Melick, Elizabeth, Ph.D., May 2018 English

Four Middle English Roland Romances: An Edition of Poems Drawn from Medieval

Manuscripts (323 pp.)

Dissertation Director: Susanna Fein

This dissertation is an edition of four Middle English romances from the Otuel cycle:

Roland and Vernagu, Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of

Spain. The previous editions of these four romances are difficult to obtain and outdated, so there is a need for an updated, easily accessible edition of these poems. The poems were transcribed from their medieval manuscripts and edited for a modern audience that includes undergraduate students. With this audience in mind, aspects of the texts such as punctuation and word division were modernized and marginal glosses of difficult Middle English words were added. I have also included explanatory notes for names, places, and phrases that will most likely be unfamiliar to modern readers, acknowledging that these contextual details are crucial to a reader's grasp of each romance's narrative.

In addition to modernizing and annotating the four romances, I have discussed the most significant issues relating to these poems' editorial history and subject matter. A portion of my introduction discusses the manuscripts and previous editions. The introduction also addresses the historical events on which the romances are based: the eigth-century Frankish emperor

Charlemagne's failed attempt to conquer Saragossa in Spain, and the ambush of his rearguard on his journey home. I also discuss the Saracens (a medieval term for Muslims) who are present in the romances, surveying the notable scholarship on romance Saracens and providing my own interpretation of the significance of the Saracen characters in the Otuel-cycle romances.

Four Middle English Roland Romances:

An Edition of Poems Drawn from Medieval Manuscripts

A dissertation submitted

to Kent State University in partial

fulfillment of the requirements for the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy

by

Elizabeth Melick

May 2018

© Copyright

All rights reserved

Except for previously published materials

Dissertation written by

Elizabeth Melick

B.A., Capital University, 2011

M.A., Kent State University, 2013

Ph.D., Kent State University, 2018

Approved by

______, Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Susanna Fein

______, Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Wesley Raabe

______David Raybin

______Jennifer Larson

______Judy Wakabayashi Accepted by

______, Chair, Department of English Robert Trogdon

______, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences James L. Blank

TABLE OF CONTENTS...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv

CHAPTERS

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

II. ROLAND AND VERNAGU...... 80

Textual Notes...... 102

Explanatory Notes...... 106

III. OTUEL A KNIGHT...... 114

Textual Notes ...... 153

Explanatory Notes...... 161

IV. OTUEL AND ROLAND...... 165

Textual Notes...... 232

Explanatory Notes ...... 243

V. DUKE ROLAND AND SIR OTUEL OF SPAIN...... 248

Textual Notes...... 287

Explanatory Notes...... 292

GLOSSARY...... 296

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 309

iii Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my advisor, Susanna Fein, for her meticulous and thoughtful feedback and always encouraging me to pursue goals and projects that I would have considered impossible. Without Susanna's guidance, I would not be the scholar I am today, nor would I have achieved any of my previous successes. I am also grateful to my committee members, David

Raybin, Wesley Raabe, Jennifer Larson, and Judy Wakabayashi for their feedback on my project, and for persevering through difficult language in order to help me find the areas of my project that needed the most attention. I would like to thank both Wesley Raabe and Christopher

Roman for the courses they taught that introduced me to the process and methods of editing and helped me realize my potential in this area of work. I am also indebted to Kent State's Graduate

Student Senate, for awarding me a funds that allowed me to travel to London to consult manuscripts at the British Library.

I am deeply appreciative of the support of my fellow graduate students at Kent State, who provided commiseration and encouragement when needed. My close friends, Grace, J.D., and

Kim, for lifting my spirits when I was overwhelmed by my work and telling me to be proud of my accomplishments. My parents and siblings have not only cheered me on with endless enthusiasm, but also taught me to love stories and think for myself. Without them, I likely never would have found this discipline that brings me so much joy, and I cannot thank them enough.

Finally, I am immeasurably thankful for my partner, Tyler, and our four fur babies, who have loved and supported me through countless rounds of revisions, ignored the stacks of books accumulating in our home, and helped me enjoy life's simple pleasures, even when stressed. I love you all the whole amount.

iv

Introduction

This project is an edition of four Middle English Charlemagne romances from the Otuel cycle composed during the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries: Roland and Vernagu, Otuel a

Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain. The romances each have a single witness and come from three manuscripts: Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight from

Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland MS Advocates 19.2.1 (Auchinleck MS); Otuel and

Roland from London, British Library MS Additional 37492 (Fillingham MS); and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain from London, British Library MS Additional 31042 (London Thornton

MS).1 These four romances have all been edited for the Early English Text Society (EETS), but the most recent edition of the four is Mary O’Sullivan’s 1935 edition of Otuel and Roland, while the editions of the other poems date to the late nineteenth century. Due to the EETS editions’ age and limited number of reprints, there are few copies in circulation. Furthermore, the editing practices used in the existing editions are outdated. These four romances need to be published in updated and easily accessible editions—a need this project fulfills.

I have edited these four romances with a goal of making them accessible for undergraduate students but usable for advanced scholars, using guidelines set forth by TEAMS

(The Consortium for the Teaching of the Middle Ages) for their Middle English Text Series

1 A “witness” is one of the existing copies of a text. Popular works, like Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales or The Book of John Mandeville have many witnesses, while works that did not circulate as widely tend to have fewer, or only one. However, it is difficult to judge the

1

(METS). METS editions “maintain the linguistic integrity of the original works but within the parameters of modern reading conventions,” meaning that they do not translate Middle English into modern English, but do modernize the aspects of medieval texts that create the most difficulty for modern readers.2 METS guidelines modernize difficult features of Middle English texts such as lack of punctuation, use of obsolete letters, and the interchangeability of some letters, such i and j or u and v. While accessibility and modernization is one of the central goals of this project, I also aim to produce a clear record of the textual and editorial history of these romances and their historical and critical contexts. As such, this introduction discusses the historical events on which the romances are based, the unique features of each romance, and the predominant critical approaches to the romances’ central topic: conflict between Christians and

Saracens.3

I selected these four romances for this project because of both their editorial history and their subject matter. I sought texts that had not been edited in the past fifty years or according to twentieth- and twenty-first-century standards. I was also hoping to find texts featuring Saracen characters, because the focus of my previous research has been intercultural exchanges in Middle

English romance, primarily between Saracens and Christians. This topic has risen in popularity

2 “About TEAMS Middle English Text Series (METS),” TEAMS Middle English Text Series, http://d.lib.rochester.edu/teams/about. 3 “Saracen”is a medieval Western term for Muslims, but was sometimes used interchangeably with “pagan.” Medieval Westerners did have accesss to information about the Islamic faith and Muslims, but many of the depictions of Muslims in Western literature feature wildly inaccurate stereotypes about Muslims. Some of the chief aspects of these depictions are the polytheism of Saracens and their being prone to drunkenness and lust. It is helpful to distinguish the fictional representations of Muslims in Western literature from actual Muslims living during the Middle Ages, so I will use “Saracen” to refer to the fictional characters in medieval French and English literature and “Muslim” to refer to the historical group of Muslims who were living in Spain during the Middle Ages, a population that engaged in numerous conflicts with Charlemagne, and is discussed in detail in the section titled "Charlemagne, Roland, and Historical Accounts" that begins on page 22.

2

for criticism in the past seventeen years, and Geraldine Heng offers an explanation for this surge in scholarship on the religious Other following the events of September 11, 2001:

It has become clear, in the year of 2002 of the Common Era, that, contrary to

prognostications, history has not, after all, come to an end; indeed, both history

and the Middle Ages have returned, with a vengeance. Under the goad of a

suddenly renewed urgency to calibrate non-Western political and cultural

mentalities that have never forgotten premodern history, Western intellectuals

who had believed that the political forces of empire-making and nation-making

only existed in the modern period now have less luxury to ignore the medieval

encounters of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in the crucible of violent historical

transformation. Not for nothing, then, are newly hatched histories on Islam, the

Crusades, and premodern “intercultural relations” punctually appearing now at

intervals.4

Heng suggests that scholars are more frequently turning to medieval intercultural exchanges in order to understand modern issues of race, religion, and nationalism. Heng argues that the link between medieval and modern notions about self and Other warrants the sense of urgency with which scholars have been approaching the subject of non-Christians in Western medieval literature. Acknowledging the purpose and importance of research on medieval Christian depictions of the Other set forth by Heng, I aim to contribute to this body of scholarship by offering updated and easily accessible editions of the Otuel-cycle romances, allowing critics better access to these poems and their complex depictions of Christian-Saracen conflict in the

Middle Ages.

4 Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 12.

3

Charlemagne in Middle English Romance: Context for the Otuel Cycle

In late medieval England, the legendary Frankish conqueror Charlemagne loomed large in the imaginations of English Christians concerned with crusades, empires, and national legacy.

Although feelings toward the French were hardly admiring during the late Middle Ages due to enmity born of the Hundred Years’ War, medieval English Christians respected Charlemagne for his conversion efforts, viewing him as a proto-crusader. Charlemagne is frequently mentioned in

Middle English writings, but surviving manuscript witnesses suggest that his legends were adapted relatively rarely into romances for English audiences. Only ten surviving Middle English romances feature Charlemagne, though it is likely that some have been lost. Of the ten extant

Charlemagne romances, five are grouped into the “Otuel cycle”: The Siege of Milan, Roland and

Vernagu, Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain.5 These romances have garnered comparatively little critical attention, likely because of the comparatively low quality of these poems and the small corpus of Charlemagne romances in general. In fact, this cycle is so rarely studied that its three romances derived from the French

5 The Charlemagne romances not included in the Otuel cycle are The Sultan of Babylon, two distinct versions of Sir Firumbras, Charles the Grete, and The Tale of Ralph Collier. Of the Middle English Charlemagne romances, the subgroup I call “Roland Romances” are those that feature Roland rather than Charlemagne. Charlemagne is still present and active in these texts, but Roland is the central protagonist (or one of them). The Sultan of Babylon, both versions of Sir Firumbras, Roland and Vernagu, Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain are all “Roland Romances.” The use of the term “cycle” for this group of romances is somewhat inaccurate. See the section titled "The Siege of Milan, Roland and Vernagu, and the Otuel Cycle" on page 15 for a full discussion of the origin of this label for these romances and an explanation of why the label is imprecise. Despite the problems with using this term for these romances, I have elected to maintain the name “Otuel cycle” because the title has been in use for over a century and is the most recognizable title for this group of romances.

4

source Otinel are frequently conflated when referenced in critical discussions, even though they are distinct.6

While Otuel and Vernagu, the titular Saracen characters of four of the Otuel-cycle romances, may not be widely known literary figures, these romances are rooted in the prominent literary tradition that originates with the Chanson de Roland, a French chanson de geste (literally

“song of deeds”) written in the late eleventh or early twelfth century.7 Inspired by the Chanson de Roland’s fantastic and tragic story of Roland’s fall at the hands of the Muslims in Spain in

778, French poets composed dozens of chansons de geste in the tradition that featured

Charlemagne as ruler of Christendom, conqueror and converter of non-Christians, leader of his douzeperes (“twelve peers”), and uncle of the preeminent knight Roland. One such French

6 There are two manuscript witnesses of Otinel that are mostly complete: Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Reg. Lat. 1616 and Cologny Geneva, Bodmer Library MS 168. There is one print edition of Otinel in French: M. M. F. Guessard and H. Michelant, eds, Otinel, Chanson de Geste, (Paris: Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1859). Otinel has not been the subject of a large body of criticism, but there are two thorough studies: Paul Aebischer, Études sur Otinel de la Chanson de Geste á la Saga Norroise et aux Origines de la Légende (Bern, Switzerland: Francke, 1960) and Phillipa Harman and Marianne Ailes, "Repurposing the Narrative: The Insular Otinel Tradition" in The Legend of Charlemagne in Medieval England (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2017), 346-401. There is no published English translation of Otinel. A translation by Susanna Fein and David Raybin will be included as an appendix in the version of this edition that will be published by METS, and they have allowed me to use early drafts of their translation so that I can compare the Middle English Otuel romances to their source. One notable exception to scholars’ tendency to conflate the three Otuel romances is Diane Speed, “Translation and Conversion in The Romance of Duke Rowlande and Sir Ottuell of Spayne,” Medieval Translator 8 (2003): 235-244. Speed examines the prominence of the conversion theme in each of the three Middle English Otuel romances, and argues that Duke Roland foregounds conversion much more than the other two versions. I offer additional discussion of the distinctive features of each of these romances on pages 28-41. 7 See Gerald J., Brault, ed. and trans. The Song of Roland: An Analytical Edition. (University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 1978). For an overview of the Chanson de Roland and the poem’s critical tradition, see David Raybin, “The Song of Roland,” in Oxford Bibliographies Online (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), www.oxfordbibliographies.com.

5

chanson de geste is Otinel, the source for three of the Middle English romances.8 The Pseudo-

Turpin Chronicle, a history of Charlemagne’s conquests purportedly recorded by the Bishop

Turpin (a clergyman mentioned in historical records of Charlemagne’s life) is another important source for the romances of the Otuel cycle.9 The Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle’s episode featuring

Vernagu (or Ferragus in its French version) is the source for Roland and Vernagu, where the brief passage is greatly expanded and the story is given more detail.

The romances in the Otuel cycle have typically been regarded as low-quality poems. In an overview of the Otuel cycle in A Manual of Writings in Middle English, Hamilton M.

Smyser’s kindest comment is that the Duke Roland poet was “a competent versifier”; his harshest is that “lines 909-58 [of Otuel a Knight] may serve as a convenient example of the banality all too frequently found in most of the English Charlemagne romances.”10 Still, while the poets who penned the Otuel-cycle romances may not have possessed the literary ability of

8 Marianne Ailes, “What’s in a Name? Anglo-Norman Romances or Chansons de geste?” in Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, ed. Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon (Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011), 61-75. Ailes discusses the labels “Anglo-Norman romance” and “chanson de geste” as they pertain to three texts, including Otinel. Ailes points out which elements of Otinel conform to chanson de geste tradition and which are characteristic of romance, ultimately concluding that Otinel is a chanson de geste that contains some romance elements. For a discussion of how English authors adapted, re-sequenced, and remodeled narratives from chansons de geste so that they would suit romance conventions, see Phillipa Hardman, “Roland in England: Contextualising the Middle English Song of Roland,” in Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, ed. Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon (Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011), 91- 104. Many of the adaptation methods used by the poet who wrote the Middle English Song of Roland were also used by the poets who composed the romances in the Otuel cycle. 9 For editions of the Pseudo Turpin Chronicle, see Kevin R. Poole, The Chronicle of Pseudo- Turpin (New York: Ithaca Press, 2014); Shepherd, Stephen H. A., ed. Turpines Story: A Middle English Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle. EETS o.s. 322 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 20040; and Ronald N. Walpole, An Anonymous Old French Translation fo the Pseudo- Turpin Chronicle (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1979). 10 Hamilton M. Smyser. “Charlemagne Legends,” in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, 1050-1500, vol. 1, ed. J. Burke Severs (New Haven: Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1967), 94, 92.

6

Geoffrey Chaucer or the Gawain poet, there are several aspects of the romances in this cycle that warrant discussion and further study.

As Alan Lupack explains, Charlemagne was included in the Nine Worthies as the emperor who had defended “Christianity—and thus, for most medieval western readers, the civilized world—from the advancing Saracens, a more imminent and proximate threat than that which was met by the other Christian Worthies.”11 Most of the Middle English Charlemagne romances depict conflicts with Saracens, rather than the enemy Charlemagne actually battled most often: the Saxons. Historical accounts like Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni suggest that the

Saxons were the group that Charlemagne was most often plagued by—and most intent on conquering and converting. Yet, because the Saxons were successfully converted and were ancestors of the English, medieval English poets chose to feature their own religious enemy, the

Saracens, in tales of Charlemagne’s conquests.

Like many of the other Charlemagne romances, the Otuel-cycle romances feature conflict between Charlemagne’s Christian realm and various groups of Saracens. In Roland and Vernagu, the French Christians consider who can and cannot be converted to Christianity and how physical form and size can define either humanity or monstrosity. In Otuel a Knight, Otuel and

Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain, the reader must consider the efficacy of forced conversions, even those achieved by divine intervention, as one encounters a Saracen hero who is both the most interesting and the bravest character in the romance. In addition to the questions raised when a Saracen is featured, the Otuel-cycle romances invite consideration of other issues:

11 Alan Lupack, ed., Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1990), 1.

7

intercultural exchange, Christian conceptions of the Other, and the origins of modern racism, religious enmity, and nationalism.

Plot Overviews of the Otuel-Cycle Romances

The Otuel-cycle romances are three separate stories that center on the conflict between

Charlemagne and the Saracen ruler Garcy: one told in The Siege of Milan, a second in Roland and Vernagu, and a third in Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of

Spain. Here, I offer summaries of the three narratives, both to supply the action of The Siege of

Milan that is not included in this edition and to give new readers of Middle English a guide to the romances’ storylines.

The first romance in the sequence is The Siege of Milan, which is not included in this volume because it has already been edited for TEAMS.12 The Siege of Milan covers a conflict between Christendom and the Sultan Arabas, a leader of Saracen forces. Arabas has conquered several Christian cities and is currently occupying Lombardy and attacking Milan. The lord of

Milan, Alantyne, requests Charlemagne’s help in fighting off his attackers, but Ganelon, the famous traitor of Carolingian legend, persuades Charlemagne to send only Roland to the fray and keep most of his forces in France.13 A serious conflict between Charlemagne and Turpin ensues,

12 The Siege of Milan is contained in Alan Lupack’s Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances. This romance’s place in the cycle will be discussed in more detail below. 13 Ganelon’s treachery was frequently mentioned in medieval literature, and has been a popular topic of modern criticism. For discussions of Ganelon and his betrayal in various literary texts, see Peter Haidu, “The Subsystem of the Professional Warrior: Courage, Contradiction, Irascibility,” in The Song of Roland and the Birth of the State (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993): 66-69; Megan G. Leitch, “Thinking Twice about Treason in Caxton’s Prose Romances: Proper Chivalric Conduct and the English Printing Press” in Romancing Treason: The Literature of the Wars of the Roses (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015): 138-174; and Emmanuel Mickel, Ganelon, Treason, and the ‘Chanson de Roland’ (University Park and London, The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989).

8

and it ends with Turpin scolding and excommunicating Charlemagne for failing to aid a

Christian city under siege. Charlemagne soon repents of his cowardice and joins Roland and

Turpin’s troops in their attack on the Saracen-occupied Milan. The Siege of Milan’s ending has been lost, but it is likely that it concluded with a Christian victory over the Saracens.

