liberal party colours the early 1950s when the party Lady Megan no confidence brought following 32 Michael Meadowcroft, b. 1942: Executive was discussing the the decisive British defeat of the Liberal MP for Leeds West 1983–87. matter. The rivalry and antipathy thundered Revolutionary War at the battle of 33 http://www.bramley.demon.co.uk/ between the left-wing Lady Megan Yorktown. liberal.html Lloyd George46 and the more that she 17 Leslie Mitchell, The Whig World: 34 Information to the author from traditional Lady Violet Bonham 1760–1837 (Hambledon Continuum, Michael Meadowcroft, 23 Mar. 2012. Carter was well known. After didn’t care 2005), p. 4. 35 The Times, 13 Oct. 1964, p. 17. going through a number of options 18 Ibid., p. 13. 36 Information to the author from Lady Megan thundered that she what colour 19 Mark Raymond Bonham Carter Michael Meadowcroft, 6 Mar. 2012. didn’t care what colour the party the party (Baron Bonham-Carter), 1922–1994, 37 Information to the author from fought in – as long as it wasn’t grandson of Liberal prime minister Michael Steed, 6 Mar. 2012. violet. fought in – H. H. Asquith. 38 Block, Source Book, p. 78. 20 Mark Pottle (ed.), Daring to Hope: The 39 Lady Violet Bonham Carter, Graham Lippiatt is a Contributing as long as it Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Baroness Asquith of Yarnbury Editor to the Journal of Liberal Carter, 1946–69 (Weidenfield and DBE, 1887–1969: daughter of prime History. wasn’t violet. Nicolson, 2000), pp. 199–200. minister H. H. Asquith. 21 Paul Tyler (Baron Tyler), b. 1941: 40 Mark Pottle (ed.), Champion 1 In Scotland, Commissioners of the Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1974 and Redoubtable: The Diaries and Letters Shires and Burgesses of the (Royal) North Cornwall, 1992–2005. of Violet Bonham Carter, 1914–45 Burghs. 22 F. W. S. Craig, British Parliamentary (Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1998), p. 113. 2 There were three Reform Acts in Election Results 1885–1918 (Macmillan 41 Information to the author from Dr 1832 – one for England and Wales, Press, 1974), p. 238. Sandy Waugh, author of A Scottish one for Scotland and one for Ireland. 23 Information to the author from Paul Liberal Perspective: A Centenary 3 The Times, 10 Sept. 1833, p. 4. Tyler, 5 Mar. 2012. Commemoration for Sir Henry 4 Manuel Adolphsen, ‘Branding 24 Information to the author from Campbell-Bannerman, 1836–1908, 26 in Election Campaigns: Just a Michael Steed, 5 Mar. 2012 Dec. 2013. Buzzword or a New Quality of 25 Information to the author from 42 Ivor Crewe and Anthony King, SDP: Political Communication?’ MSc William Wallace, Lord Wallace of The Birth, Life and Death of the Social dissertation (LSE, 2008). Saltaire, 4 Mar. 2012 Democratic Society (OUP, 1995), p. 217. 5 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_ 26 Barnes, Journal of Conservative History. 43 Charles Kennedy, b 1959: Leader of politics/7259197.stm 27 William Wallace (Baron Wallace of the Liberal Democrats, 1999–2006. 6 See Registration of Political Parties Saltaire), b. 1941. 44 Information to the author from Dr Act, 1988 and Political Parties, 28 Information to the author from Sandy Waugh. Elections and Referendums Act, 2000. William Wallace, Lord Wallace of 45 Information to the authors from 7 John Barnes, ‘Party Colours’, Journal Saltaire, 4 Mar. 2012 Berkeley Farr, former Chairman of Conservative History, Summer 2004. 29 F. W. S. Craig, British Parliamentary of the Ulster Liberal Party and 8 Ibid. Election Results 1950–1970 (Political candidate for South Down in 1973. 9 Information to the author from Reference Publications, 1971), p. 442. 46 Lady Megan Lloyd George, Sir David Steel (Baron Steel of 30 Sir Cyril Smith MBE, 1928–2010: 1902–1966: daughter of David Aikwood), 10 Dec. 2013 Liberal MP for Rochdale 1972–1992. Lloyd George, Liberal MP for 10 Geraint Howells, 1925–2004: 31 Information to the author from Anglesey 1929–1951, Labour MP for Liberal MP for Cardigan 1974–83, Michael Steed, 5 Mar. 2012. Carmarthen 1957–66. Ceredigion and Pembroke North 1983–1992. 11 Martin Thomas, Lord Thomas of Gresford b.1937: Liberal candidate for Flintshire West 1964–1970. 12 Information to the author, 5 Mar. 2012 13 Interview with Lady Shirley Reports Hooson, 16 Feb. 2014 14 Geoffrey D. M. Block OBE, former Assistant Director (Information) at the Conservative Research Social reformers and liberals: the Rowntrees Department, author of A Source and their legacy Book of Conservatism (Conservative Political Centre, 1964) and The Tory Conference fringe meeting, 7 March 2014, with Ian Packer, Tradition (Conservative Political Centre, 1957). Lord Shutt and Tina Walker; chair: Lord Kirkwood 15 Raymond Campbell Paterson, Report by David Cloke A Land Afflicted: Scotland and the Covenanter Wars 1638–1690 (John Donald, 1998), p. 26. he Liberal Democrat His- discursive, but ultimately enlight- 16 Frederick North, 2nd Earl of Guilford, tory Group’s meeting at ening and thought-provoking 1732–1792: prime minister 1770–82, Tthe 2014 Spring Confer- review of the life, work and legacy he resigned to avoid losing a vote of ence was an intriguing, somewhat of Joseph and Seebohm Rowntree

