other parties and Liberals helped him to persuade own heated debates about policy that was particularly important them to change their minds and party to and tactics but they were good later when the SDP was formed. support the idea of an alliance, face the tempered, even if he did get an There were some policy gains, although David Owen was never obsession over defence.’ for example for small businesses really persuaded.’ realities of ‘But, if you ask me whether and a free vote on Europe, but of Steel too had been courageous, joint leadership could ever have course we lost that. In retrospect some thought foolhardy, in offer- politics. worked, the answer is no, and perhaps we should have stuck out ing up the Liberal Party to an alli- that is why by 1987 I strongly for PR in the European elections ance with a new party that, for a favoured either a split or a but, as Jo said at the time, to bring few months, looked as if it might merger of the two parties. My down a government on an issue overwhelm it electorally. ‘Yes it one regret is that we then took that almost nobody except Liber- was a risk, but I have always taken so long, and it wasn’t just David als cared about might not have risks and I thought all along that Owen’s fault, as Liberals like to been worth it!’ the two parties were complemen- think. We were at fault, too, in the Steel had many meetings with tary. They had the leadership and way we chose to structure our Prime Minister Jim Callaghan we had the people on the ground negotiating team.’ during the Pact and retains a high and in local government. It didn’t Steel hadn’t expected David regard for him as a patriot and take long for Bill and Shirley, and Owen to opt out of the process manager. ‘Where he let us down most of the Liberal Party, to come and had thought he would stand was after the Pact ended. He round to that view.’ for leader of the merged party. He failed to go for an election in the Nevertheless leadership, or also admits that the difficulties autumn of 1978 because he was rather joint leadership, was never encountered in the protracted persuaded that he would have a easy and Steel had his problems negotiations convinced him that, better chance of an overall major- with both Jenkins and Owen. after twelve years of Liberal lead- ity later. If he had not listened He looks back with some regret ership, he did not want to stand to that advice, everyone might at his meeting with Jenkins at himself. ‘It all could have been have benefited from a subsequent Ettrick Bridge during the 1983 much neater and easier,’ he says. coalition rather than a Thatcher election that was meant to clarify ‘But that it was done was essential, Government.’ Nevertheless the leadership confusion. and the proof of the pudding is in 1979 result was better than Steel ‘The problem was the elector- the eating. We got one party with expected at the time – ‘We came ate’s perception of the two of us. one leader and now, instead of up again and we survived’. Unfortunately David Marquand having a handful of MPs between Not many months later he had invented the title for Roy us, we have more than 50.’ was having his informal chats in of “prime-minister-designate”, Steel believes strongly that his Brussels with Roy Jenkins about which neither of us had ever legacy as leader was to get his Roy’s growing disenchantment used, but which was picked up party to face the realities of poli- with Labour and the fallout by the media. It was confusing tics, and in today’s climate there within the Labour Party at home. because we had agreed that I is nowhere has it had to do so They explored ways in which would lead the campaign and more than in Scotland where for they might work together. ‘Yes, Roy would become PM if we got the last four years devolved gov- later on, we did discuss whether elected. The attempt at clarifica- ernment has been in the hands Roy should join the Liberal Party. tion didn’t really work and, sadly, of a Labour–Lib Dem coalition, His view was that first he should for a short time it slightly soured and seems likely to remain so. try something new and that only my relationship with Roy. It may Perhaps the latest proof of the if that failed should he join, and even have been a factor in Roy’s Steel pudding? then not as a campaigner. So resignation as SDP leader after I encouraged him to pursue the election.’ A shorter version of this interview was something more fundamental. Nevertheless, at the elec- first published in Liberal Democrat It has become clear that, even at tion the Alliance all but pushed News.

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