Roland and Vernagu, the romance that follows The Siege of Milan in temporal sequence, opens with an explanation that Ebrahim, the Saracen king of Spain, has begun to systematically persecute and execute Christians. At present, he is attacking Constantinople. Emperor

Constantius of Constantinople escapes his besieged city and begs Charlemagne to help him fend off the Saracen attack. Charlemagne agrees, and after he has rescued Constantius’s city, the emperor rewards him with a gift of several relics. Charlemagne then has a recurring dream vision in which Saint James appears to him, explaining that his bones are buried in Galicia and that

Charlemagne needs to recover them. Charlemagne has this dream three times in the same night, and in the morning he is resolved to invade Spain and recover James’s bones. Although James’s initial instructions in the vision are only to conquer Galicia, the city where his bones are buried,

Charlemagne’s mission quickly grows to include a conquest of all the cities in Spain currently ruled by Saracens. The narrator describes Charlemagne’s progress through Spain, explaining that most cities are easily conquered, but some are not. During each difficult siege, Charlemagne prays for success and his request is immediately granted. Before long, Charlemagne has assumed rule of all cities in Spain, destroyed all remnants of the Saracen faith, and established an ecclesiastical structure throughout the country.

While at his temporary court in Pamplona, Charlemagne receives news that a Saracen giant has arrived and now issues a challenge to Charlemagne. The giant is described as having a loathsome, ominous appearance, and the courtiers rush to see him. Many of Charlemagne’s

9

preeminent knights, often called “dussepers,” attempt to fight the giant. None of the initial challengers have any success: before they can even strike at Vernagu, the giant lifts them from the ground, tucks them under his arm, carries them off the battlefield, and sets them down with only their pride wounded. Roland, Charlemagne’s nephew and favorite knight, begs his uncle for a chance to face the giant. Charlemagne initially refuses, fearing for his nephew’s safety, but finally gives in to Roland’s insistence.

Roland quickly proves to be a more formidable opponent for the giant. Despite being outmatched in size, he manages to engage the giant in an equally matched fight. After fighting for hours, Vernagu begs for some time to rest. Roland agrees, and when he sees that the giant is forced to sleep on the bare ground because he is too large to enter a building, he places a stone beneath Vernagu’s head to serve as a pillow. When Vernagu wakes and finds the stony pillow beneath his head, he is moved by Roland’s kindness. With a new sense of goodwill towards his opponent, Vernagu begins to question Roland about his faith. Roland explains the major tenets of

Christianity and answers all of Vernagu’s incredulous questions about the more complicated concepts. Although Vernagu seems to be intrigued, the conversation ends with the two fighters planning to resume their duel and agreeing that the outcome will prove which faith is true.

Their combat resumes, and Vernagu seems to have the upper hand until Roland cries out for help from God. An angel appears to him, commanding him to kill Vernagu because the giant will neither be converted nor become good. With the angel’s encouragement, Roland successfully slays Vernagu, beheads his corpse, and gives the head to Charlemagne as a trophy.

Although the romance ends with both Roland and Charlemagne victorious, it also includes an ominous forecast of future conflict. Word of Vernagu’s death at Roland’s hands spreads, and his nephew Otuel hears of his demise.

10

Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland are all versions of Otuel’s story, based on the same source: Otinel, a French chanson de geste. In this narrative, Otuel comes to

Charlemagne’s court with a message from the Saracen Emperor Garcy: if Charlemagne will convert to the Saracen faith, he may keep his lands. If he refuses, Garcy will attack. Along with his message, Otuel hurls venomous insults at Charlemagne, Roland, and the twelve peers. Otuel reveals that Vernagu the giant, recently slain in a duel with Roland, was his uncle, and he now seeks to avenge his uncle’s death. Roland and Vernagu is a romance that pits admirable Christian knights against an unconvertible and monstrous Saracen. Even so, Vernagu and Roland’s discussion of Christian theology suggests that Saracens are open to conversion. Most importantly, Roland and Vernagu creates a contrast for the three Otuel romances: while Vernagu is inhuman and impossible to convert, his handsome, human nephew Otuel will be converted and incoporated into the ranks of Charlemagne’s knights.

The Saracen’s insults enrage the French knights. One of them, Estut, attacks Otuel and is slain immediately. Although most of the knights cry out for the Saracen’s death, Charlemagne and Roland agree that Otuel must be protected because he has come as a messenger, and they assure Otuel that he will be safe in Charlemagne’s court for eight days. Still angry and eager to face Roland in combat, Otuel challenges Roland to a duel, and Roland agrees.

The next morning, as Roland and Otuel prepare to duel, the members of the court all express fear for Roland’s safety and a desire that Otuel be converted and then incorporated into their company. Belesent, Charlemagne’s daughter, expresses a strong concern for the Saracen knight’s welfare as she arms him, and she prays fervently for his conversion while the two knights fight.

11

As Roland and Otuel battle, Roland pleads with Otuel to convert and become one of

Charlemagne’s peers. Roland offers Otuel lands, titles, and Belesent as bride if he will simply abandon his Saracen faith. Otuel never waivers in dedication to his faith, however, and steadily gains an advantage over Roland. Charlemagne, watching the duel, fears for Roland and prays desperately for Roland’s safety and Otuel’s conversion. In response to Charlemagne’s prayer, a dove descends from heaven, alights on Otuel’s helmet, and miraculously converts the Saracen.

The duel ends, and Otuel is baptized and made a peer.

With Otuel converted, Charlemagne and his vassals turn to deciding how to answer

Garcy’s threat. They agree to wait until spring and better weather before setting out to Attaly, where Garcy has raised a city and established his headquarters. Once spring arrives,

Charlemagne’s forces assemble and proceed to Attaly, where they set up camp and build a bridge over the river separating their camp from Garcy’s city.

Roland, Oliver, and Ogger, conferring in secret, decide to ride as a trio to Attaly in search of adventure without telling anyone else from their company where they have gone. After crossing the bridge, they soon encounter four Saracen kings and overhear them boasting about how they would kill Roland if they met him in battle. The three Christian knights see an opportunity for the adventure they seek, and they confront the four kings. Roland, Oliver, and

Ogger quickly defeat and slay three of the Saracen kings, but the last, Clariel, begs for his life.

The three Christian knights decide to take Clariel back to their camp as prisoner.

As they make their way back to camp, they encounter a large force of Saracens. This group is easily beaten by the three exceptional knights, but when yet another group of Saracens arrives, even bigger than the last, the knights realize their situation is dire. They decide to release

Clariel, knowing they cannot hold him and fight off the Saracen host; they also choose not to kill

12

him because he requests clemency. As Roland, Oliver, and Ogger fight for their lives, Ogger is gravely injured. At this moment, Clariel reappears, refuses to let his fellow Saracens kill Ogger, and instead sends Ogger to his paramour to be healed. Roland and Oliver flee the battle.

Back at Charlemagne’s camp, Otuel senses that something is amiss. He frantically asks the whereabouts of the three knights, and when no one knows, he surmises that they have gone to

Attaly and suspects trouble. Otuel quickly assembles a legion and rides toward the Saracens’ city. On the way there, Otuel encounters Roland and Oliver fleeing from the Saracens. Otuel chides them for cowardice and foolishness. Roland and Oliver join Otuel’s Christian host and return to the battle, which is easily won.

In the battle, Otuel fights and kills several of his former comrades, including members of his family. Clariel confronts him but does not recognize him. When Otuel reveals who he is and that he has converted, Clariel urges him to repent for his betrayal of his Saracen gods and return to Garcy. When Otuel refuses, the two knights agree to duel the next day.

The following morning, Charlemagne accompanies his forces to the battlefield and the area designated for Clariel and Otuel’s duel. When Clariel sees Charlemagne, he hurls insults at the aging king. Enraged, Charlemagne declares that he shall fight Clariel himself, despite his knights’ protests. Otuel tactfully requests that he be allowed to fight Clariel, arguing that they had already agreed to this duel the day before. Otuel defeats and kills Clariel, and a battle between Garcy and Charlemagne’s forces breaks out immediately afterwards. When it is clear that the Saracens are defeated, Garcy tries to flee from the battle and hide, but he is quickly captured and brought back to France, where he is forced to convert. As a reward for his role in the defeat of Garcy, Otuel receives lands and is married to Belesent.

13

Both Otuel a Knight and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain follow the French Otinel by ending with the marriage of Otuel and Belesent and the celebration of the Christians’ victory.

Otuel and Roland continues onward from this point, to embrace the general plot of the Chanson de Roland. In Otuel and Roland, soon after Garcy is defeated, Charlemagne faces and conquers two other Saracen rulers in Spain.14 Charlemagne thus strengthens his hold in Spain and establishes his court in Pamplona. While he and his twelve peers are still in Pamplona, the Sultan of Babylon dispatches two of his men, Mansure and Baligans, to try to overthrow Charlemagne by treachery. The two communicate with Charlemagne through Ganelon, one of Charlemagne’s men, and claim that they want to become Christians. While Ganelon is exchanging these messages, he accepts bribes from the Saracens and agrees to help them execute a treacherous plot.

Ganelon convinces Charlemagne to return to France, and as the French host marches through a narrow pass in Roncevaux the Saracens attack the rearguard, which is led by Roland.

The French knights are outnumbered and defeated. Oliver, blinded and severely wounded, deals a death blow to Roland accidentally. Roland sounds his horn to try to signal for help, but

Ganelon convinces Charlemagne that Roland is simply sounding his horn for joy during a hunt, and does not require their aid.

14 The connection between the plots of Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland is especially significant at this point. While Charlemagne was preoccupied with converting Otuel and defeating Garcy, Saracens regained power in Spain (Charlemagne has just conquered and converted Spain in Roland and Vernagu). Thus, his efforts to reconquer Pamplona fit the “loss and recovery” pattern described by Lee Manion as one of the central characteristics of Middle English crusading romances. The narrative choice to present the failed conquest mission as one of recovery rather than expansionist ambitions somewhat lessens the sense of Charlemagne’s culpability in the death of his beloved nephew. See Lee Manion, Narrating the Crusades: Loss and Recovery in Medieval and Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

14

Later, when Charlemagne and most of his forces are back in France, Turpin has a vision of Roland dead while he performs mass. Turpin tells Charlemagne, who returns to Roncesvalles and finds his dead men. Charlemagne mourns for Roland and all who are slain, and then fights a final battle against the Saracens, defeating them decisively. Once the French are back in France,

Ganelon is accused and convicted of treason by means of a trial by combat with a knight named

Terry. Once convicted, Ganelon is hung, then drawn and quartered. The knights who fell in

Roncesvalles are buried, and Charlemagne builds a church there to commemorate his fallen peers.

When considered together, the Otuel-cycle romances establish a pattern: a Saracen foe attacks Christendom, Charlemagne is forced to quell the threat, and another Saracen group makes a strike in retribution. While it is unlikely that many medieval readers—if any at all—had access to all three installments in this narrative sequence, it is notable that each surviving manuscript witness of the Otuel-cycle romances contains at least one other Charlemagne romance, and in the case of the Auchinleck and London Thornton manuscripts, another romance from the Otuel cycle. The cyclical violence found in the Otuel cycle was purposefully presented by the compilers of these manuscripts. Though medieval audiences had no concept of the Otuel cycle as such, they did recognize the connection between these texts.

The Siege of Milan, Roland and Vernagu, and the Otuel Cycle

Although most scholars of Middle English romance agree upon the grouping of the five romances in the Otuel cycle, some have questioned the place of The Siege of Milan and Roland and Vernagu in this group. I am editing four of the five Otuel-cycle romances and presenting them as connected, so a discussion of the debate over the inclusion of certain romances in the

15

group is warranted. While I recognize the validity of the position of those who question the place of The Siege of Milan and Roland and Vernagu in the Otuel cycle, I have found that the grouping is generally useful for criticism.

As its name indicates, the three Middle English translations of the French Otinel form the core of the Otuel cycle. Roland and Vernagu and The Siege of Milan are normally seen as part of the cycle because they share themes and characters with the three Otuel romances, but their inclusion has been questioned. The Siege of Milan’s connection to the other romances is fairly weak: Garcy, the Saracen antagonist of the three Otuel romances, is mentioned, though Otuel is not. Moreover, The Siege of Milan does not share any sources with the other romances in this cycle; it may be, in fact, an original English composition, as Dieter Mehl suggests.15 Smyser explains how its grouping with Roland and Vernagu and the three Otuel romances came about:

“Gaston Paris and Gautier suggested that the Sege of Melayne forms a kind of introduction to

Otuel in the same way as the Destruction de Rome is introductory to Fierabras, and the Sege has ever since been placed in the Otuel Group.”16 As many have noted, its inclusion seems odd because Otuel is never mentioned in the romance, and the only overlapping point between it and the others is the mention of Garcy. In The Siege of Milan, after the Sultan has been killed,

Ganelon remarks

“And if the Sowdane thus be dede

Thay will haue another new,

A more schrewe than was the tother,

Garcy, that is his awenn brothir

15 Dieter Mehl, The Middle English Romances of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1968), 153. 16 Smyser, “Charlemagne Legends,” 93.

16

That more barett will brewe.” (lines 590-94)

Most scholars who discuss The Siege of Milan’s placement in the Otuel cycle seem somewhat dissatisfied with the grouping, but there are benefits to its inclusion. The Siege of Milan has the same emphasis on how war with the Saracens is divinely sanctioned. Furthermore, it is similar in scope: it covers a single conflict between Christians and Saracens that consists of two main battles. The Siege of Milan does generally fit with the chronology of the other Otuel cycle romances, all of which are clearly meant to have occurred before the action in The Song of

Roland. While its plot is not as strongly connected to Otuel’s story as that of Roland and

Vernagu, The Siege of Milan is not entirely out of place in the Otuel cycle, and the grouping benefits criticism on the individual romances.

Roland and Vernagu has a stronger connection to the three Otuel romances than does The

Siege of Milan, but its place has been questioned as well. According to Fred Porcheddu, the idea of a cyclical link between Roland and Vernagu and the Otuel romances is based upon the so- called, likely faulty “Charlemagne and Roland” theory.17 Fred Porcheddu argues that the “cycle” title itself is problematic: “in comparing ‘Charlemagne and Roland’ to collections like the

Icelandic sagas, Gaston Paris intended the word ‘cyclic’ to be synonymous with ‘collective,’ like an anthology, and the result of a single directing hand.”18 The central piece of evidence supporting the “cycle” label, the “Charlemagne and Roland” theory, is thus in limbo, so it is difficult to justify the categorization of these five romances as a cycle in the way that Paris seems to have intended.

17 For a full discussion of the “Charlemagne and Roland” theory, see the section that begins on page 22. 18 Fred Porcheddu, “Edited Text and Medieval Artifact: The Auchinleck Bookshop and Charlemagne and Roland Theories, Fifty Years Later,” Philological Quarterly 80, no. 4 (2001): 480, referring to Gaston Paris.

17

While Porcheddu’s critique of the label of “cycle” for the Otuel cycle carries some weight, I believe that Roland and Vernagu has a legitimate place among the other Otuel romances, where it seems to play the role of prequel or prologue to the Otuel story. Much of the action in Otuel’s story is an effect of or response to the action in Roland and Vernagu. In particular, Otuel’s motivation for coming to Charlemagne’s court cannot be understood fully without knowledge of Vernagu’s previous interaction with Charlemagne, Roland, and the other peers. Otuel arrives in Charlemagne’s court to bring a message from Garcy, but he is also hoping to avenge Vernagu his uncle. Otuel’s story is also clearly a second attempt at conversion and conquest for both the Christians and Saracens involved in the conflict. Otuel comes to Paris to defeat the Christians and atone for his uncle’s failure. Charlemagne and Roland are also trying to correct a past mistake; they employ new conversion tactics during the duel with Otuel and are successful. Without Roland and Vernagu, the conversion thread in the Otuel romances is incomplete. Considering the importance of conversion as a guiding theme in Otuel’s story, it is clear that Roland and Vernagu fits in the cycle.

Charlemagne, Roland, and Historical Accounts

Although the events told in Roland and Vernagu and the three Middle English Otuel romances are undoubtedly fictional, they are rooted in historical records. For medieval English readers, the line between history and fiction would not have been so sharply drawn as it is for modern audiences. The historical events referenced in the Otuel-cycle romances would have been recognizable to medieval audiences, and they also would have considered these occurrences significant to the history of Western Christianity. As such, the historical events of Charlemagne’s reign provide essential context for the Otuel-cycle romances.

18

The chronicle of Charlemagne’s life written by Einhard, the Vita Karoli Magni, is one of the most important near-contemporary sources of information about the Frankish ruler.19 Despite the many layers of transmission, translation, and adaptation between the Otuel-cycle romances and Einhard’s chronicle, some events found in the Otuel cycle seem to have roots in Einhard’s chronicle, such as two of the Roland and Vernagu poet's descriptions of Charlemagne:

Now late we be of this thing,

And speke of Charles the King,

That michel was of might.

Of his lengthe and his brede,

As the Latin ous rede,

Ichil you rede aright.

Tuenti fete he was o lengthe,

And also of gret strengthe,

And of a stern sight.

Blac of here and rede of face,

Whare he com in ani place,

He was a douhti knight. 20

The poet's description of Charlemagne is undoubtedly rooted in Einhard’s description of

Charlemagne in the Vita Karoli Magni as an exceptionally tall man with dark hair and ruddy cheeks.

19 David Ganz, ed., Einhard and Notker the Stammerer: Two Lives of Charlemagne (London: Penguin, 2008), 22. 20 Roland and Vernagu, lines 425-436

19

Other aspects of the Otuel-cycle romances are rooted in historical accounts as well; chronicles and records indicate that both Roland and Turpin probably existed, though Turpin was likely far less involved in Charlemagne’s court than he is in the literary tradition. The continuing conflict with Saracens from Spain found in both Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland likely has some basis in the Carolingians’ many treaties, territorial disputes, and battles with the

Muslim leaders in Spain. Nevertheless, many aspects of Charlemagne’s interactions with

Spanish Muslims are clearly distorted or fictionalized in the Charlemagne romances. A summary of the historical account of Charlemagne’s conflict with the Muslims in Spain is useful for comparison with the reimagined conflict presented in Middle English romance.

The Carolingians had been in conflict with the Muslims in Spain for decades. Some groups of Muslims had occupied cities in France, though Charlemagne had expelled most of them after a long series of battles and sieges. Soon after, the Muslim governor Suliman sought an alliance with Charlemagne in order to gain an upper hand in his power struggles with other

Muslim leaders. Suliman offered Charlemagne control of Northern Spain, and Charlemagne agreed to the alliance. The acquisition of northern Spain appealed to Charlemagne for two reasons: first, it would create a barrier between France and the Muslims in Spain, and second, it could lead to the conversion of non-Christian populations.

In 778, Charlemagne’s forces proceeded through Spain in two parts. One part, led by

Charlemagne, went through the Pyrenees and Pamplona in the west, and the other went through

Septimania toward Barcelona. Charlemagne conquered the city of Pamplona, populated by the

Basques, who were Christians, but unwilling to be ruled by a foreign party. Charlemagne proceeded to Saragossa, which had been promised to him, and reunited with the other half of his army. The city’s ruler had decided not to concede the city to Charlemagne, so Charlemagne

20

attacked. Charlemagne was able to sustain the siege for only a short amount of time before a more proximate threat from the Saxons and waning supplies forced him to abandon his attempt to take Saragossa and return to France, taking Suliman with him as hostage. Charlemagne returned through Pamplona, where he discovered that the conquered city had rebelled against his rule, and the resident Christians had joined with the Muslims to resist Charlemagne’s dominance.