40 Journal of Liberal History 84 Autumn 2014 report – Social reformers and liberals: the Rowntrees and their legacy

– successful businessmen, pioneers of social investigation and commit- ted Liberals. As Ian Packer, of Lin- coln University, noted at the start of his talk, the Rowntree name is known for two things: as a brand name for chocolates and sweets, and as the supporters of serious inves- tigations into social conditions. This renown is due to the activi- ties of Joseph Rowntree and his son Seebohm. As Packer rightly said, it all began with the company. Joseph Rowntree was born in 1836, the second son of a Quaker family that owned a wholesale grocery busi- ness. In 1869 he joined his younger brother Henry in a small chocolate and cocoa business that Henry had founded seven years earlier – and by small Packer meant a company the firm, and in that sense there had From left: Ian of the audience asked why both the consisting of twelve workers and a been an element of social ownership. Packer, Archy Rowntrees and another Quaker donkey that undertook deliveries! The Rowntrees did not keep Kirkwood, David family, the Cadburys, had gone In Packer’s view Joseph was the their views on management to Shutt, Tina into the chocolate business. Packer effective founder of the company. themselves and Seebohm was a the- Walker argued that it stemmed in part from He was its driving force (Henry orist and publisher on management their temperance activities and died in 1883) and was especially and labour relations. His first book, that they saw cocoa as providing a skilled as an accountant. A key The Human Factory Business (1921), good-quality drink for the work- decision on the road to success was was a key text in the development ing classes. to begin the manufacture of fruit of management theory. He argued Joseph wrote or co-wrote five pastilles in 1881. In 1890 Rowntree consistently that good wages and books on the subject of alcohol in established a new factory in New conditions were important for effi- the seven years between 1899 and Earswick and by 1902 employed ciency as well as for labour rela- 1906. Packer argued that three main 2,000 people. Although Joseph did tions and that a well-paid, engaged points emerge from these writings. not retire until 1923, when he was workforce was good for British Firstly, he saw drinking as a result eighty-seven, he shared the run- industry. He developed a more of the deprivations of urban life, ning of the company with his four scientific approach to manage- which needed to be tackled. Sec- sons, three nephews and two sons- ment, highlighting cost account- ond, the public needed to be made in-law (it was very much a family ing, proper research and the use aware of how poor conditions were concern). Nonetheless, it was clear of psychology and the company in many of England’s cities. Third, that his heir apparent was his sec- became the first business to employ working-class families did not have ond son, Seebohm, who was man- a psychologist. sufficient income to feed the whole aging director from 1923 to 1936. Packer reported that Joseph family and a great number had no Packer made it clear that the and Seebohm had a range of inter- margin for alcohol. experience of running a business ests. Joseph was obsessed with col- These findings fed into the informed by their Quaker faith lecting statistics and Packer noted investigations undertaken by See- influenced their moral and politi- later that it was this quasi-scientific bohm, the most famous of which cal thought, and that in turn influ- approach that made the arguments was the first,Poverty: A Study of enced how they ran the business. of the Rowntrees so persuasive in Town Life, published in 1901. This The Rowntrees developed an early the early years of the twentieth cen- was a study of his home city, York, form of corporate welfare, with tury. Joseph’s great crusade had and tabulated the income of work- an eight-hour working day, a pen- initially been against alcohol. Dur- ing-class households and their sion scheme, works councils and ing the 1870s he came to see it as the expenditure. Packer argued that, profit sharing. What they did not key cause of the poverty and mis- despite that seemingly dry, statis- do was hand over the company to ery around him in York. As Packer tical approach, it was surprisingly the employees along the lines of noted, this was not an uncommon accessible. Seebohm calculated that the John Lewis Partnership. This view among the Nonconformists 10 per cent of the population was in was argued in the fringe meet- of the time. It also appealed to his first-degree poverty: that is, they ing to have been a more radical and character, which was rather puri- did not have sufficient income to forward-looking option, and one tanical with little time for relaxa- feed and clothe themselves and pay which might have protected the tion. Seebohm was also quite rent. A further 17–18 per cent were company from takeover. David austere, campaigning against gam- in second-degree poverty: they Shutt did note, however, that the bling, cinema and the dance hall, had just enough income to do these trusts established by Joseph Rown- seeing them as distractions from the things but chose instead to spend tree had owned the majority stake in serious business of life. A member their income on other things such