Charlemagne destroyed the city and then proceeded homeward through Roncesvalles.

Charlemagne’s various conflicts with the Muslims in Spain did stretch over many decades, even though the famous campaign for Saragossa was relatively brief. In truth, the

Muslims in Spain were far less important to Charlemagne than were the Saxons beyond the

Rhine. Charlemagne’s continuing struggle with the Saxons was brutal and bitter. Alessandro

Barbero describes the cyclical nature of the conflict between the Franks and the Saxons:

Time and again the Saxon chiefs, worn down by war with no quarter, sued for

peace, offered hostages, accepted baptism, and undertook to allow missionaries to

go about their work. But every time that vigilance slackened and Charles was

engaged on some other front, rebellions broke out, Frankish garrisons were

attacked and massacred, and monasteries were pillaged.21

Einhard’s account of Charlemagne’s Spanish campaign begins with a note on Charlemagne’s conflict with the Saxons: “While he was vigorously and almost constantly pursuing the war with the Saxons, and had placed garrisons at suitable points along the frontier, he attacked Spain with as large a force as he could.”22 As Einhard’s subtle comparison of the two conflicts shows, the

Saxons were more important to Charlemagne than was Spain. Furthermore, it is likely that a

21 Alessandro Barbero, Charlemagne: Father of a Continent (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 45. 22 Ganz, Einhard and Notker the Stammerer: Two Lives of Charlemagne, 24.

21

Saxon rebellion prompted Charlemagne to abandon his siege of Saragossa and take his fated passage through Roncesvalles. The Saxons were a more immediate threat to the Frankish kingdom, which certainly explains why Charlemagne prioritized quelling the Saxon rebellion over winning Saragossa, the city he had been promised. Charlemagne was certainly eager to subdue the Muslim threat in Spain and gain new territories, but he was more invested in his conquest of the Saxons. As Barbero explains, Charlemagne seems to have viewed it as his spiritual duty to achieve the permanent conversion of the pagan Saxons, considering himself a new David facing a new Jericho.23

The “Charlemagne and Roland” Theory

One of the most important subjects regarding Roland and Vernagu is its contested relationship with Otuel and Roland. Porcheddu explains the curious situation of Roland and

Vernagu, a romance rarely read or studied for its literary value, yet the subject of a noted debate:

Its meter and rhyme are not unusual for the tail-rhyme genre; there are no plot-elements

(apart from the simultaneous duel and theological debate between Roland and the

Saracen giant Vernagu) which strike the reader as extraordinary. Although it is a unique

copy and has been edited three times, the poem has never been considered important to

scholars or students by virtue of its poetic content. Surprisingly, however, this obscure

romance lies at the center of an impressive theory of a lost Charlemagne epic.24

In the 1940s, Ronald Walpole and Hamilton Smyser perpetuated the nineteenth-century theory that Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland were two halves of the same poem, copied from a single lost source titled “Charlemagne and Roland.” The theory is based on a variety of

23 Barbero, Charlemagne: Father of a Continent, 47. 24 Porcheddu, “Edited Text,” 478.

22

evidence, most notably the two poems’ three shared stanzas, related plots, and stanzaic form.

Their hypothesis drew upon Laura Loomis’s Auchinleck Bookshop theory, which proposed that the Auchinleck manuscript was evidence of a bookshop, a “publication” center devoted wholly to the production of books, which employed multiple scribes.25 Despite the evidence, the

“Charlemagne and Roland” theory seems to have been something of a house built on sand.

Gaston Paris made the initial suggestion of an original “Charlemagne and Roland” text, but he proposed his hypothesis using only Ellis’s description of Otuel and Roland because the

Fillingham manuscript was lost at the time. Despite the conjectural nature of Paris’s claim, the

“Charlemagne and Roland” theory was taken as fact for many years.26 After Loomis published her Auchinleck Bookshop theory, Walpole and Hamilton used it to support the notion that

Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland were two halves of the same poem, and pointed to a lost, unified text. Porcheddu has discussed the logical and theoretical errors made at several stages in the generation and circulation of this theory, and it is now clear that the theory cannot be taken for fact unless more evidence is found. Neither can the theory be entirely dismissed, but barring a discovery of a manuscript containing a copy of “Charlemagne and Roland,” it remains speculative, and most likely erroneous.

The Monstrous Other

Like the “Charlemagne and Roland” theory, the giant Vernagu is one of the strongest draws for critics discussing the Otuel-cycle romances. Vernagu is just one of several non-

25 Loomis, Laura, “The Auchinleck Manuscript and a Possible London Bookshop of 1330-1340,” PMLA 57 no. 3 (1942): 595-627. For a discussion of how Loomis’s work can be considered and used in twenty-first-century scholarship, see Christopher Cannon, “Chaucer and the Auchinleck Manuscript Revisited,” Chaucer Review 46, no. 1-2 (2011): 131-146. 26 Porcheddu, “Edited Text,” 9.

23

Christian giants in Middle English romances, and the critical discussion of these giants offers a useful framework for reading the encounter between Roland and Vernagu, both to demonstrate how medieval English audiences viewed giants and how Vernagu departs from typical romance depictions of giants.

As has been shown, Roland and Vernagu is closely related to the three Middle English versions of Otuel’s story, and part of the connection between these four romances stems from the familial relationship between the two central Saracen characters: Vernagu is Otuel’s uncle.

Although related by blood, they differ in appearance significantly. Vernagu is introduced as a giant with dark skin, supernatural strength, and loathsome features. While none of the versions of

Otuel’s story describe Otuel with the same degree of detail with which Vernagu is described,

Otuel’s appearance is pleasing. After the shock of his initial and dramatic arrival into

Charlemagne’s court has dissipated, the members of the court admire Otuel and desire to convert him and incorporate him into their company. Otuel is an exceptional fighter and nearly defeats

Roland, yet he is of a normal human height. His skin color is never described.

Leaving aside the biological unlikelihood of Otuel being of average human size and having an uncle who is a giant, Vernagu’s status as giant is complicated for many other reasons.

The appearance of a giant foe in a Middle English romance can hardly be characterized as unusual, but the abundance of giant characters in romance creates a standard by which Vernagu’s behavior and intelligence can be measured. In Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages,

Jeffrey Jerome Cohen articulates the role of giant characters in this way:

The giant appears at the moment when the boundaries of the body are being culturally

demarcated. In the England of the Middle Ages, he signifies those dangerous excesses of

the flesh that the process of masculine embodiment produces in order to forbid; he

24

functions at the same time to celebrate the pleasures of the body, to indulge in wine and

food and sex.27

There is a fairly wide variety among the giants in romance, but Cohen’s description adequately captures the nature of most of these giants. In The Sultan of Babylon, Mountrible, the Sultan’s city, is guarded by a pair of giants, the wife Barrok and husband Astragote, who have two giant sons. Although both Astragote and Barrok are fearsome and have superhuman strength, they mimic human behavior by becoming man and wife and raising their sons as humans would.

There are no extensive conversations between the giants and their French foes, but Astragote does pray to Mahounde for help when he is overcome by his enemies, indicating that he can speak and that he understands the Saracen faith. 28 After the pair of giant parents has been defeated, King Charles baptizes their giant offspring, names them after Roland and Oliver, and keeps them as part of his company. There is a similar acceptance of a giant into human company

27 Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1999), xiii. On the topic of English anxieties about cultural diversity, their nation’s diverse history, and their ties to the East, see Debra Best, “Monstrous Alterity and Christian Conversion in the Middle English The Sowdone of Babylone,” Medieval Perspectives 19 (2004): 42-63; Siobhain Bly Calkin, “The Anxieties of Encounter and Exchange: Saracens and Christians Heroism in Sir Beves of Hamtoun,” Florilegium 21 (2004): 135-158, and “Violence, Saracens, and English Identity in Of Arthour and Merlin,” Arthuriana 14, no. 2 (2004): 17-36; Kathy Cawsey, “Disorienting Orientalism: Finding Saracens in Strange Places in Late Medieval English Manuscripts,” Exemplaria 21, no. 4 (2009); 380-397; Cohen, “Green Children from Another World, or the Archipelago in England” in Cultural Diversity in the British Middle Ages: Archipelago, Island, England, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 75-94; Emily Houlik-Ritchey, “Rewriting Difference: ‘Saracens’ in John Gower and Juan de Cuenca,” ES Revista de Filología Inglesa 33, no. 1 (2012): 171-189; Rebecca Wilcox, Romancing the East: Greeks and Saracens in Guy of Warwick,” in Pulp Fictions of Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance, ed. Nicola McDonald, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004): 217-240; and Elizabeth Williamsen, The Quest for Collective Identity in the Charlemagne Romances (Dissertation Abstracts International, 2010). 28 “Mahounde” is the central god worshipped by Saracens in romance. “Mahounde” is meant to be Muhammad—another example of the inaccurate representation of Muslims in Western medieval literature, as Muslims believe Muhammad is a prophet, not a god. These inaccuracies are discussed in more detail in the section titled "Saracens and the Conversion Theme" on page 30.

25

in Sir Bevis of Hampton, where the giant Ascopart serves as Bevis’s page for part of the romance. The giant in Octavian is in love with the Saracen princess, Marsabelle, and in his pursuit of her hand in marriage, he shows that he is both a competent fighter and well versed in courtly challenges. 29

While these giants are capable of functioning within a civilized society alongside humans, and often work for them, the giant in the Alliterative Morte Arthure represents another version of giants: one that is subhuman, bloodthirsty, and rapacious.30 The giant is clearly nonhuman, eats infants, and brutally rapes a duchess. The giant has animal features and does not show any evidence of being able to speak. Rebecca S. Beal writes of the confrontation between the giant of Mount St. Michel and Arthur that:

It is no understatement, then, to call the battle between Arthur and the giant of Mount St.

Michel a battle between medieval versions of civilization and barbarism, for the poem

has clothed Arthur with armor produced by his civilization and associated that armor with

the feast that shows the king’s preeminence.31

Beal goes on to note that while Arthur’s armor is produced by a civilized society and his feasts are likewise products of a regulated community, the giant is clothed in only a kirtle and feasts upon the flesh of humans, including babies. The type of giant portrayed in the Alliterative Morte

Arthure seems to serve a purpose distinctly different from those found in the romances

29 For an edition of The Sultan of Babylon, see Lupack, Alan, ed. Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances; for Octavian, see Hudson, Harriet, ed. Four Middle English Romances: Sir Isumbras, Octavian, Sir Eglamour or Artois, Sir Tryamour (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2006). 30 For an edition of The Alliterative Morte Arthure, see Larry Dean Benson, ed., revised by Edward E. Foster. King Arthur’s Death: The Middle English Stanzaic Morte Arthur and Alliterative Morte Arthure. (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1994). 31 Rebecca S. Beal, “Arthur as the Bearer of Civilization: The Alliterative Morte Arthure, II. 901- 19,” Arthuriana 5 (1995): 32-44. pp. 38.

26

mentioned above, but the giant of Mount St. Michel and Vernagu do have some similarities. The two giants emerge in similar situations, as defenders of non-Christian empires. Both giants pose major challenges to the kings who must defeat them in order to continue the expansion of their realms, and in both cases the defeat of the giant is more than a coming-of-age test for a young knight or a demonstration of masculinity. For both Arthur facing the giant of Mount St. Michel and Charlemagne challenged by Vernagu, the giant is a symbolic figure, and failure to vanquish the giant will result in serious losses in lands and prestige.

While there are similarities in the narrative function of Vernagu and the giant of Mount

St. Michel, there are significant differences as well. Unlike the non-verbal, animalistic giant

Arthur faces, Vernagu is enormous and ugly but able to speak, reason, and debate. As Dorothee

Metlitzki explains, Vernagu differs “from the Frankish knights in color and size, but not in kind.”32 In terms of behavior, Vernagu is more like his counterparts in Octavian or Bevis of

Hampton; he understands the strictures of courtly behavior and is able to conform to these social codes. However, in being capable of reason and participation in human society, Vernagu is distinct from other romance giants. The giant in Octavian is driven by his love (or perhaps, more accurately, his lust) for Marsabelle, and the giant in Bevis orchestrates a tragic betrayal of Bevis when he is replaced as Bevis’s page. Even though these giants are capable of reason and language, they still demonstrate the signature characteristics of giants that render them symbols of excess and bodily pleasure.

Vernagu, on the other hand, exhibits none of the tendencies toward excess shown by the other giants of Middle English romance. Vernagu arrives at Charlemagne’s temporary court in

32 Dorothee Metlitzki. The Matter of Araby in Medieval England (New Haven and London: Yale UP, 1977), 193.

27

Pamplona, makes an official challenge in response to Charlemagne’s conquest of Spain, and faces several of Charlemagne’s knights in fair duels. Furthermore, even though Vernagu could kill the French knights he faces in these duels, he chooses to spare their lives even while demonstrating his strength—rather than killing the knights, he simply lifts them, tucks them under his arm, carries them off the battlefield, and sets them down unharmed.

In addition to his apparent reluctance to commit violent acts, Vernagu departs from his fellow giants in his intellect. Aside from the giant of Mount St. Michel in the Alliterative Morte

Arthure, several of the giants in Middle English romance seem to have the ability to speak and reason. Lynne Tarte Ramey discusses the criterion of reason in evaluations of a creature’s humanity in Black Legacies: Race and the European Middle Ages. Ramey notes that medieval

Westerners were faced with the question of what makes a being human when they encountered descriptions of foreign lands and people in texts about travel to the East. In most cases, if a group

(even a fictional group like pygmies) could speak and reason, they were sufficiently human for the purposes of salvation.33 While many romance giants can speak and act rationally to some extent, it is rare for a giant character to be depicted as having in-depth or intellectually taxing conversations with humans. Roland and Vernagu contains a somewhat odd scene in which

Roland and Vernagu carry on a debate over Christian theology in the middle of the night. Roland and Vernagu have begun their duel, but Vernagu requests time to rest as the sunlight fades. Too large to fit inside any building, Vernagu sleeps in the field. Roland places a stone beneath

Vernagu’s head to serve as a pillow. Vernagu wakes and, touched by Roland’s gesture, asks

Roland to explain his faith to him. As they discuss the major tenets of Christianity, Vernagu voices astute objections, which Roland quickly answers with familiar, pat explanations.

33 Lynne Tarte Ramey, Black Legacies: Race and the European Middle Ages (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014): 95.

28

In spite of Vernagu’s genuine interest in Christianity and his high capacity for rational thought, which should qualify him for salvation, his story ends much the same way other giants’ stories end—with a beheading. After their debate, Roland and Vernagu resume their fight, each agreeing that the faith of the victor will be proven the true faith. In the middle of the duel, an angel appears to Roland and informs him that Vernagu can never be converted and the giant must be killed. After this revelation, the scene becomes much more familiar—Roland strikes down Vernagu, removes the giant’s helmet, cuts off his head, and brings the head to

Charlemagne as a trophy. Vernagu’s non-violent behavior and intellect may separate him from the other giants who populate the pages of Middle English romance, but his death resembles that which these other giants face. Phillipa Hardman explains that part of the function of dark- skinned, frightening Saracens like Vernagu is to provide contrast for the fair-skinned Saracens who are desirable converts:

one can see something of the same paired effect in the treatment of Saracen champions,

where those worthy of conversion are fierce but fair, while the representatives of infidel

evil are monstrous and black. Thus, Fierabras’ size provides a physical referent for his

status as alien, hostile outsider, linking him while in his unconverted state with monstrous

Saracen giants such as the Giant of Mautrible and Vernagu—but without their ugliness

and grotesque features, so that upon his conversion it is not difficult for Fierabras to be

re-presented as an ideal specimen of knighthood.34

Vernagu may be uncommon for a giant, but in the end, he is made to fulfill the typical function of a giant within a medieval narrative—to represent the Other and, in being defeated, promote the supremacy of those belonging to dominant categories. This function is all the more important

34 Phillipa Hardman, “Dear Enemies: the Motif of the Converted Saracen and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight,” Reading Medieval Studies 25 (1999), 68.

29

because of Roland and Vernagu’s connection to the Otuel storyline, where Otuel is presented as the opposite of his uncle, and his conversion is ardently sought and prayed for. Roland does attempt to convince Vernagu to abandon his faith and become a Christian, but he quickly refocuses his attention on killing Vernagu once an angel confirms what he knew from the first moment he laid eyes on Vernagu:

He nas never gode

Bi lond no bi se.

Thei alle prechours alive

To Cristen wald him schrive

Gode nold he never be.35

Saracens and the Conversion Theme

The ongoing conflict between Frankish Christians and Saracens is one of the most notable aspects of the Otuel-cycle romances (as well as most other Charlemagne romances). The idea of Christian armies soundly defeating a Saracen foe was appealing to audiences of medieval

Christians who were frequently in the midst of, recovering from, or preparing for crusades.

Though Christian triumph over Saracens was popular with medieval Christian audiences, depictions of Saracens were not wholly negative. Western Christians wanted to triumph over

Saracens, but also wanted to convert them. The concept of the “noble Saracen” who could be converted and incorporated into Christian society also fascinated Christian audiences. In the following discussion, I offer an overview of the major criticism on Saracens in Middle English literature, particularly romance.

35 Roland and Vernagu, lines 809-13.

30

It is easy to think of Europe in the Middle Ages as a place that was occupied by a homogenous group of white Christians. While white Christians were certainly the majority of

Europeans in the Middle Ages, medieval Europe was far from mono-cultural. Traveling was difficult and information tended to circulate slowly, but many medieval Europeans did travel beyond Europe, and they did interact with people who were neither white nor Christian through trade. Moreover, Europeans were eager for information about the nations beyond their borders, and stories about other peoples and faiths were popular—for example, the travel narrative The

Book of Sir John Mandeville was translated into several languages, and over two hundred manuscript witnesses of this text survive.36 Medieval Europeans wanted to know about the other occupants of their world, even if interest was hardly benevolent. As Iain Macleod Higgins argues in Writing East: The "Travels" of Sir John Mandeville, the Mandeville author has a clear and obvious purpose in his descriptions of foreign lands and people: to distinguish Western

Christians from the Other and use this distinction to critique the shortcomings of the former through “use of the Other as a self-critical mirror.”37 Like The Book of Sir John Mandeville, many depictions of the Other in literature were wildly fictionalized and derogatory, and often focused on converting, subduing, or obliterating those who followed non-Christians faiths.

In England during the Middle Ages, Saracens were popular in romances, particularly after the crusades had begun. Geraldine Heng argues that the crusades and English romance were closely interlaced. According to Heng, the romance genre arose as a response to the trauma experienced during the crusades, and was used to respond to some of the central issues raised by crusading activity:

36 Tamarah Kohanki and C. David Benson, eds., “Introduction,” in The Book of John Mandeville (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2007). 37 Iain Macleod Higgins, Writing East: The “Travels” of Sir John Mandeville (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 80.

31

Key historical developments in England—the idea of a medieval English nation, crises in

knighthood and the encroachment of forms of modernity threatening chivalric feudalism,

the rise of conversion and missionizing as alternative forms of conquest to military

adventurism, and the expanding sense of an infinitely enlarging world in which England

was located—found expressive voice by retelling the history and meaning of the crusades

against the Saracens and Islam.38

Most often, Saracens are meant to be Muslims, though some texts use “Saracen” to mean either

Muslim or pagan. Initially, English audiences appreciated romances that depicted Saracens and conversion efforts because these romances bolstered their crusading fantasies. Later, once the success of past crusades and the viability of future crusades were questionable, depictions of

Saracens in romance were sometimes used as subtle thought experiments for authors considering whether or not crusades could be won, and whether or not Saracens could truly be converted.

Most English Christians did not have a lot of firsthand experience with Muslims unless they had traveled extensively. However, they did have access to texts and stories that would have given them accurate information about Muslims and their faith. The Book of John Mandeville, for example, offers several accurate details about Islam, and characterizes Muslims as highly devout. Nonetheless, though this information was available, Saracens and their faith are most often depicted as an unholy inversion of Christians and Christianity in romance. Most significantly, they are usually depicted as having three or four gods, whom they worship as idols.

38 Geraldine Heng, “Jews, Saracens, ‘Black Men,’ Tartars: England in a World of Racial Difference,” in A Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture, c. 1350-1500, ed. Peter Brown (Malden, Oxford, and Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2007): 257-258. For a wider discussion of how physical depictions of Othered populations were used to promote white Christians over all other races and religions, see Anna Czarnowus, Fantasies of the Other’s Body in Middle English Oriental Romance (New York: Frankfurt am Main, 2013).

32

The names of the three or four gods vary by romance, but the most common are Mahounde

(Muhammad), Apollin, Jovin, and Termagaunt. Less common are gods like Jubiter and Platon, names that have likely been adapted from Greco-Roman mythology and history, just as Apollin and Jovin are. In all four of the romances in this edition, Mahounde is the god invoked most often by Saracen characters. In both Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight, the three other gods the Saracens pray to are Apollin, Jubiter, and Platon. The Saracens in Otuel and Roland pray first to Mahounde, and then to Apollin, Jovin, and Termagaunt as a group added to the end of a prayer. In Duke Roland, the Saracens pray only to Mahounde, and Apollin is mentioned once.

While the inaccuracies in depictions of Saracens may seem to be fairly innocent, Heng explains why the depiction of Saracens as polytheists is so significant:

The depiction of Islam as a polytheistic pagan apparatus turning on idol worship and false

gods...is an aggressive and polemical stance of denigration and dismissial. Romances in

the English Charlemagne/Roland cycle, like the Sultan of Babylon and Otuel and

Roland...exuberantly feature a multiplicity of Saracen gods and idols.39

Saracen characters often exclaim to their gods in prayers that mimic Christian prayers. When making oaths, Saracens usually swear "By Mahounde" and praise him as mighty and a worker of miracles. When Clarel confronts a converted Otuel, he advises him to "believe in Mahounde" or

"give his heart to Mahounde." In Otuel and Roland, Saracens even offer up a cry of "Mahoun joy" after a successful attack, which is a Saracen adaptation of the Christian exclamation,

"Mountjoy." Though idol worship is not particularly prominent in the Otuel-cycle romances, a common trope in romance is a Saracen realizing his or her idols are powerless and smashing

39 Heng, “Jews, Saracens, ‘Black Men,’ Tartars," 258.

33

them to pieces. There is no such scene in the Otuel-cycle romances, but there are several references to idol worship and "maumettes" (Saracen idols). By suggesting that the Saracen faith is nothing but an inversion or imitation of Christianity, Christian writers disparaged the Muslims that the Saracens were intended to represent.

Just as Saracens are portrayed as polytheists and idol worshippers, they are also frequently described as heavy drinkers, prone to lust. In Saracens and the Making of English

Identity: The Auchinleck Manuscript, Calkin argues that these inaccuracies were probably not truly intended to spread misinformation about Muslims but were instead a way for English authors to negotiate their own national and religious identities:

Within the context of the early fourteenth-century Auchinleck manuscript, Saracens serve

to define the ‘Inglisch’ identity asserted so stridently therein, and to explore the processes

and problems involved in asserting such an identity in the 1330s. The Saracens of

Auchinleck thus decisively demonstrate the various ways in which figures of religious

alterity offer crucial insights into cultural and political debates in which their audiences

are directly engaged. The manuscript therefore explains, at least in part, the popularity of

Saracens in the late medieval West: these characters provided their audiences with the

opportunity to examine purportedly exotic realms and people, but simultaneously

ensured, through their inaccuracies and resemblances to Westerners, that such

examination provided their audiences with ideas about, and clarifications of, the

audiences’ own concerns.40

40 Siobhain Bly Calkin, Saracens and the Making of English Identity: The Auchinleck Manuscript (New York: Routledge, 2005), 211. For a discussion of how a similar trend was present in French literature of the same period, see Norman Daniel, Heroes and Saracens: An Interpretation of the Chansons de Geste, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1984); Sharon Kinoshita, “‘Pagans are Wrong and Christians are Right’: Alterity, Gender, and Nation in the

34

Though Calkin is discussing the Saracen characters of the Auchinleck manuscript (which includes Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight), her observations hold for the other romances in the Otuel cycle. The criticism of the French, and of other Christian knights by extension, only intensifies in the Otuel-cycle romances that were written after the Auchinleck romances.

Romance Saracens are often stock characters, and there are a number of critical approaches that explain the significance of these types and their tropes. Firumbras, a

Charlemagne romance, employs all the most common types of stock characters, and consequently is useful to a survey of critical approaches to them. The titular hero of Firumbras is giant in stature, but demonstrates in his duel with Oliver that he is capable of conforming to

Western Christian rules of combat and has as much fighting ability as a Christian knight.41

Firumbras converts early on in the romance, when he sees that Christianity is a superior faith to his own. Calkin and Metlitzki have both discussed characters like Firumbras who conform to

Western cultural norms, and both have argued that these characters are designed to reflect and define Western Christian identities rather than depict real Muslims in any way. Nonetheless, some Saracens are portrayed as different from Western Christians in appearance, behavior, and/or morality. Vernagu, like Firumbras, is a giant, but he is also described as having dark skin.

Chanson de Roland,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31, no. 1 (2001): 79-111; and Lynne Tarte Ramey, “Forging Relationships: Law, ‘History,’ and National Identity,” in Christian, Saracen, and Genre in Medieval French Literature (New York and London: Routledge, 2001): 53-67. 41 For a discussion of the concept of the chivalrous or exemplary Saracen in both French and English literature during the Middle Ages, see Marianne Ailes, “Chivalry and Conversion: The Chivalrous Saracen in the Old French Epics Fierabras and Otinel,” Al-Masiq 9 (1996-1997): 1- 21; Dorsey Armstrong, “The Non-Christian Knight in Malory: A Contradiction in Terms,” Arthuriana 16, no. 2 (2006): 30-34, and “Postcolonial Palomides: Malory’s Saracen Knight and the Unmaking of Arthurian Community” Exemplaria 18, no. 1 (2006): 175-203; and Andrew William Klein, Romancing Islam: Reclaiming Christian Unity in the Middle English Romances ‘Otuel’ and ‘Ferumbras (Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2009).

35

Though he comports himself honorably and is unwaveringly courteous, Vernagu is physically

Othered by size and race. Firumbras’s sister, Floripas, represents the common “enamored

Saracen princess” character. Floripas falls in love with Guy of Burgundy and then betrays her father to help the imprisoned French knights. Enfamy, the lover of Clarel, is a similar character, although her role is smaller and she never actually betrays her paramour. Enfamy is undeniably intrigued by Ogger, and she cares for and heals him.

While converted Saracen characters like Otuel and Firumbras were popular with audiences who were eager to consider the successful conversion and incorporation of Saracens into Christendom, the Saracen characters who do not convert are nearly as important to a modern understanding of how Saracen characters were received and understood by medieval English audiences. In the Otuel cycle, both Vernagu and Clarel are prominent Saracens, but neither can be persuaded to convert. Characters like Vernagu are often read as suggestions that some

Saracens simply cannot be converted because they have an inherent quality that prevents them from changing their faith. Carolyn Dinshaw discusses this principle in relation to the massacred

Surryean Saracens in The Man of Law’s Tale, noting that even though they have converted, the

Man of Law does not view them as Christians:

Christian converts from Islam in The Man of Law’s Tale are treated in ways that are not

so different from the ways intransigent infidels are treated. They all die, that is, and they

die because they’re still corporeally, racially, the same. No one, not even the usually

hyperbolic Man of Law as narrator, bewails the deaths of so many Christians: their

everlasting lives are not even mentioned. But a question arises from this narrative

36

treatment: is there a difference between a real converted Saracen and a fake one, if each

shares the same ugly narratorial fate?42

Anxieties about whether or not Saracens could actually be converted are expressed in the Otuel cycle often. Roland has a lengthy discussion of theology with Vernagu while they are resting from their duel, but an angel later reveals to Roland that Vernagu can never be converted, and commands Roland to kill him. Otuel’s conversion is suspect as well; it is achieved through a miracle, against his will and refusal to abandon his faith. In Duke Roland, it is obvious that although Otuel’s faith has nominally changed, not much about his character or behavior has. Just as Dinshaw questions whether the willing converts in The Man of Law’s Tale are “real” converts, we must question whether Otuel’s conversion can be considered genuine.

While medieval English Christians were worried about whether or not Muslims could truly be converted, they also worried about which conversion methods were likeliest to bring about genuine conversions. In “The Man of Law’s Tale and Crusade,” Calkin discusses some of the most popular conversion methods and how they are used to varying success in The Man of

Law’s Tale. Calkin enumerates the conversion tactics used during the Middle Ages, listing marriage, preaching, trade, and money. Calkin writes that marriage was a “peaceful complement

42 Carolyn Dinshaw, “Pale Faces: Race, Religion, and Affect in Chaucer’s Texts and Their Readers,” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 23 (2001): 26. On the topic of physical manifestations of faith and baptism, see Suzanne Conklin Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient, 1100-1450 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), and “Incorporation in the Siege of Melayne,” in Pulp Fiction of Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance, ed. Nicola McDonald (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004): 22-44; Best, “Monstrous Alterity and Christian Conversion"; Siobhain Bly Calkin, “Romance Baptisms and Theological Contexts in The King of Tars and Sir Ferumbras” in Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, ed. Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon (Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011), 105-119, and “Marking Religion on the Body: Saracens, Categorization, and The King of Tars,” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 104, no. 2 (2005): 219-38; Kathleen Ann Kelly, “ ‘Blue’ Indians, Ethiopians, and Saracens in Middle English Narrative Texts,” Parergon 11, no. 1 (1993): 35-52; and Robert Rouse, “Expectation vs. Experience: Encountering the Saracen Other in Middle English Romance,” Selim 10 (2000): 123-143.

37

to traditional crusade warfare in endeavours to extend Christian control over Saracen territories.”43 Calkin goes on to explain that the use of marriage as a conversion method in The

Man of Law’s Tale

is not really about conversion in any spiritual sense, wherein a process of theological

instruction leads to a change of religious belief. Instead, Chaucer’s depiction of this

marriage eliminates suggestions of proselytizing efforts on Custance’s part and

emphasizes the role of trade and “certein gold” in spreading the Christian faith.44

The fact that Custance’s marriage to the Sultan ends in a massacre signifies that the marriage-as- bribe conversion methods in The Man of Law’s Tale are doomed to fail.

The Otuel-cycle romances also depict the use of multiple conversion tactics, and Roland seems to be using a trial-and-error approach to finding the most effective methods. In Roland and Vernagu, Roland has a lengthy discussion of Christian theology with Vernagu, answering all of his questions and explaining all of the seemingly impossible aspects of his faith. Despite this careful theological approach, Vernagu refuses to adopt Roland’s faith, and in the end Roland is told by an angel that Vernagu simply cannot be converted. In the three Otuel romances, when

Roland faces Vernagu’s nephew in battle, he does not even try to use a theological approach to convert Otuel. Instead, he offers Otuel lands, titles, wealth, and status. Soon after, he offers him a marriage to Belesent. Ultimately, all of these methods fail to convert Otuel. The stubborn

Saracen is only converted by an act of divine intervention in response to Charlemagne’s prayers.

With the verity of Otuel’s conversion in question because of his behavior, the Otuel-cycle

43 Siobhain Bly Calkin, “The Man of Law’s Tale and Crusade,” in Medieval Latin and Middle English Literature: Essays in Honour of Jill Mann (Woodbridge, Suffolk and Rochester: Boydell and Brewer, 2011), 4. 44 Ibid., 4.

38

romances paint a fairly bleak picture of the possibility of converting Saracens effectively and genuinely.

Belesent and Otuel: Interfaith Desire, Conversion, and Marriage

The treatment of Belesent and Otuel’s relationship is one of the most notable ways that the three Middle English Otuel romances differ. While Otuel a Knight minimizes the relationship and includes Belesent in the narrative only when necessary, Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain features a Belesent who is obviously attracted to Otuel, even before he is converted to

Christianity. Desire between a Saracen and Christian is common in Middle English romance, almost always leading to the conversion of the Saracen and a subsequent marriage (though this is not always the case).45 A Saracen who willingly converts for love of a Christian was another part of the Western Christian crusading fantasy, particularly when the Saracen was in a ruling position and could peaceably convert his or her nation. Thus, the relationship between Belesent and Otuel would not have been shocking to medieval English audiences, but aspects of it are unusual. Here, I discuss how the conversion-through-marriage theme typically works in Middle

English romance, and then address how the Otuel story departs from this tradition, particularly in its Duke Roland and Sir Otuel Version.

Calkin explains that the concept of using marriage to effect conversion was hardly pure fantasy for medieval Western readers:

The idea that a Christian woman might participate in peaceful efforts to expand

the influence of Christianity was not as uncommon as one might think, and was a

45 Two notable exceptions to this pattern are Floripas and Blanchefleur, a romance in which a Christian and Saracen end up married without either lover converting, and the two Saracens in love with Iseult in Sir Thomas Malory’s Le Morte Darthur, Corsabroyne and Palomides, neither of which converts or achieves Iseult’s love.

39

possibility raised in literature about crusade and crusading locales...In romances,

women might preach Christianity to their husbands and convert them within the

context of inter-faith marriage.46

Calkin notes that, though the concept of conversion by marriage was an accepted one, many medieval Western Christians seem to have had an ambivalent view of the method and the potential for success of such "peaceful crusading efforts." There was a sense that conversions achieved through monetary bribes or marriage contracts were less thorough or effective than those brought about through proselytizing. Nonetheless, the concept of being able to convert an entire nation of Muslims through a well-strategized marriage was attractive to Western Christian audiences. Metlitzki explains why this fantasy makes its way into so many romances:

In spite of the differences in treatment, the core of the Christian-Muslim marriage

theme in the King of Tars and the story of Constance is the same as in ...the

Arabian story of Omar an-Nu’man: the importance of the interreligious and

binational marriage. The child of such a marriage...will bring about the

harmonious union of two warring peoples. The dream of oriental romance

throughout the Middle Ages is the union of Christian and Saracen.47

Western Christians were drawn to the conversion-through-marriage method for two reasons: first, it was a less violent alternative to issuing convert-or-die ultimatums to their non-Christian enemies; and second, it suggested that non-Christians wanted to be converted and integrated into the Christian community.

Western Christians may have hoped for the conversion and integration of non-Christians, particularly Muslims, but they also had deep-seated anxieties about the possibility of truly

46 Calkin, "The Man of Law's Tale and Crusade," 3. 47 Metlitzki, The Matter of Araby, 140.

40

converting those that were racially different than they were. Some medieval theories suggested that one’s race and faith were inherently connected aspects of identity. As Dinshaw and Calkin have both noted, the failed conversion attempt in The Man of Law’s Tale points to fears that

Muslims could not be truly converted, no matter the conversion method used.

While the depictions of conversion through marriage in such romances as The King of

Tars and The Man of Law’s Tale certainly question the validity of conversions that are rooted in a marriage agreement, there are interfaith marriages in Middle English romances that are the result of genuine attraction and love. In these relationships, the Saracen character is typically much more enthusiastic about their conversion, but it is still clear that the conversion is a non- negotiable condition for the marriage. These Saracen characters may be less reluctant about their conversion, but it is obvious that their love for their Christian paramour is the sole or primary motivator for their change of faith. Two examples of this trope are found in The King of Tars and

Octavian, both romances that feature Saracens and conversion efforts.48 In Octavian, a Saracen princess, Marsabelle, falls in love with a Christian knight, Florent. Florent does not directly tell

Marsabelle that she must convert if she wants to marry him, but he strongly suggests it, telling her:

In alle this werlde es non so free

Forwhi that thow wolde cristenede be

And sythen of herte be trewe.” (lines 1511-1513)

Marsabelle immediately understands Florent’s meaning, and offers to convert, saying:

“Sir, if that thou myghte me wyn,

48 For editions of The King of Tars and Octavian, see John H. Chandler, ed., The King of Tars (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2015) and Harriet Hudson, ed. Four Middle English Romances: Sir Isumbras, Octavian, Sir Eglamour of Artois, Sir Tryamour (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1996).

41

I wolde forsake all my kyn,

Als I them never knewe.

Sythen thou wolde wedde me to wyfe

I would lyve in Cristen lyfe;

My solde ever be newe.” (lines 1514- 1519)

Marsabelle does not hesitate to abandon her faith and family for her lover. Her willingness to become a Christian does, indeed, lead to a happy marriage to Florent.

A similar pattern occurs in Sir Ferumbras, when the Saracen princess Floripas falls in love with Guy of Burgundy while he and the other douzeperes are imprisoned by Floripas’s father.49 Floripas reveals that she is in love with Guy, and describes seeing him fight in a battle with her father:

“Fro þat day in-to þys; myn herte haþ he yraft

Ne kepte y neuere more blys; were he to meward laft

Wolde he be my worldly make; & weddy me to wyue,

For his loue wold y take; cristendom al so blyue.” (lines 1420-1423)

Floripas not only offers to convert in order to marry Guy, but actively works against her own father in order to help Guy and his comrades escape. Metlitzki describes Floripas as such:

The character [Floripas] has been said to represent the stereotyped features of a

heathen princess in the decadent chansons de geste. Nevertheless the appeal of

this type is instructive, not only as the popular image of a ‘good’ Muslim princess

49 For editions of Sir Ferumbras, see Mary I. O'Sullivan, ed., Firumbras and Otuel and Roland. EETS o.s 198 (London: Oxford University Press, 1935) and Sidney J. H. Herrtage, ed., The English Charlemagne Romances. Part 1: Sir Ferumbras. EETS e.s. 34 (London: Oxford University Press, 1879).