Journal of Liberal History 84 Autumn 2014 41 report – Social reformers and liberals: the Rowntrees and their legacy as drink. It was noted later from the company. Unfortunately too soon, These books after the First World War, and they floor that current statistics might as David Shutt (former Director were acquired by the Westminster reveal similar levels of poverty, also and Chair of the Joseph Rowntree made the Press, which was owned by another compounded by expenditure on Reform Trust) noted, to make the Liberal businessman, Lord Cow- cigarettes, gambling and alcohol. most of the Nestlé takeover in 1988. Rowntree dray. In the 1930s Seebohm with- These books made the Rown- The three trusts were the Joseph drew from the newspaper business tree name synonymous with the Rowntree Charitable Trust, the name synon- altogether and made more direct great controversies of the day Joseph Rowntree Social Services donations. Joseph Rowntree had regarding poverty and alcohol. Trust and the Joseph Rowntree Vil- ymous with always wanted the trust to focus So much so that one Rowntree lage Trust. The roles of the trusts on employing people to do things described himself as the brother were outlined in a Founders Mem- the great rather than on building meeting of poverty and the son of drink! orandum drafted on 29 Decem- controver- houses and investing in property. It Helped by the scientific aspect of ber 1904 and which Shutt argued also had the aim of maintaining the their studies, they were able to still provided great inspiration to sies of the ‘purity of elections in York’. Whilst change the attitude to poverty from those working for the trusts today. he had said that it would be ‘inexpe- one focused on individual failings He explained that the distinction day regard- dient’ to use the trust for ordinary to one that recognised that it was between the work of the Charitable subscriptions to political parties, structural and required govern- Trust and the Social Services Trust ing poverty Rowntree had acknowledged that ment action. Their work influenced was merely the legal distinction there may be occasional crises when Churchill, Lloyd George (who, between what could and could not and alcohol. it could be called upon. Shutt noted Packer noted rather drily, claimed be regarded as charitable, although that they had been living in crisis to have read the book) and the Lib- the focus of their work was essen- So much so for the last hundred years! eral period of social reform up to tially the same. So, for example, The Social Services Trust had 1914 more generally. Rowntree noted that the soup that one changed its name to the Reform Despite this influence, Packer kitchen in York had no trouble in Trust some twenty years ago, reported that their activities gave obtaining financial aid but that an Rowntree partly to avoid confusion with local them little time for a formal political inquiry into the extent and causes authority social services commit- career. Both were committed Liber- of poverty would get little support. described tees, and also to reflect better its als, seeing it as part of the movement The first two trusts were also sup- activities. Shutt argued that the for Nonconformity, temperance posed to conclude their work by himself as Reform Trust had had three dis- and social reform. The family 1939 and hand over their resources tinct phases in its history. Dur- was very influential in York, with to the Village Trust, which was to the brother ing the period up to 1939, in part Joseph being president of the York be permanent as it owned property. of poverty reported on by Packer, 15 per cent Liberal Federation and his nephew However, Rowntree had provided of the expenditure went on temper- Arnold being MP for the city from that the trusts could continue after and the son ance work. The Liberal Party had 1910 to 1918 and, later, president of 1939, and so they did. to wait until 1935 for its first grant, the York Liberal Association, and Shutt highlighted that at the of drink! and by 1939 under 1 per cent of the the family ran the Association and start all six trustees of all three trusts trust’s expenditure had gone to the the Liberal group on the council. were the same six people, were all Liberal Party. The