42

but also in conjunction with the theory that the aggressive and masterful nature of

such heroines was foreign to the feminine ideal of the West.50

After her conversion, Floripas has a few missteps with her new faith. At one point, she suggests that the douzeperes pray to her Saracen idols and ask for aid. Once the French knights smash the idols and show them to be powerless, she fully embraces her new Christian faith, but her actions throughout the remainder of the romance show that she truly worships Guy, not God. When Guy is captured by her father’s army, Floripas forces the other knights to undertake a risky rescue mission to save him and demonstrates that she has no qualms about using nefarious methods to ensure that she and her love have a future together.

In both Sir Ferumbras and Octavian, a Saracen woman falls in love with a Christian man, and the woman agrees to convert. The Saracen woman-Christian man combination is fairly common in romance, and it draws upon a Western belief that Muslims were especially lascivious and bent on seducing Christian men. However, the interfaith marriage in Duke Roland and Sir

Otuel of Spain departs from this pattern, in that the relationship is between a Christian woman and a Saracen man.

While Belesent never offers to become a Saracen in order to pursue a relationship with

Otuel, the description of her first encounter with Otuel closely mirrors the moments in which

Saracen princesses fall in love with Christian knights in Octavian and Sir Ferumbras.51 On the morning of the duel between Otuel and Roland, Charlemagne asks Belesent to arm Otuel. After

Belesent and two of her maidens have armed Otuel, they warn him to be careful of Roland and his sword. Belesent’s obvious care for the knight in this scene and her fervent prayers for his

50 Ibid., 169. 51 Here, I am discussing only Otuel and Roland and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain. As I note below (p. 45), the arming scene and Belesent’s vocal acceptance of her marriage to Otuel is removed from Otuel a Knight.

43

conversion during the duel indicate that Belesent is drawn to Otuel and hopes for his safety, even if that means Roland’s failure in the fight. Even after Otuel converts, Belesent seems willing to toe the line of Christian propriety for her lover. In Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain, the narrator explains that the reason Otuel misses Roland, Oliver, and Ogger’s ill-fated search for adventure is that he is with Belesent in her chamber. There is no clear statement that the two are engaged in inappropriate behavior for a couple that is as yet unmarried, but the implication is undeniable. Though Belesent does not agree to abandon her faith for Otuel, her behavior follows that of the Saracen princesses in love with Christian knights. She is willing to bend the rules of her faith and prioritize Otuel’s safety over her family member’s. Belesent’s questionable behavior could be nothing more than a twist on the more common pattern of a Saracen princess falling in love with a Christian knight, but it could also be intended as a criticism of the French.

It is notable that the two later Middle English Otuel romances, Otuel and Roland and Duke

Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain, depict the French less favorably than does Otuel a Knight—the only poem of the three that was written before the start of the bitter French-English conflict of the Hundred Years’ War.

While Belesent’s attraction to Otuel is palpable, Otuel, on the other hand, seems to be only peripherally aware of Belesent. He thanks her for his armor, but when Roland offers

Belesent to Otuel as wife in exchange for Otuel’s conversion, Otuel soundly and immediately refuses. Otuel’s refusal of the offer is a significant departure from the conversion-by-marriage trope in other romances. In most cases, love and the prospect of marriage is what convinces a

Saracen to abandon his or her faith. For Otuel, marriage to Belesent—and the titles and land that would come with such a union—utterly fail to entice Otuel into conversion. In the end, nothing short of divine intervention is capable of converting the steadfast Saracen; in response to

44

Charlemagne’s prayers, a dove descends from heaven, alights on Otuel’s head, and causes him to convert instantaneously.

The inefficacy of the marriage bribe Roland tries to use to convert Otuel is likely a commentary on the failure of such marriage contracts to effect true conversions. In a period in which Western Christians were concerned that conversions achieved through marriages, trade agreements, bribes, and violence were not true conversions, Otuel’s conversion scene would have held deep theological implications for its audience. The argument implied is that using marriage, lands, and money as bribes for conversion is a poor tactic. Instead, would-be proselytizers should rely on earnest prayer and supplication for God’s aid.

The Three Otuel Romances: Distinctive Features and Major Differences

Although Otuel a Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain are three distinct poems—not simply three witnesses of the same poem—they are often treated as such in criticism. The confusion of the three poems is understandable because they all contain the same narrative, but making the effort to distinguish between the poems will foster better and more precise scholarship. The poets who wrote the three Middle English Otuel romances each emphasized different aspects of the narrative and portrayed the main characters in distinctive ways. Consequently, an examination of the identifying features of each romance is a crucial precursor to any criticism on the Otuel cycle. Here, I discuss how the three Middle English Otuel romances can be identified by rhyme scheme, meter, and their treatment of the narrative.

The Otuel-cycle romances are rarely the sole focus of scholarly or critical study, but these works are mentioned fairly often in criticism that examines issues of race, religion, and nation in

Middle English romance. It is common for scholars to mention Vernagu and Otuel and to

45

conflate the three versions of Otuel’s story into a single romance. Often, only one of the three versions is cited, and the existence of the other two is ignored. This practice is certainly understandable, particularly when the reference to Otuel is brief, but such conflation of the three versions suggests that there are no differences between them. Indeed, even in work that mentions all three Middle English translations of Otinel, sometimes the author seems to be unsure whether the romances are distinct or three separate witnesses of the same romance.

The plots of each of the Otuel romances are generally the same, with the exception that

Otuel and Roland includes the fall of Roland at Roncevaux and Ganelon’s treason. However, the depictions of Charlemagne, Otuel, Roland, and Belesent vary among the three versions, and there are a few crucial moments in which the poets distinguish their versions from the others.

Additionally, there are differences in rhyme scheme and stanza form that serve as identifying features of each version.

There are four scenes that each poet adapts, and each of these scenes contributes to the general tone of its respective poem, and particularly to how the French are depicted. The first such scene comes directly before Otuel and Roland’s duel. Otuel has to borrow armor from

Charlemagne, and Charlemagne asks his daughter Belesent to arm Otuel. In this scene, the three poets either emphasize the desire between Belesent and Otuel, make the encounter chaste, or omit the interaction altogether. Another scene that highlights the tone of each poem occurs as

Roland and Oliver are fleeing their battle with the Saracens and encounter Otuel riding with his host to meet them. In each version, Otuel scolds Roland and Oliver for fleeing, but the poets enunciate a different reprimand in each version, and some are much harsher than the others. The third scene is similar in nature to the first. When Ogger is injured in battle, Clariel sends him to his paramour for healing. When Ogger meets the paramour, each poet again adapts the scene so

46

that either there is a suggestion of desire or the interaction is perfectly innocent. The final definitive scene is Otuel and Clariel’s duel. As Otuel and his former comrade fight, Otuel slices the skin off of Clariel’s cheek, leaving his teeth exposed. Otuel mocks Clariel’s injury, and the nature of this mockery correlates to the tone set by the other three scenes.

In the four sections below, I will discuss how each of these scenes is cast in each of the three versions, using the French Otinel as a standard of comparison for each. Then, I will cover other aspects of each poem, such as rhyme scheme or manuscript layout that distinguish it from the other three versions.

Otuel a Knight

Otuel a Knight was likely composed the earliest of the three Middle English Otinel translations, some time before 1330 when its sole witness was copied in the Auchinleck manuscript. Written in rhyming couplets, Otuel a Knight is the only romance in the Otuel cycle that does not use tail-rhyme verse at any point in its text. Its poet offers a somewhat sanitized version of the Otuel narrative; sexual desire between Otuel and Belesent is non-existent and

Otuel’s reprimand of Roland and Oliver for fleeing lacks the sarcastic bite it carries in the other two versions. As a result of these choices by the poet, Otuel a Knight offers a straightforward celebration of Christians and condemnation of Saracens.

In Otuel a Knight, Belesent is nearly absent. In some cases, this follows the Otinel source material, but in others, the poet decides to eliminate scenes in which she is featured, or minimize her role. Notably, the author of Otuel a Knight omits the scene in which Belesent and two of her maidens arm Otuel. In the French Otinel and the other two Middle English translations, the sexual tension between Belesent and the as-yet-unconverted Saracen is palpable, which gives

47

credence to Belesent’s enthusiastic acceptance of Otuel as her betrothed after his conversion. In

Otuel a Knight, not only is the intimate arming passage removed, but Belesent’s eager acceptance of the marriage arrangement is omitted as well. Instead, the marriage is discussed by

Charlemagne and Otuel, and Otuel’s deferral of his nuptials is praised by Charlemagne:

Tho Otuwel hadde follaught nome,

And to the kingges pees was come,

The king beed him his doughter anon,

And feire londes mani on.

Otuwel to the king saide,

“Sire, keep me wel that maide,

For sothe Ich nele hire nevere wedde,

No nevere with hire goo to bedde,

Er thi werre to the ende be brought,

And sumwhat of thi wille wrought,

Whan King Garsie is slawe or take—

Thanne is time, mariage to make!” (line 647-658)

Here, Otuel is the perfect Christian convert: completely uninterested in Belesent until he has proven he is a Christian in battle against the Saracens. The poet similarly removes mention of

Belesent later in the poem, when the Christian host is staging its siege of Attaly. In the French

Otinel, Belesent is present during the siege and is involved in caring for the knights in the camp and preparing them for battle. No such references are present in Otuel a Knight, and Belesent is not even mentioned again at the end of the romance, when all other versions include the marriage of the princess to Otuel.

48

The author of this romance similarly removes references to Saracen women. In the

French source, when Ogger is injured and taken to Clarel’s lover for care, there is a scene in which three Saracen women, along with Clarel’s paramour, question some Saracen knights about the man who has been brought into the city for care. The women disarm and disrobe Ogger so that they can tend his wounds, and Enfamy, Clarel’s lover, also has a conversation with Ogger about his identity before she heals him. The conversation and the care are omitted in Otuel a

Knight, and instead of foregrounding the Saracen woman’s tenderness and the potential desire between her and Ogger, Otuel a Knight lends more detail to Ogger’s escape from his imprisonment, particularly his spectacular performance in fighting off his jailers, and his clever scheme to convince the porter to open the gate and let Ogger out.

Otuel a Knight also tends to minimize the sarcastic tone that Otuel uses in the Otinel source and in other translations. In each of the other versions, Otuel makes a mocking joke or sarcastic jab twice: when he encounters Roland and Oliver fleeing the Saracens after their ill- fated search for adventure, and when he slices off a portion of Clarel’s cheek during the duel and exposes Clarel’s teeth. In Otuel a Knight, the joke is completely removed from the scene in which Otuel comes to save Roland and Oliver. Instead, Otuel simply encourages Roland and

Oliver to turn back toward the battle:

“Turneth agein anon,

And helpeth to wreke you on youre fon,

Thei sschulle abugge so mote ich thee,

That maketh you so faste fle!” (lines 1061-1064)

The Otuel of Otuel a Knight not only abstains from mocking Roland and Oliver for their obvious act of cowardice, but elects instead to offer a genuine rallying cry. The sharp-tongued,

49

swaggering Otuel who arrived in Charlemagne’s court at the beginning of the romance is absent, and a genuine—if somewhat unimaginative—Otuel has taken his place.

When Otuel faces Clarel in a duel near the end of the romance, a glimmer of his acerbic wit resurfaces, but once again, the poet changes the scene to remove a reference to women, sexual desire, and intercourse. In Otinel, when Otinel slices off Clarel’s cheek, Otinel comments that Clarel is now so ugly that his paramour will no longer want to have anything to do with him.

When this moment is translated for Otuel a Knight, Otuel instead comments on Clarel’s strength and makes jokes about his exposed teeth:

Clarel, so mote thou thee,

Whi scheuwestou thi teth to me?

I nam no toth-drawere!

Thou ne sest me no cheine bere.”...

“Bi Godes ore,

Sarazin, thou smitest fol sore,

Suthen thi berd was ischave,

Thou art woxen a strong knave.” (lines 1325-1328, 1357-1340)

Otuel’s comment is still mocking, but instead of discussing Clarel’s relationship with his lover, he commends Clarel’s strength and jokes about his appearance. As the author of Otuel a Knight is wont to do, he removes the presence of and references to women, preferring instead to depict both Christian and Saracen societies where women are marginal figures, and have negligible roles in any important events.

Otuel a Knight is an earnest, if sometimes clumsy, Middle English retelling of the Otinel chanson de geste. The English poet who composed this version makes changes to characters’

50

dialogue, heavily adapts or omits scenes, and shifts the focus of the narration so that his version offers a straightforward report of the events in the romance. Sexual desire, particularly sexual desire between a Christian and Saracen, is completely removed from the romance. The Otuel a

Knight poet was reluctant to include any material that suggested that a Christian had an unseemly desire or had behaved cowardly. This version of Otuel’s story aims to glorify Christians and promote conversion efforts.

Otuel and Roland

Otuel and Roland is typically dated to sometime around 1330, which places its composition soon after Otuel a Knight. The textual links between Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland are strong; the two romances not only share a passage that describes Charlemagne, but also use the same stanza form. These connections are the basis for the “Charlemagne and

Roland” theory discussed above, and they may also be evidence in favor of a composition date for Otuel and Roland that is closer to that of Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight.

Otuel and Roland maintains much of Otinel’s attraction between Otuel and Belesent, as well as Otuel’s sarcasm and derision. While Otuel a Knight removes Belesent’s arming of Otuel,

Otuel and Roland not only keeps the scene but also gives Belesent a front-row seat for Otuel’s duel with Roland. As her cousin fights the Saracen, Belesent prays for Otuel’s safety and provides commentary on the duel for her father. After Otuel has been miraculously converted and baptized, Belesent is also present as Charlemagne offers her as wife to Otuel. Belesent does not get a choice in whether or not she will marry Otuel, but she does get to speak and express her love for her betrothed in the scene. Otuel, also delighted about this match, promises to protect

Belesent and also requests that she be involved in the siege of Attaly.

51

Enfamy’s healing of Ogger is maintained in Otuel and Roland as well, and the intimacy of her care for Ogger is emphasized:

Bothe by day and eke by nyght,

Hereself hys woundys gan dyght

And gaf hym drynkes der.

Sche made hym salves soft,

And as Oger lay in loft

He feld hym bothe hole and fer. (lines 1018-1023)

Enfamy, who has already expressed curiosity about Ogger’s identity, tends his wounds herself.

Some of the text of the romance that describes Ogger’s escape from the Saracens is missing, but his farewell to Enfamy is preserved. Ogger, who has just broken his chains, stolen a horse, and prepared to flee Attaly, takes a moment to shout to Enfamy that he is leaving, and promises to speak with her the next day. Ogger’s plan to speak with Enfamy is never again addressed, but

Ogger’s parting words to Enfamy suggest desire, and perhaps love. In general, the author of

Otuel and Roland seems comfortable with including the presence of women found in the Otinel source, and even increases their presence and the role of women in his own version.

Otuel’s penchant for derisive jokes is as strongly represented in Otuel and Roland as it is in the French Otinel, and the author of Otuel and Roland maintains the general sense of Otuel’s chiding of Roland and Oliver for fleeing the battle and his mockery of Clarel’s exposed teeth during their duel. When Otuel encounters Roland and Oliver riding away from the Saracens, the

Otuel and Roland poet makes it clear that Otuel is reprimanding them, but he also shows Otuel encouraging them to return to battle and demonstrating his eagerness to help his fellow knights regain their honor:

52

“Lese thou schalt thy swete!”

Syr Otuel gan to chyde,

And sayde, “Roulond, for thy pryde,

Thy lyfe thou wylt forlete!

What wenes tou and Olyver alone?

To sle the Sarysyns everichon,

And thus to grounde hem bete?

Nay, though thou and Y and Olyver

Hadde ben ther al in fer,

Ageyns the hedyn lawe—

And ek Charls the coquerour,

Though he brought alle hys power—

Yet schuld they be nought alle slawe.

Ac turne ageyn with me anone,

And venge we ous of Godys fone,

And gynne we a new plawe.

Ther schulle a thousand for thys thyng

Thys day of hem have here enthyng

Withinne a lytel thrawe.” (lines 1056-1074)

Otuel clearly finds Roland, Oliver, and Ogger’s pursuit of the Saracens foolish, but he does not want them to be permanently discredited. He cannot stop himself from giving them a slight scolding, but he reserves the brunt of his derision for the Saracens, his former fellows and current foes.

53

Otuel and Clarel’s duel in Otuel and Roland contains the longest and most cutting jokes about Clarel’s exposed teeth of any of the versions of Otuel’s tale, including even the Otinel source. In Otuel and Roland, Otuel not only makes a joke about the close shave he has given

Clarel with his sword, but he goes on to enumerate the many ways that this injury will affect

Clarel’s life and relationships:

Tho lowe Otuel and sayd,

“Y sawe never, so God me rede,

Sythe that Y was bore,

Never man in knyghtys wede,

Al so fer as Y have rede,

A berd so clene yschore!

So God me save and sent savour,

Now ys Cursins a good rasour!

Hyt were harm that it were lore,

Hyt ys scharp and that ys sene,

Hyt had yschave thy berd ful clene,

That ther nys laft no more!

Now be thou syker in alle thyng,

Nyl never Garcy the Kyng,

Byleve on thee after thys,

Neyther Enfamé, that fayrer thyng,

Sche nyl namore of thy playyng,

Ne ffor no love thee kysse.

54

Now thy behoveth to grenne,

And to make thee to mowe on menne,

For thy mouth syttyth alle onmys.

Now ne helpth ne nought thy god, Mahound,

Jubiter, ne that breythen, Platoun,

That thou ne art syker of thys.” (lines 1466- 1488)

Otuel not only jokes about Clarel’s appearance and warns that his lover will revile him, but also says that Clarel has now lost the trust of his king and that his gods will no longer come to his aide. Dismayed by Otuel’s words, Clarel realizes that even if he wins the duel and slays Otuel, he will always be plagued by his disfigured face.

Otuel and Roland is the closest translation of Otinel among the three Middle English

Otuel romances. This romance’s author does certainly make changes and additions, but he also generally maintains the details and tone of Otinel. Though Otuel and Roland includes Otuel’s lengthy scolding of Roland and Oliver for turning away from their fight with the Saracens, it does seem to paint a generally positive picture of Charlemagne and his douzepers.

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain

The latest Middle English version of Otinel, Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain, offers a slightly different depiction of its main characters than does its source or its analogues. In Duke

Roland, Otuel is a fierce knight and formidable fighter, but he also behaves in some distinctly non-Christian ways, even after his conversion. The missteps made by French knights are emphasized, and the narrator openly blames and disparages them for their transgressions.

55

Women characters are decidedly the most vocal in Duke Roland out of all of the Middle

English translations of Otinel. Belesent not only gets to arm Otuel and watch the duel next to her father, but she also gets to decide whether or not she will marry Otuel after his conversion. When

Charlemagne offers Belesent to Otuel, Otuel kneels and asks Belesent if she is pleased with the match.52 Duke Roland not only maintains Belesent and Enfamy’s roles as they are in Otinel, but also adds a suggestion of premarital intercourse between Belesent and Otuel. When Otuel is converted and Charlemagne offers him Belesent as bride, Otuel accepts the offer but requests that the wedding be delayed until after Garcy has been defeated. This scene is the same in all versions of the narrative, but it is particularly important in Duke Roland because it clearly shows that the two are not married. When Charlemagne and his forces have arrived in Attaly and

Roland, Oliver, and Ogger secretly pursue adventure in the Saracen’s city, the author of Duke

Roland offers an explanation for Otuel’s absence from the group:

Otuell that was so wighte

Duelles with Belesent the brighte,

Was comely one to calle.

Oute of hir chambire he wendis righte,

Als faste als ever that he myghte,

Into the kynges haulle

To seche Olyver and Rowlande,

Bot never nother he ther fande

Amonge the lordes alle. (lines 1007-1018)

52 Lines 636-640.

56

Otuel was spending time with Belesent alone, in her chamber, when the three knights set out on their foolish mission. The addition of this detail raises a question: how thorough was Otuel’s conversion? Otuel was baptized and now fights for the ruler of Christendom, but he has not given up some of his Saracen habits and traits.

When Otuel first arrives in Charlemagne’s court, he thoroughly berates Charlemagne and his knights, hurling insults, threats, and challenges for fifty lines before even beginning to deliver his message from Garcy. Otuel’s insults are so outrageous that Estut, a knight of Charlemagne’s court, tries to attack the Saracen. Roland reminds Estut that Otuel is protected from harm because he is a messenger, but Estut attacks him anyway and is quickly killed by Otuel. In the

French Otinel, Roland is not bothered by Otinel’s threats, and simply laughs at his challenges. In the chanson de geste, it is not Estut who attacks Otinel but instead an unnamed knight who was raised poorly, and although Estut is also enraged by Otinel’s comments, he refrains from attacking him. When the author of Duke Roland adapts this scene, he heightens the emotional reaction of the French court in general. It is not just a single, badly behaved knight who loses control and attacks Otuel. All of the knights, including Roland, are outraged by Otuel’s insults and threats. Siobhain Bly Calkin discusses this moment and the blame it casts on the French:

The inefficacy of the prohibition points to traditional problems within Charlemagne’s

court, namely the king’s inability to maintain discipline and the willingness of some of

his knights to behave reprehensibly. The incident suggests that, as honourable and

courteous as Charlemagne and Roland are, the larger court to which they belong does not

57

share their sense of honour, and instead actively invalidates their assurances of safe

conduct.53

Charlemagne still guarantees the Saracen’s safety while he stays in his court, but it is obvious that the Saracen’s shocking taunts pushed all of the members of Charlemagne’s court past the point of maintaining their courtly decorum.

Just as Otuel seems to continue to engage in premarital sex after his conversion, his rude comments and sarcasm continue as well. When Otuel encounters Roland and Oliver fleeing a battle, his short speech is mostly focused on reproving the knights, both for fleeing and for undertaking such a foolish errand in the first place:

He hailsede tham with steryn chere

And sayde, “Sirres whate make ye here?

Come ye fro fischeynge?”

He reproved tham there full velanslye,

And yit theire bodies were alle blodye

With wondes many one.

“Wene ye for youre chevalrye

For youre boste and youre folye

That the Sarazenes will late yow one?

Charlles with his stronge powere

Schall thynke this a grete gramaungere,

This dede to undertone.

Bot this chase schall thay by full dere!” (lines 1040-1054)

53 Siobhain Bly Calkin, “Saracens,” in Heroes and Anti-Heroes in Medieval Romance, ed. Neil Cartlidge (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2012), 187.

58

Unlike the other versions of this speech, Otuel devotes relatively few words to galvanizing his overcome comrades and encouraging them to return to battle. Rather, he focuses his comments on the shamefulness of their actions. The author of Duke Roland also makes a slight change to the part of the speech that he takes directly from Otinel. In the French version, when Otinel encounters Roland and Oliver, he asks them if they have been fishing and then goes on to explain that he can “fish” for Saracen foes as well as they can. In Duke Roland, the author removes this explanation of the metaphor, so the comment becomes a sarcastic critique of the bloodied knights, who are obviously running from a battle.

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain, Robert Thornton, and Graphic Tail-Rhyme

In addition to the adjustments the author makes to the tone of the narration, Otuel’s actions, and the open blame of the French knights for their mistakes, Duke Roland is distinct from the other two Middle English versions of Otuel because of the layout of its text in its manuscript. Like Roland and Vernagu and Otuel and Roland, Duke Roland is written in tail- rhyme. There are thirty-six extant Middle English romances that are written in tail-rhyme, a number that comprises roughly a third of all surviving Middle English romances.54 Tail-rhyme verse employs a twelve-line stanza with the rhyme scheme aabccbddbeeb; in other words, a stanza contains four rhymed couplets with four tail-rhyme lines placed in between the couplets.

The couplet lines typically have four stressed syllables while the tail-rhyme lines have three, and it is the tail-rhyme lines’ matching end rhyme that unifies the stanza.55 As Rhiannon Purdie

54 Rhiannon Purdie Anglicising Romance: Tail-Rhyme and Genre in Medieval English Literature (Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2008), 1. For a comparison of tail-rhyme to other twelve-line stanza forms, see Susanna Fein, “Twelve-Line Stanza Forms in Middle English and the Date of Pearl,” Speculum 72, no. 2 (1997): 367-398. 55 Purdie, Anglicizing Romance, 4.

59

explains in her book on tail-rhyme, Anglicising Romance, although the tail-rhyme stanza is used in poetry in other languages, it was only used for romance and drama in English. By the fourteenth century, most English readers would have recognized that the use of tail-rhyme in an

English poem probably meant it was a romance. A subset of tail-rhyme romance consists of the six tail-rhyme romances classified by Purdie as “graphic tail-rhyme romances,” in reference to their layout in their manuscript witnesses. Thornton employed this layout for Duke Roland in his manuscript.

A graphic layout for tail-rhyme romances uses a system of brackets to link tail-rhyme lines to the corresponding couplet. Using brackets to highlight rhymes was a fairly common practice for medieval scribes, but the graphic tail-rhyme arrangement was significantly more difficult for both scribes and readers than was the basic bracketing that highlighted rhymes. In order to execute the graphic tail-rhyme arrangement, scribes had to try to fit the arrangement on pages that were typically set up for two columns of text of equal width. In most cases, the scribe would scrub out the ruled lines on the pages, or simply write the graphic tail-rhyme lines on top of the ruled columns. Upon realizing that the graphic arrangement was quite unmanageable, half of the scribes who attempted the layout abandoned their endeavor and switched to single columns for the remainder of the romance they were copying. In the Lincoln Thornton MS,

Thornton tried to fit the tail-rhyme lines of Sir Degrevant into the margins on a two-columned page in his manuscript. Though his copy of Sir Degrevant is cramped and messy, Thornton’s dedication to the graphic tail-rhyme layout is admirable—he persevered in copying three romances in the graphic tail-rhyme arrangement: Sir Degrevant, The Siege of Milan, and Duke

Roland.

60

Interestingly, the graphic tail-rhyme romance that has garnered the most critical attention is Geoffrey Chaucer’s Sir Thopas, one of the Canterbury Tales, which almost certainly uses the form to parody the trite figures and tropes of the tail-rhyme romance genre. Sir Thopas is the tale told by Chaucer the pilgrim, Chaucer’s fictional representation of himself. Chaucer’s comically bad poetry clearly imitates lexical and poetical features of tail-rhyme romances, but it also mimics the graphic arrangement of tail-rhyme romances in twenty of its fifty-three manuscript witnesses. As Purdie explains,

It is possible, of course, that the layout of Sir Thopas in these early manuscripts was the

scribes’ idea, but given the dates, number, importance and variety of these manuscripts, it

is far more likely to have been Chaucer’s own. It relies upon the reader’s recognition that

Sir Thopas is arranged in a layout traditional for Middle English tail-rhyme romances,

thus adding another layer to Chaucer’s parody of Middle English romance conventions.56

Like Thornton’s choice to use the graphic display of tail-rhyme in some romances but not others, the choice of many scribes to replicate the graphic arrangement of Sir Thopas indicates that this layout is somehow significant to the romance and a definitive mark of the genre for English audiences.

There are multiple hypotheses regarding the purpose and origins of graphic tail-rhyme, most of which grew out of investigations of the odd layout in Sir Thopas’s manuscript witnesses.

Studies in graphic tail-rhyme had a false start with the work of Judith Tschann in 1985.57

Tschann suspected that the strange layout was another layer of Chaucer’s parody in Sir Thopas, and she sought out other examples of graphic tail-rhyme in romance manuscripts. Tschann

56 Ibid., 76. 57 Judith Tschann, “The Layout of Sir Thopas in the Ellesmere, Hengwrt, Cambridge Dd 4.24, and Cambridge Gg.4.27 Manuscripts,” Chaucer Review 20 (1985): 1-13.

61

examined major romance manuscripts, like Thornton’s books and the Auchinleck, but she missed the examples that would have confirmed her theory. To her credit, Tschann maintains that the layout is part of the parody, and asserts, “If this medieval medium makes fun of the message. .

.we modern readers of the printed tale miss some of the fun.”58

Purdie’s book-length investigation into tail-rhyme returned more precise results, as she found that there were several examples of the graphic arrangement being used for tail-rhyme romances. Purdie argues that the graphic arrangement of Middle English tail-rhyme romances draws upon a long-standing tradition of similar arrangements of verse in other languages and genres, concluding that the use of this layout allows readers to immediately identify the verse form:

Tail-rhyme poems are instantly identifiable as such when copied in graphic tail-rhyme:

the distinctive layout overrides any technical differences between the stanzas employed.

Thus, poems whose stanza forms seem quite different in modern printed editions (which

do not reproduce manuscript layout) register immediately as being of the same basic type

for readers of the manuscripts.59

Despite graphic tail-rhyme’s complex and varied origins, it is clear that it was a recognizable and meaningful form for medieval English readers, whether it merely identified the form of the stanza or made insinuations about genre and the relationship between text and speech. Thornton’s use of the graphic arrangement for three of his romances is somewhat perplexing. Though he was clearly capable of copying tail-rhyme romances in the graphic arrangement, there are some tail-rhyme romances in his books that he does not arrange in graphic form. Thornton’s persistence in using the graphic arrangement for some romances and his choice

58 Ibid., 10. 59 Purdie, Anglicising Romance, 73.

62

not to use it for others suggests that he viewed the arrangement of verse as an important part of poetry, and his decisions to arrange graphically or not were purposeful.

Although the layout was likely meaningful, medieval readers—even those accustomed to elaborate page layouts and bracketing—would have found the graphic tail-rhyme form challenging as well. The difficulty for both reader and scribe further attests to the importance of the graphic form—it is unlikely that any scribe would have elected to use the graphic arrangement if doing so were not significant. Most modern editions of graphic tail-rhyme romances not only fail to use the graphic arrangement, but also neglect to mention the layout at all. Modern editors of Sir Isumbras, The Siege of Milan, Bevis of Hampton, and Sir Degrevant usually discuss both the tail-rhyme stanza and manuscript witnesses in their introductions, but neglect to mention the bracketed layout. Herrtage’s edition of Duke Roland does not mention the layout, though it does include a facsimile page of The Siege of Milan that allows the reader to see it. Most editors of graphic tail-rhyme romances choose to arrange lines in a single column, using indentation for the tail-rhyme lines. This decision is likely based upon the belief that modern readers will not recognize the significance of layout and would likely find it a nuisance.

Nonetheless, the graphic arrangement of tail-rhyme and its significance should not be completely ignored in modern editions, as it usually is. My solution to the graphic tail-rhyme issue is to mediate between editorial responsibility to acknowledge the physical features of the manuscript witness and the readers’ need for an easily readable text. I use a slightly deeper indentation for the tail-rhyme romances in this edition than do most editors of tail-rhyme poems.

This arrangement pushes the end of the tail-rhyme lines out past the ends of the couplet, which provides the same visual unity through the tail-rhyme lines as the graphic layout, but does not require the reader to use an awkward motion while reading.

63

Manuscript Witnesses and Editorial History

Each romance in the Otuel cycle has only a single manuscript witness and each romance in this edition has only been edited for publication once before. In this section, I discuss the condition and character of each manuscript witness and list the dates and publishers of the editions preceding this one.

The sole manuscript witness of Roland and Vernagu is National Library of Scotland MS

Advocates 19.2.1, commonly known as the Auchinleck manuscript. The Auchinleck manuscript is an important collection of early Middle English literature, containing twenty-three unique texts.60 In addition to holding early versions of many works of Middle English literature, the

Auchinleck is also notable for its high number of romances (eighteen) which vary widely in subject matter, from romances celebrating English heroes to those recounting the deeds of

French heroes, such as Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight.61 The Auchinleck manuscript is believed to have been copied in the 1330s, and the dialect of both Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight suggests that it was originally composed in the East Midlands.62

60 For studies on the Auchinleck manuscript, see Calkin, Saracens and the Making of English Identity; Margaret Connolly and A. S. G. Edwards, “Evidence for the History of the Auchinleck Manuscript,” The Library: The Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 18, no. 3 (2017): 292-304; and Susanna Fein, ed., The Auchinleck Manuscript: New Perspectives (Woodbridge, Suffolk: York Medieval Press, 2016). 61 David Burnley and Alison Wiggins, eds. “Importance,” Auchinleck Manuscript. auchinleck.nls.uk. 62 Sidney J. H. Herrtage, ed., The English Charlemagne Romances Part VI: The Taill of Rauf Coilyear with the Fragments of Roland and Vernagu and Otuel, EETS e.s. 39 (London: Oxford University Press, 1882), xxi-xvi and Burnley and Wiggins, “Importance.” Both Burnley and Wiggins and Herrtage list 1330 as the decade in which the Auchinleck manuscript was copied. Herrtage identifies distinct “dialectical peculiarities” which led him to place the poet in the East Midlands in his introduction to Rauf Coilyear.

64

The beginning of Roland and Vernagu is missing. The folio containing the beginning of the romance has been removed from the manuscript, and Burnley and Wiggins estimate that forty-four lines are missing. It is difficult to tell what the content of the missing lines is; on folio

263r there is a single line, “for he it seighe with sight,” followed by the poet explaining that he will begin to write about Charles. In the Middle English Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, which is the central source for Roland and Vernagu, the description of Charlemagne's dream vision of Saint

James is the prologue offered by Pseudo-Turpin. In this section, Pseudo-Turpin explains his qualification as chronicler of Charlemagne's life: "I have tried to write promptly, sending to your fraternal hands the most important of his admirable deeds and laudable triumphs over the

Spanish Saracens, which I saw with my own eyes."63 Because both passages mention seeing something with one's own eyes and Roland and Vernagu closely follows the chronicle at this point, it is most likely that the missing folio contained a description of Turpin and explained how he was able to observe Charlemagne's deeds and record them.

Of the surviving Middle English romances featuring the Saracen Otuel, Otuel a Knight was the first to be composed. Like Roland and Vernagu, the sole manuscript witness of Otuel a

Knight is the Auchinleck manuscript. Both Roland and Vernagu and Otuel a Knight have been edited only once and in the same volume, Sidney J. Herrtage’s 1882 The English Charlemagne

Romances Part VI: The Taill of Rauf Coilyear with the Fragments of Roland and Vernagu and

Otuel. The National Library of Scotland’s website dedicated to the Auchinleck manuscript, edited by David Burnley and Alison Wiggins, has a transcription of the text of both romances.

Otuel and Roland has a sole manuscript witness: the Fillingham manuscript, British

Library MS Additional 37492. Along with Otuel and Roland, Fillingham contains four other

63 Poole, Chronicle of Pseudo-Turpin, 3.

65

texts: Firumbras, “The Hermit and the Outlaw,” “The Devil’s Parliament,” and “The Mirror of

Mankind.” With relatively few items and no major texts, Fillingham has largely escaped the notice of scholars of Middle English literature, though its witnesses of Firumbras and Otuel and

Roland are unique, and the manuscript has a strong connection to the Auchinleck manuscript.

Curiously, the manuscript was lost for many years. George Ellis borrowed the manuscript from its owner, William Fillingham, in 1801 so that he could add a description of Otuel and Roland to his Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances.64 A surviving letter from Ellis to Fillingham, now stored with the manuscript in the British Library, details Ellis’s early observations about the difference between Otuel and Roland and the version in the Auchinleck manuscript (Otuel a

Knight) as well as his assurance that he is caring for the manuscript carefully. According to Mary

O’Sullivan, the editor of the earlier edition of Otuel and Roland and Firumbras, the manuscript was unavailable from the time that Ellis was using it until 1907, when the British Museum acquired it.65

There are several folios missing from the witness of Otuel and Roland, and there is an additional folio that lacks a portion of text due to a tear. While the precise text on these folios is lost, it is possible to follow the plot thanks to the other Middle English versions of the story and

Ellis’s summary of the romance in his Specimens, which appears to have been written before the copy was corrupted.

As O’Sullivan notes in her introduction, there are three distinct scribal hands in the

Fillingham manuscript, and there is a notable variation in dialect between the three scribes. In particular, O’Sullivan finds that the scribe who copied Otuel and Roland tend to use forms of

64 George Ellis, Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1848). 65 Mary O’Sullivan, ed., Firumbras and Otuel and Roland. EETS o.s 198 (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), xiii.

66

words belonging to a Southern dialect while Northern forms are more common in Firumbras.

The earliest date that Otuel and Roland could have been composed is likely the first half of the fourteenth century, around the same time that the Auchinleck version, Otuel a Knight, was composed. The most common estimated date for the copying of the Fillingham manuscript is the fifteenth century.

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain (Duke Roland) has a single manuscript witness,

British Library MS 31042, commonly referred to as the London Thornton manuscript, which was copied in the mid fifteenth century. The London Thornton manuscript is one of two manuscripts compiled by Robert Thornton, each containing a variety of devotional and popular texts.66 The

London Thornton also contains the sole surviving witness of another romance from the Otuel cycle, The Siege of Milan. Herrtage, the editor of the sole previous edition of Duke Roland, dates the composition of both Duke Roland and The Siege of Milan to the end of the fourteenth century. Herrtage also notes that Duke Roland’s dialect indicates that it was originally composed in northern England.67

Editorial Process and Method

In this section, I will discuss my editorial process, then the approaches taken by former editors of these romances, and lastly my theoretical approach to editing and emendation.