years from 1939 At a national level, the Rowntrees Rowntrees and, at the prompting of to 1969 represented the quietest worked in the background. Packer Tina Walker, noted that they were period of the trust, though it did noted that, unlike other business- all men. The first non-Rowntree increase the funds it made available men, they did not give the party any was John Bowles Morrell, appointed to the Liberal Party: £20,000 in the money, as they were not interested a director of the Social Services ten years to 1950 and £50,000 in in peerages (though it was reported Trust in 1906, followed by another the years up to 1960. In 1969, dif- later in the meeting that Joseph was non-Rowntree in 1913. Nonethe- ferences between Jeremy Thorpe on the list of possible peers to be cre- less, for the first fifteen to twenty and Pratap Chitnis at Liberal Party ated in the event of the failure of the years the trustees were largely the Organisation led to Chitnis being Parliament Bill). same six Rowntrees. put forward to the Rowntrees by Jo In a sense the political, moral Packer reported that a key role Grimond and Richard Wainwright and social reforming beliefs of the of the Social Services Trust in its as someone who could run the Rowntrees came together in the early years was supporting the trust. Up to that point it had been a three trusts that Joseph Rowntree Liberal press. Rowntree had been part-time occupation. established ‘with the cordial assent determined to respond to the Tory The Chitnis era, and beyond, of my wife and children’ at the end gutter press, particularly after the saw a significant increase in the of 1904. The entire endowment was Boer War, and bought a number activity supported by the trust. It initially in shares in Rowntree and of regional newspapers and briefly bought a building in Poland Street Company with a dividend banked owned a national newspaper, the in London and let it out to a wide twice a year. Until the merger with Morning Leader, and a London even- range of organisations to use as Mackintosh’s in 1969, the three ing paper, The Star. The latter, their headquarters. These included trusts together owned 53 per cent however, largely paid its way by the Low Pay Unit, Gingerbread, of Rowntree and Company. With publishing gambling tips on its back Child Poverty Action Group, the merger, the holding reduced to page, and after failed attempts to Friends of the Earth and the Tory 38 per cent and, thereafter, disputes get rid of the tips, Rowntree sold up Reform Group. Kirkwood noted with the board led the trustees to after three years. The newspapers that it was a splendid place for net- divest the trusts of their shares in the began to lose money quite seriously working, with great energy and

42 Journal of Liberal History 84 Autumn 2014 report – Social reformers and liberals: the Rowntrees and their legacy synergy, and launched the careers meant in 2014 and, in doing so, campaigning against the objectifi- of many excellent people. The trust perhaps indicated the early years cation of women; and Pro-Choice also set up a think tank, the Outer of a fourth period of the Reform campaigners, especially in North- Circle Policy Unit, established the Trust’s history and one that seemed ern Ireland. Birchfield Centre in Hebden Bridge to me less directly connected with As its financial weight was tiny as a ‘Poland Street of the North’, the current priorities of the Liberal compared with governments, cor- and funded many parliamentary Democrats but no less liberal for all porations and the charitable sec- assistants, fondly known as choco- that. Or perhaps it indicated that tor, the trust had decided to target late soldiers. Overall, from 1972 the the party is now less closely con- funding at issues with immediate trust supported the Liberal Demo- nected with what might be termed political salience. So, for example, crats and its predecessor parties to the wider liberal movement than it it had not focused recently on Lords the tune of £10 million. The Chari- had been when the trusts were estab- reform or PR because they did not table Trust, meanwhile, focused its lished. Walker also noted that the currently have political traction. work on peace, race, Ireland, power purposes of the trust had changed Nonetheless, whilst there had been and responsibility and Quakerism, over the last 110 years, quoting limited opportunities for politi- though the latter accounted for less Rowntree himself in her defence: cal reform since 2010, the trust had than 10 per cent of its activities. ‘time makes ancient good uncouth’. supported campaigns on party The third organisation estab- Walker reported that the trust funding and Spin Watch’s work lished was the Joseph Rowntree had thought a great deal about its against corporate lobbying. The Village Trust. It was provided with role within English and British pol- trust’s connection with the news- a plot of land near the factory on itics