My editing process began with consulting the manuscript witnesses for each of the four romances. Digital images of manuscript pages were available online for both Roland and

66 For studies on Robert Thornton and the Thornton manuscripts, see Susanna Fein and Michael Johnston, eds., Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and London Manuscripts (Woodbridge, Suffolk: York Medieval Press, 2014). 67 Sidney J. H. Herrtage, ed., The English Charlemagne Romances Part II: The Sege off Melayne and The Romance of Duke Rowland and Sir Otuell of Spayne, and a Fragment of the Song of Roland, EETS e.s. 35 (London: Oxford University Press, 1880).

67

Vernagu and Otuel a Knight through the National Library of Scotland’s website for the

Auchinleck manuscript. I was able to borrow a facsimile of the London Thornton manuscript on microfilm from my dissertation director, so I had access to Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain.

For Otuel and Roland, I had to purchase a digital copy of the Fillingham manuscript from the

British Library. For these early transcriptions, I aimed to represent the text as it was in the manuscript, so I did not expand abbreviations, regularize capitalization or spelling, and included any scribal corrections, such as cancellations and interlineal/marginal insertions into the text.

After I completed two transcriptions of each of the romances using these digital copies, I consulted the manuscripts housed at the British Library in person. While working at the British

Library, I was able to check areas where I was unsure of my transcription and confirm that my reading was correct. Due to the Auchinleck manuscript’s importance and fragile condition, I was not able to examine it in person. After completing and checking two transcriptions of each romance, I collated those transcriptions using a free online program called Juxta Commons.

Juxta Commons collates texts and highlights discrepancies in the readings, which allowed me to see where my two transcriptions differed and correct any errors in transcribing. Using Juxta

Commons, I checked the accuracy of my transcriptions and produced a version I would use in my edition.

After preparing my transcriptions of the manuscript witnesses of the romances, I transcribed each of the romances’ previous editions, using the same process used for the manuscript witnesses (two transcriptions that were collated and corrected). Once I had a correct transcription of each of the previous editions, I collated these with my transcriptions of the manuscripts using Juxta Commons. My list of textual notes came from these collations. I

68

recorded any difference in reading between my manuscript transcriptions and the previous editions, including both purposeful emendations to the text and copying errors.

After preparing my manuscript transcriptions and recording the discrepancies between my readings and those of previous editors, I began the process of modernizing and glossing the text according to the Middle English Text Series (METS) guidelines. Combing through each text multiple times, I introduced modern conventions of capitalization, punctuation, and word division to the text: I standardized the capitalization to modern conventions (only proper nouns and the first word in a sentence are capitalized), punctuated the text using modern marks (there is no punctuation in the manuscripts), and either added or deleted space between words so that they would be more familiar to modern readers.68 Thorns (þ) and yoghs (ȝ) were replaced with their modern equivalents: th for thorns and y, g, gh, and z for yoghs (z replaces yoghs only in the word

Sarrazin). I silently expanded abbreviations, replaced the ampersand (&) with and, changed the use of i/j and u/v to fit modern usage, added an accent to the final e in words in which it is pronounced (e.g. cité or trinité), and added a second e to thee to distinguish the pronoun from the article according to modern spelling.

Finally, I added marginal glosses and explanatory notes. The glosses are used to define or clarify any word that may confuse a modern reader unfamiliar with Middle English. I was able to supply the meaning of many words simply because I am familiar with Middle English, but I also consulted the Middle English Dictionary (MED) to define words that I did not know or were spelled in such an unfamiliar way that I did not recognize them. Words that needed to be glossed

68 In medieval manuscripts, word division was not standard. In some cases, words that are now considered a single word were separated into two words, such as “without” being written as “with out.” Scribes often had to copy words close together in order to save space on the page, so some words that are supposed to be separate seem to be a single word. Consequently, the word division in medieval manuscripts often creates difficulties for modern readers, which is why METS asks its editors to use modern word division.

69

and were frequently used were listed in the glossary included after the explanatory notes for

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain. In cases where an entire line or stanza is particularly difficult, I wrote a longer explanatory note to clarify the meaning. I have also included explanatory notes for historical references, the identification of the many cities listed in the poems, terms unique to the Charlemagne/Roland literary tradition, and phrases that each poet uses frequently. For the most part, I worked out the meaning of phrases that required an explanatory note by using the MED, but there were some instances in which I consulted the source of the poem to see if it could provide any additional elucidation.

The modern punctuation, capitalization, word division, and glosses make this edition better suited for undergraduate readers than are the editions published by the Early English Text

Society (EETS) in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Though based on precise transcriptions, the editors of these editions made little effort to make their texts more accessible or readable for modern audiences. When Herrtage produced his editions of Roland and Vernagu,

Otuel a Knight, and Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain in the late 1800s, his editorial methods were fairly standard for the time. However, his methods make his editions somewhat difficult for modern readers, even those familiar with Middle English. Herrtage’s editorial work predated the rise of more rigorous editorial methods, but by this point, dominant editorial theory had shifted toward more meticulous, "scientific" methods for textual criticism and editing. Because most of the texts Herrtage edited have only one manuscript witness, he did not have the option to engage in the painstaking textual criticism that had become standard. Nonetheless, Herrtage was more concerned with the appearance of the text in his edition than its absolute accuracy. In general,

Herrtage aimed to represent the text as it appeared in the manuscript, or as closely to the manuscript version as possible. Herrtage preserved the large initials and their scale in relation to

70

the smaller text; maintained thorns and yoghs; and typically emended only to correct meter.

When he expanded abbreviations, he put all expansions in italics—a practice that may be helpful for a scholar who is familiar with the concept of medieval abbreviations, but would be needlessly confusing for a reader who did not understand the purpose of the italic text. He did introduce punctuation into the texts and made a few changes that seem to have been intended to clarify

Middle English spellings for modern readers. For instance, he always emends one to on if it is meant as a preposition rather than a number and than to then if it is meant as an adverb rather than a conjunction. Herrtage’s editions are generally faithful reproductions of the text in the

London Thornton and Auchinleck manuscripts, but they can be difficult for modern readers because he was so focused on maintaining the appearance of the manuscript’s text.

Mary O’Sullivan’s 1935 edition of Otuel and Roland, also edited for the Early English

Text Society, is the only published edition of that romance. O’Sullivan was slightly more liberal with emendation than was Herrtage, but she too offers a generally faithful representation of the romance’s text as it appears in the Fillingham manuscript. O’Sullivan’s most notable intervention into the text is that she exchanged th for d, and vice versa, so that spellings would be more recognizable for modern readers. The original author of Otuel and Roland often uses th and d interchangeably, which does not wholly prevent a modern reader from grasping the meaning of a given passage, but could easily cause momentary confusion for a reader unfamiliar with this practice. Consider, for example, line 2403: “Deth he fel, so sayd my tale.” O’Sullivan emends to

“Ded he fel, so sayd my tale,” offering the reader “dead” as an adjective describing a Saracen rather than a word more closely resembling the noun “death.” In this example, O’Sullivan’s emendation provides an easier reading, but in other cases her aim is to make the word recognizable; in line 2291, for example, she changes “theleth” to “deled.” O’Sullivan also makes

71

occasional insertions of words in order to make sense of a passage, but these insertions tend to be minimal and well done. With the exception of a few differences from the manuscript that appear to be typographical errors, her changes are documented carefully and her emendations improve or clarify the meaning of the text.

Like Herrtage and O’Sullivan’s editions, this edition aims to represent the texts faithfully.

Because there is only a single manuscript witness of each romance, I have used an editorial method that is diplomatic, with some exceptions. Diplomatic editions typically strive to represent the manuscript text as accurately as possible, including the original spelling, punctuation, and other textual features, such as canceled or inserted words and phrases. My edition is semi- diplomatic in that it introduces modern spelling and punctuation, expands abbreviations, and records scribal corrections only in the textual notes. While my choice in type of edition is limited by the lack of multiple witnesses, a semi-diplomatic approach is particularly suitable for the

Otuel-cycle romances. A. S. G. Edwards explains that the three most common editorial methods used for Middle English works (diplomatic, best-text, and full critical editions) are each suited to a particular textual situation. Best-text and full critical editions are both used for works with multiple manuscript witnesses. When there are too many witnesses and a collation of all of them would be unmanageable, editors often pick a single manuscript and use a best-text method, in which only the selected manuscript is edited, and no variants from other witnesses are recorded.

Full critical editions also select a base text based on textual criticism, but include variants in other versions in a critical apparatus. However, when a work has only a single witness or a few related witnesses, editors typically elect to use a diplomatic method, which allows editors to present the sole witness, several related witnesses in parallel, or related witnesses in a series. A diplomatic or semi-diplomatic edition is often the best choice when there is only one witness or a

72

few witnesses, or if there are multiple distinct versions of the same story, which is common in romances.69 As Edwards’s explanation shows, the textual situation for the romances in the Otuel cycle is best suited for a diplomatic edition. Three of the five romances in the cycle tell the same story, but are clearly different poems. These three poems cannot be collated, but neither can two of the three be ignored (as critics studying the cycle are prone to do). Each version is unique, and presenting them in a series allows readers to compare the three versions, rather than being told by an editor which version should be given privilege.

Methods of textual criticism and scholarly editing generally aim to recreate the text as it was intended by the author, though some textual critics and editors disagree that this should be the aim of textual critics, and many disagree on how to recover the authorially intended text.70

Tim Machan argues that this traditional goal of textual criticism and scholarly editing may not be well suited to Middle English works for a number of reasons:

Authors typically did not sign their names; texts of few manuscripts are consistent in

even the superficialities of orthography, punctuation, and physical appearance that are

essential for the verbal icon; and copies of the same work can differ substantively from

one another, much more so than reprints or each revision of modern novels do.71

Most of the issues listed by Machan apply to the romances in the Otuel cycle. Imagining the intent of the poets who penned these texts is further complicated by the fact that many of them

69 A. S. G. Edwards, “Middle English Literature,” in Scholarly Editing: A Guide to Research, ed. D. C. Greetham, (New York: MLA, 1995), 187. 70 For varying views on the goals of textual criticism and methods for choosing a copy-text, see W. W. Greg, “The Rationale of Copy-Text.” Studies in Bibliography 3 (1950-51): 19-36; Jerome J. McGann A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); G. Thomas. Tanselle, “The Editorial Problem of Final Authorial Intention” Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 167-211; and James Thorpe, Principles of Textual Criticism, (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1972). 71 Tim Machan, Textual Criticism and Middle English Texts (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1994), 55.

73

likely considered their work to be part translation of a non-English source and part creating an original composition. No holograph copies of these four romances survive, and there are few clues to how and when the poems were composed or translated. The poets were sometimes clumsy in their work, as were the scribes who copied the surviving witnesses, often making it impossible to tell if a garbled passage was written by the poet or copied poorly by the scribe.

Machan advises that editors of Middle English works focus less on producing a text that is free from error and variation and more on considering and representing the literary networks that produced the work, in which the line between the roles of author and scribe was often indistinct or blurred.72 Using Machan’s framework for considering Middle English works elucidates the value of a transcriptural edition featuring a series of similar texts, such as this edition of the

Otuel-cycle romances. A reader confronted with the multiple versions of Otuel’s story or the romances’ incomplete texts must be, at least to some extent, aware of the processes of textual composition and dissemination that existed during the Middle Ages. The romances’ lacunae

(missing portions of text) are the result of the high cost of books in the pre-print Middle Ages; there were often few copies of any given text because books were so expensive, and many lacunae are the result of elaborately illuminated initial letters being cut out of manuscripts, which meant that the text on the reverse side of the page was lost. The multiple Middle English versions of the Otuel narrative are probably a product of the limited transmission of medieval texts. While we cannot know for certain how or why the three distinct versions were composed, it is likely that each was written in ignorance of the others. Not having access to or knowledge of the other existing Otuel romances, the poets simply wrote new versions.

72 Ibid., 180-181.

74

While not suitable for a full critical edition because of its lack of witnesses, the Otuel cycle is ideal for a different type of edition suggested by Ralph Hanna III, one that has steadily gained popularity in the past twenty years. Hanna promotes editions that are “designed to highlight intertextual connections,” such as an edition of the texts from a single manuscript:

Although the texts presented might well stop short of full critical apparatus—they might

perhaps only be corrected typescripts—the highlighting of intertextual collations should

demand comparative work. Only thus can one demonstrate the specific historical (in this

case medieval) mediations at work in tailoring the group of texts for presentation to the

patron who commissioned the volume.73

While the Otuel-cycle romances are not all contained in the same manuscript, they do invite a discussion of their connections and narrative variations, as well as the ways they adapt their sources.74 By placing them next to each other within the manuscript, often in an order following the chronological order of their narratives, the compilers of each of the manuscripts containing the surviving witnesses of the Otuel-cycle romances made efforts to highlight the shared subject matter of Charlemagne romances.

Hanna also argues that the production and reception of medieval manuscripts must be considered in efforts to edit Middle English texts:

Unlike the texts of the print world to which we are accustomed, no medieval work can be

assumed to have had universal social distribution, to have been everywhere and always

available in all stages of distribution...Overall the work is simply whatever is known to

73 Ralph Hanna III, Pursuing History: Middle English Manuscripts and Their Texts, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996): 73 77. 74 My full discussion of the connections between the romances and the distinctive features of each romance can be found in the sections labeled “The Siege of Milan, Roland and Vernagu, and the Otuel Cycle” on page 15 and “The Three Otuel Romances: Distinctive Features and Major Differences” on page 45.

75

the individual patron and producer—which is not the whole tradition known to the

modern scholar.75

The three Otuel romances support Hanna’s point: it is likely that each of the three distinct Middle

English versions of the French Otinel were written in ignorance of the others. It is clear that the compiler of the Auchinleck manuscript knew that Roland and Vernagu and the Otuel narrative are connected because he placed Otuel a Knight directly after Roland and Vernagu. Nonetheless, it is equally clear that the compiler was either unaware that Otuel and Roland exists and is a better match for Roland and Vernagu or was unable to access a copy of Otuel and Roland. In either case, the Otuel-cycle romances demonstrate the limited reach of medieval texts. A diplomatic edition is a fitting method for highlighting the way that each of the romances in the

Otuel cycle attest to the restricted dissemination of Middle English literature. The sometimes- feeble poetry, regional dialects, and obvious rhetorical goals of each adaptation highlight the individual nature of medieval textual production.

In trying to keep with the principles put forth by Hanna and Machan, I have emended the texts of the Otuel-romances only when necessary, so as to present the texts, flawed as they are, as representatives of the Middle Ages’ culture of literary transmission. As such, my emendations are limited to filling in missing words or phrases or correcting unmistakable errors, such as repeated words or lines and obvious copying errors. To demonstrate the process I used to emend the texts in this edition, I offer three examples of textual situations that I believe call for emendation, and an explanation of how I decided how to emend. In my first example, line 1628 of Otuel a Knight, the scribe copied “In mananie harde stoures stode.” Based on meaning

(“mananie” is not a known word in Middle English) and meter (the line has too many syllables),

75 Ralph Hanna III, Pursuing History, 73.

76

I concluded that “mananie” is a copying error for “manie,” and emended as such. In other cases, my only guide for emendation was meaning. In Otuel and Roland line 2004, for example, the scribe copied “as selle to hys ryght.” “Sellen” is a Middle English verb meaning “to sell,” but this does not fit the meaning of the line, which is asserting Charlemagne’s right to keep a hundred-knight guard while he sleeps at night. Not being able to make any sense of the word

“selle” in the line and knowing that the letters s and f often look quite similar in medieval manuscripts, I concluded that the word “felle” is a better fit for the line and mostly likely the one the poet intended, and emended accordingly. In rare cases, a word or phrase was illegible in the manuscripts and needed to be provided. In the London Thornton manuscript, there were a few blots of ink and tears that caused missing letters, words, and occasionally, whole lines. Line 2553 of Otuel and Roland has a blot of ink in the manuscript that obscures at least one word: “Her pavylons --- they pyght.” I knew from the meter of the line that the missing word was only one syllable, and had to relate to the pitching of pavilions as Charlemagne’s forces set up camp for the night. Both “then” and “there” would fit the line, but “there” makes a bit more sense because the poet is explaining that they set up camp near the bodies of their fallen men to keep vigil over their bodies throughout the night. I supplied the line with the word “ther,” using the spelling suggested by the Middle English Dictionary (MED), so the line now reads ““Her pavylons ther they pyght.”

My inclination to emend only when an error is obvious is an approach encouraged by

Eugène Vinver, who advises that editors “aim, not at restoring the original work in every particular, but merely at lessening the damage done by the copyists.”76 Vinaver goes so far as to

76 Eugene Vinaver, “Principles of Textual Emendation,” in Studies in French Language and Medieval Literature, Presented to Professor Mildred K. Pope by Pupils, Colleagues, and Friends (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1939), 366.

77

suggest that editors ought to refrain from emendation if it is at all possible that an error was made by an author rather than a copyist. While Vinaver promotes limited emendation, Edwards labels this approach conservative. Edwards discusses an edition of Death and Liffe by Joseph Donatelli which uses a similarly conservative method for emendation. Donatelli justifies his conservative emendation by noting that some of the words and phrases in the text would be impossible to render comprehensible without extensive and pervasive emendations, and he elects not to make such drastic changes. Edwards finds no issue with the conservative approach to emendation in and of itself, but questions whether such an approach limits the edition’s audience:

But this conservative approach raises obvious questions about the audience of the edition.

We assume that Donatelli has in mind one who is willing to take his work somewhat

further on their own—an audience, that is, of fellow scholars who will be prepared to see

his text as a series of complex textual problems to which they will add their own scholia

of commentary, exegesis, and (perhaps) speculative emendation on the grounds of sense

and meter. This is fair enough, given such a sense of audience. It is, of course, an

audience of “us,” an audience of professional scholars, for whom intelligibility is not a

mandatory criterion of the edition. It is, correspondingly, a text of limited usefulness to

the “them” whom we teach in undergraduate and possibly even in graduate courses, since

its levels of address are not aimed at such constituencies; they might reasonably feel

confused, if not aggrieved, by a form of the text that required skills they did not possess.

Here the form of the edition defines the audience in ways that exclude most of those

whom we might teach.77

77 A. S. G. Edwards, “Editing and Teaching of Alliterative Verse,” in A Guide to Editing Middle English, eds. Vincent McCarren and Douglas Moffat (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 97.

78

Edwards’s concern about the accessibility of texts edited with a conservative approach to emendation is valid. This edition is designed to be usable for undergraduate students, but due to the romances’ sometimes awkward language, regional dialects, and missing passages, it is unlikely that undergraduate students would be able to easily use this edition without either significant emendation or ample glosses. Because I adhere to the principles for editing Middle

English works espoused by Hanna, Edwards, and Machan, I feel a certain obligation to limit emendation as much as possible. In order to mediate between my concerns for readers and rigorous editorial standards, I have combined a few different tools (glossing, annotation, and slight modernization) and drawn on some lucky textual circumstances (the romances’ single witnesses and their shared narratives) in order to present an edition that is both readable and generally true to the manuscript witnesses.