within the last few years and paper industry had been contin- which was built an experimental in light of liberal and Quaker val- ued through support for the Media housing estate. Packer reported that ues. The trust was also small, with Standards Trust and Hacked Off by the 1950s there were 600 houses, £44 million in assets providing and for their support for the recom- though not many were owned by income for £1.2 million in grants mendations of the Leveson Inquiry. working-class people. He also noted They had each year; whereas Shutt had earlier Walker also argued that the trust that it was the Village Trust that noted that the Charitable Trust had continued to demonstrate Rown- started Rowntree’s association with encompassed assets of £160 million. The Reform tree’s care for working people land reform. He claimed that Joseph Trust had, therefore, agreed to though its support for the campaign disliked landowners, especially for the Gladsto- focus on a specific set of interrelated by the High Pay Centre to mod- their failure to make land available themes: correcting imbalances of erate high wages and the Intern for housing, which he believed lay nian Liber- power; supporting the voice of the Aware campaign to ensure all behind the proliferation of slums. alism of the individual and the weak; strength- potential applicants got a fare deal Seebohm began investigating land ening the hand of those striving for and equal access to opportunities. reform in response, using Belgium high Victo- reform; speaking truth to power; In response to a question on the as an example, as it did not have any challenging systems that hinder extent to which Joseph Rowntree’s large landowners. Working with rian period, freedom and justice; and support- own views dictated priorities, Shutt Lloyd George, it was intended that ing creative campaigns for political noted that, whilst trustees regu- the issue should provide the major as well as the change and reform that support a larly referred back to the founda- Liberal campaign for the 1915 general healthy democracy. tion document, Rowntree himself election, with Seebohm as its driv- New Liber- These priorities had manifested had said that it did not bind trus- ing force. Although the 1915 general themselves in support for a number tees to anything. However, trustees election never took place, Seebohm alism of the of different activites, such as Med were chosen because the existing continued to work closely with Confidential and its campaigns on trustees thought that they were the Lloyd George into the 1930s, provid- early twenti- care.data, Open Rights campaign- right sort of people. In that way, ing elements of the Yellow Book. ing against the Communications perhaps, the trusts developed, as, The Village Trust subsequently eth century, Data Bill, and supporting the Don’t indeed, had the Rowntrees them- became the Joseph Rowntree Foun- Spy on Us Coalition. The trust selves. They had encompassed the dation, which in turn established a and had both had also supported campaigns for Gladstonian Liberalism of the high separate trust to look after housing. individual human rights by fund- Victorian period, as well as the New The Foundation, the wealthiest of reflected ing Protection Against Stalking, Liberalism of the early twentieth the three with assets worth £300 Women Against Rape, and cam- century, and had both reflected and million, spent its money on ‘pov- and made paigns against domestic violence. made possible the changes in Lib- erty, place and ageing’. Kirkwood possible the Black Mental Health UK had been eral thought and policy during their noted that the Foundation pro- giving funds to campaign against lifetimes. Both Shutt and Walker duced ‘blue chip research’ in these changes the retention of the DNA of those gave confidence that this legacy was areas and had helped to develop arrested for minor offences, which in safe hands, and the range of activ- minimum income theory in col- in Liberal had been applied in a discrimina- ities supported should continue to laboration with academics at York tory fashion, and to highlight the inspire Liberal thinkers and activ- University and elsewhere. The qual- thought and deaths in custody and in psychiat- ists. What had changed, however, as ity and quantity of the work of the ric settings of black mental health Packer noted, was that it no longer Foundation had necessarily limited policy dur- service users. The trust also sup- seemed possible to be both an indus- the role of the Reform Trust and ported groups in the ‘Fourth Wave’ trialist and a social investigator. focused it on giving people a voice. ing their of feminism including UK Femi- Tina Walker, Secretary of the nista, which provided infrastruc- David Cloke is a member of the Liberal Reform Trust, outlined what this lifetimes. ture support and training; Object, Democrat History Group’s committee.

Journal of Liberal History 84 Autumn 2014 43