Rather than drastically emend indecipherable passages and words, I have used the METS method of glossing. For most lines, I gloss only words that would unfamiliar to a reader new to

Middle English, but have offered translations of entire lines and passages as glosses when the sense is difficult to follow. In addition to glossing the more difficult lines and phrases, I also rely on the fact that three of the four romances in this volume share a narrative, and the fourth shares many of the same plot points and tropes as the other three. Nonetheless, I have glossed and annotated each romance individually, and done so with the understanding that not all readers will read each romance, and some may skip the plot summaries in the introduction as well. As readers work through this volume or a single romance, the glosses, explanatory notes, familiar narrative, and recognizable crusading romance conventions should help them apprehend the poetry’s meaning.

79

Roland and Vernagu

Roland and Vernagu, a tail-rhyme romance found only in the Auchinleck manuscript c. 1340, tells the story of Charlemagne’s conquest of Spain and Roland’s encounter with a giant Saracen foe, Vernagu, Otuel's uncle. It is based on the Middle English Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, but significantly expands Vernagu’s narrative arc from its source. In the romance, Charlemagne invades and conquers Spain because the apostle James commands him to recover his body from Galicia. After Charlemagne has conquered and converted Spain, the Saracen giant Vernagu challenges Charlemagne on behalf of the defeated Saracens. Of Charlemagne’s knights, only Roland is a match for Vernagu, and he beheads Vernagu after a lengthy duel. The beginning of the romance, approximately fourty-four lines, have been lost.

...... For he it seighe with sight. saw Now bigin ichil of him, I will Of Charls that was stout and grim, And tel you al that right. properly

5 An hundred winter it was and thre Sethen God dyed opon the tre, Since That Charls the King Hadde al Fraunce in his hond— under his control Danmark and Inglond, 10 Withouten ani lesing, lying Lorein and Lombardye, Lorraine; Lombardy Gascoun, Bayoun, and Pikardye Gascony, Bayonne; Picardy Was til his bidding. Were at And Emperour he was of Rome, 15 And lord of al Cristendome. Than was he an heighe lording.

In that time was an emperour In Costentin, of gret honour, Constantinople Constansious he hight. Constantius; was called 20 God he loved and alle His, And hated hem that dede amis them; sinned With al his might. In Speyn tho, ther was a king— then A stern man, withouten lesing— 25 That werred ogain the right. against

80

Ebrahim was his name, Wide sprong his riche fame; He was a douhti knight. valiant

Alle that leved in Godes lawe, believed 30 He lete hem bothe hong and drawe, had them Tho that he might oftake. Those; capture And the patriark of Jerusalem Out of lond he dede him flem, put him [the patriarch] in exile Al for Godes sake. 35 The patriarke was ful wiis, And to th’emperour he went, ywis, indeed His mone for to make: complaint Hou the King Ebrahim Out of lond exiled him, 40 With michel wer and wrake. much war and destruction

King Costance th’emperour Made swithe gret dolour such; lamenting For this tidinges. Jhesu Crist bisought he, 45 Almighti God in Trinité, King of al kinges, He sende him grace him to slo That He would; slay That had ywrought so michel wo He who had caused And slawe Godes ginges. slain; people 50 And sone so he had the bon ybede, As soon as; prayed the prayer An angel light doun in that stede alit; place And this bode him bringes. message

The angel seyd to th’emperour, “Wele thee greteth thi Saveour, Your Savior greets you favorably 55 Jhesu ful of might, And bit thee sende with michel anour bids; honor After Charls the conquerour; For He is a douhti knight. He schal thee help in batayl 60 And sle the Sarrazin, withouten fail, That doth ogain the right.” acts against Th’emperour was glad and blithe joyful And thonked God fele sithe; many times His hert nas never so light. had never been

65 Four the best, he sent of hem, them That on hight David of Jerusalem, one was called And Samuel also,

81

Jon of Naples was another, Ysac hight the ferth brother. 70 Thider he gan go, To that place they He went to the palais of Rome They; palace And bifor Sir Charls come And told him of her wo. their Thai toke him the letter and kist his hand, brought; kissed 75 Swiche was the lawe of the land Such And schal ben evermo. forever more

Charls wepe for that dede wept at that news When he herd the letter rede, And hete an heigheing: ordered at once 80 Al that might armes bere, Kniif or scheld, swerd or spere, Knife; shield Men schuld bifor him bring. Thai busked hem and made hem yare prepared themselves; ready To Costentin for to fare, Constantinople; go 85 Withouten ani lesing. Th’emperour was glad, ywis, And underfenge with miche blis received Sir Charls the king.

Riche juels withouten lesing, jewels 90 Sir Costance the king Bifor Sir Charls he brought. Savage bestes for the nones, Wild animals for the occasion Gold and silver and riche stones, Ac therof nold he nought. But he [Charles] would have none of them 95 He bisought him of more honour He asked of him [Constantine]a greater honor Of Jhesu Our Saveour Regarding That al this warld hath wrought: Who That He on suffred passioun— The things by which he had suffered the passion Of the croice and of the croun, cross; crown 100 Therof he him bisought. He asked him for those

Th’emperour his wil dede, did And ladde him to the holy stede place There the relikes ware. Where Ther com swiche a swete odour 105 That never yete so swete savour scent No feld thai never are. Never had they sensed before Of the smal that was so swote, smell; sweet Thre hundred sike hadde her bote sick people were healed And cast were out of care. 110 Than brought thai forth the holy croun

82

And the arme of Seyn Simoun Biforn hem alle thare.

And a parti of the holy crosse piece That in a cristal was don in clos, enclosed 115 And Godes clotheing, Our Leuedi smok that hye had on, Lady’s smock; she And the yerd of Araon, staff Forth thai gun bring. And a spere long and smert sharp 120 That Longys put to Godes hert Longinus He yaf Charls the king, gave to And a nail, long and gret, That was ydrive thurth Godes fet, driven Withouten ani lesing.

125 When Charls had received that thing, He bisought Jhesu, heven King, To sende him might and space For to wite the sothe there, learn; truth Yif the relikes verray were, authentic 130 Er he thennes pase. Before he left from there Than decended a lightnesse ray of light Dounrightes fram the heven blis Downward In that ich place, same That thai wenden alle ywis So that; believed 135 Thai hadde ben in paradys, So ful it was of grace.

Thai tok leve at th’emperour departed from And thonked him of gret honour, And to Aise in Gascoyn went. Auch; Gascony 140 Ther he duelled, siker aplight, very truly So he biheld opon a night Until Up to the firmament. the heavens A way of sterres he seighe, ywis, A path of stars Out of Spaine into Galis, Galicia 145 As red as brond that brent. flame; burned He bisought God in Trinité To sende him grace wite was it be to know what it meant With wel gode entent.

And in the thought that he was in, 150 Ther com a voice and spac to him spoke With a milde steven, gently “James the apostel, bi Crist, [I am]

83

Jones brother th’Ewangelist, John the Evangelist’s brother Godes deciple of heven, 155 That God bad prechy on the se, Whom; preach Forthi Herodes lete me sle, Because; ordered me slain Therof Y thee neven. call upon you Mi body lith in Galis, Biyond Speyne, forsothe ywis, 160 Jurnays mo than seven. More than a seven-day journey

Forthi me wondreth, withouten fail, Because of this I am puzzled That thou comest nought to do batayl That lond for to winne, And yif thou winnes that lond, ywis, 165 Y schal thee bring into that blis Ther ich woni inne. That I dwell in Al that me seketh, more and lesse, of both high and low rank Schal have forgevenes Of her dedeli sinne. their 170 Now wende and do as Y thee sede, go; told you And in batayl thou schalt spede have success When thou it wil biginne.

The way of sterres bitokneth, ywis, betokens That of Spaine and of Galis Galicia 175 Thou schalt be conquerer. Lorain and Lombardye, Gascoyne, Bayoun, and Pikardye Schal be in thi pouwer.” Thus com the apostel Jamis came 180 Thries to Charls and seyd this, three times That was so stoute and fer. valiant; fierce Now wendeth Charls with his ost army Into Speyne, with michel bost, pride As ye may forward here. further

185 The first cité was Pampiloun, Pamplona That was a swithe noble toun, That Charls gan asayl. began to attack And sex monethes he it bilay, aplight, besieged, truly That no thing winne he it no might But he could win nothing of it 190 For alle his batayle. Despite For the walles so strong were He no might have non entré there, any entry Withouten ani fayl. Ther were mani strong gines, engines of war 195 And fele thousand of Sarazines, many

84

Swithe heyghe of parail. Of such high nobility

Than praid Charls to God of heven. prayed “Lord,” he sayd, “Here mi steven! prayer As Tow art ful of might, As thou 200 Sende me grace this cité to winne And sle the Sarrazines herinne, That don ogain the right.” act against Tho felle the walles of the cité; Charles entred with his meyne company 205 Als a douhti knight. And thurth the miracle that was there, Ten thousand Sarrazins cristned were baptized In that ich night. same

And tho that nold nought cristned be, those; would not 210 He lete hem hong opon a tre ordered Er he thennes pase. Thus Charls thurth Spayn gan gon, And wan the cités, everichon, Al thurth Godes grace. 215 Where he com in ani erd, region Ich man was of him aferd Each That loked on his face. Who The names of everi cité That he wan, Y schal tel ye 220 Er ich hennes pase. go further

Visim, Lameche, and Sumy, Colomuber, Luche, and Urry, Coimbra; Lucena Brakare and Vimaraile, Conpostel, a cité grete, Compostela 225 Aurilian and Tullet, Toledo That strong is to asayl, Golddelfagar and Salamencha, Font de la Figuera; Salamanca Uline, Canayls, Madris alswa, Madrid also Calatorie and Lestoyl, Calahorra; Estella 230 Medinacel, an heighe cité, Segovius the grete and Salamenche, Segovia Gramie and Sturgel,

Godian and Emerite, Bourg in Spaine that nis nought lite, Burgos; little 235 A swithe noble toun, Nasers and Mathed, Nazaró Carion and Urpaled, Carrión de los Condes

85

And Oche of gret renoun, Oca Burbagalle, a castel also, 240 Costant, Petros, and other mo, Bayet and Pampiloun, Ventos in the grene vale, Ventosa Caparre, Eustorge, and Entale, Cáparra; Astorga Gascoine and Bayoun,

245 Toutor, a strong castel, Villena [formerly Ad Turres] Landulif and Portingal, Portugal Burnam and Saragouns, Bornos; Saragossa Granad and Satyne, Granada Costaunce and Deine, Denia 250 Teragon and Valouns, Terragona; Valencia Leride, Acoun, and Sivile, Lerida; Guadix [formerly Acci]; Seville Charls wan in a while, Agabie and Urens, Ureuña Quara, Melide, Gibalderie, A Guarda, Melide, Gibralter 255 Barbaster, Vice, and Almarie, Barbastro; San Vicente; Almería Agabie and Sisens.

Acoun, that Y spak of ere, mentioned before Seyn James deciple lith there A disciple of Saint James is buried there That hat Seyn Torquas. Who is called Saint Torquatus 260 A swithe fair oliif tre Biside his toumbe men may se, That springeth thurth Godes grace. Opon his fest in mid May, feast Theron is frout of gret noblay, fruit; goodness 265 Bothe more and lasse; And who that seketh hem, verrament, those who seek [the olives] truly At the Day of Juggement Schal se Godes face.

Alle the londes that were in Spayne, 270 With dint of swerd, wan Charlmain. conquered Portingale and Lavers, Landuluf and Chastel, Castile Bigairs, Bastles, and londes fele, Bagá Moys and Navers— Navarre 275 Alle the londes he wan yern, eagerly Til he com to Lucern. So stout he was and fers, strong And tuelmoneth he it bilay, aplight, twelve months And no thing win he it might, 280 For al his dussepers. Despite; twelve peers

86

Tho preyd Charls to God above That he him sent grace sone The cité forto winne; Tho fel the walles adounrightes, When 285 King Charls entred with his knightes Thurth that ich ginne. By means of; siege machine Charls acurssed that cité, And Ventos and Caparre and Deneye, For her dedeli sinne. their 290 Deserd thai were after than, Deserted; after that That never sethen no Cristen man afterwards No durst com therinne. Ever dared

For Charls curssed tho Lucern, then Also tite the toun Ganbern, quickly 295 And schal don ever mo, continued And of the smot of that toun, smitten ones Mani taketh therof pusesoun poison And dyeth in michel wo. And ther the other thre cités stode, where 300 Beth waters red of helle flode Are waters as red as hell's river And fisches therin al blo. discolored And who that wil nought leve me, whoever does not; believe In Spaine men may the sothe yse, One may see the truth Who that wil thider go. Whoever

305 While Charls was in that stede, A fair miracle God for him dede Er he gan thennes wende: Before he left that place Braunches of vines Charls sett grape vine branches; set out In Marche moneth, withouten lett, month of March; delay 310 As was the right kende; proper custom And amorwe grapes thai bere, in the morning they bore grapes Red and ripe to kerve there; harvest For paners thai gun sende. baskets And for “paners!” thai crid tho, because 315 Yete men clepeth the cité so Still; call And schal to the warldes ende. end of the world

Clodonius the first Cristen king, Clovis And Clotayrs, withouten lesing, Clotaire King Dagabers, and Pipin Dagobert; Pepin 320 Won mani tounes in Spaine, Ac the gode Charlmain But Wan it al with gin. great skill

87

Alle the maumetes in Spaine were, idols That were the Sarrazins leve and dere, dear and beloved to the Saracens 325 King Charls and Turpin Thai destroyd thurth Godes might— through Sum thurth miracle and sum thurth fight, So seyt the Latin. says And an image of gret pousté idol; power 330 Stode on a roche bi the se rock by the sea In the gilden lond. glorious His name was Salanicodus, As a man yschapen he wes, shaped And held a glaive an hond. lance in his hand 335 Mahoun maked him with gin trickery And dede mani fendes therin, put many demons inside As ich understond, For to susten the ymage support; idol And sett him on heighe stage— 340 For no man nold he wond. he held back

The face of him was turned southeright. southward In her lay the Sarrazins founde, aplight, their teachings Of Jubiter and Mahoun, According to That when yborn were the king the king was born 345 That schuld Spaine to Cristen bring, christianize Spain The ymage schuld falle adoun. Charls dede that ymage falle caused And wan in Spaine the cités alle, Bothe tour and toun; castle 350 And with the tresour that he wan there, treasure; won Mani a chirche he lete arere built That was of gret renoun.

The first chirche, forsoth ywis, Was Seyn James in Galis 355 That he lete arere, With an hundred chanouns and her priour, canons; their Of Seynt Ysador the confessour Isidore [of Seville] For to servi there. serve And in Aise a chapel Auch 360 Of lim and ston, ywrought ful wel, limestone; made Of werk riche and dere; expensive And Seyn James at Burdewes, Bordeaux And on at Tolous, another at Anevaus, one; Toulouse And mo as ye may here. more

365 Charls duelled, siker aplight,

88

Thre mones and fourten night months In Bayoun with his ost. Ther fel a miracle of a knight befell; to Wiche that was to deth ydight, Who was prepared to die 370 Thurth the Holy Gost. Sir Romain, forsothe, he hight; was named Er he dyd he hadde his right, Before; died; last rites Withouten ani bost. On of his frendes he cleped him to, One; called to him 375 “Y schal dye, it is so, Ful wele thou it wost. you know it

Mine clothes that Ichaue, I have Therwith that Y be brought in grave, With them [may] I be With mete and drink and light; 380 And sel min hors on heigheing, sell; at once Pover clerkes sauters to sing; [So that] poor clerks may sing psalms Therto that it be dight.” [See] that it be arranged And when he hadde yseyd thus stille, softly Al so it was Godes wille, Just as 385 Than died the knight. The hors was seld, withouten duelinges, sold; delay For to hundred schillinges, two And put it up, aplight. [the friend] kept it

And at the nende of thritti night, end of thirty nights 390 To his seketour com the ded knight, executor And seyd in this maner: “Mi soule is in heven blis For the love of min almis charitable gifts That Y sett here; established 395 And for thou hast athold min, because; withheld [my gifts] Thritti days Ich ave ben in pin been in pains That wel strong were. terribly strong Paradis is graunted me, And in that pain, thou schalt be 400 That ich was in ere.” before

The ded thus in his way went. dead one And he awaked, verrament, [the executor] And wonder hadde, aplight. And amorwe his sweven he told dream vision 405 To erls and to barouns bold, To squiers and to knight. And amonges hem alle As thai stoden in the halle,

89

Ther come a windes flight gust of wind 410 And fele fendes that were swift, many demons And beren him up into the lift, [they] bore him up into the sky And held him there four night.

Serjaunce the bodi sought, Soldiers Ac thai no might it finde nought, But 415 Four dayes, no more. Fro Bayoun he went with his ost, From; they; their And thurth Navern with miche bost; Navarre The bodi than founde thore [They] found there Ther the fendes had let him felle, Where; fall 420 And bere his soule into helle, bore his soul to hell To hard paines sore. harsh, sorrowful pains So schal everi sekatour Thus shall every executor The dedes gode a bigge wel sour Bitterly pay a penalty for the good deeds That hye binimeth the pore. That he steals from the poor

425 Now late we be of this thing, set aside And speke of Charles the king That michel was of might. Of his lengthe and his brede, breadth As the Latin ous rede, tells us 430 Ichil you rede aright. Tuenti fete he was o lengthe, of height And also of gret strengthe, And of a stern sight. imposing appearance Blac of here and rede of face, hair; red 435 Whare he com in ani place Wherever He was a douhti knight.

Four times in the yere per year On his heued he bere head; bore The holy croun of thorn: 440 At Ester, at Wissontide, Easter; Whitsuntide And at Seyn James Day with pride, [25 July] And in Yole as God was born; Christmas And atte the mete in the halle, feast Among his knightes alle 445 A drawe swerd him biforn. drawn sword This was the maner ay always And schal be til Domesday Of emperour ycorn. divinely chosen

And whare he slepe anight, 450 Wel wise he was and wight powerful

90

And douted of tresoun; was anxious about An hundred knightes him kept [about him] That non of hem no slept, That were of gret renoun. 455 And everi dughti knight brave Held a torche light lighted torch And a naked fauchoun. drawn falchion Thus King Charls lay With his ost, mani a dai 460 In the cité of Pampiloun.

And on a day com tiding came news Unto Charls the King Al of a douhti knight Entirely about Was comen to Nasers. Nazaré 465 Stout he was and fers, Large; ferocious Vernagu he hight. Of Babiloun the Soudan From; Sultan Thider him sende gan With King Charls to fight. 470 So hard he was to fond challenge That no dint of brond blow of a sword No greved him, aplight. injured

He hadde tuenti men strengthe, twenty men’s strength And fourti fet of lengthe forty feet tall 475 Thilke panim hede, This pagan had And four fet in the face Ymeten in the place, Measured And fiften in brede. fifteen feet across His nose was a fot and more, longer than a foot 480 His browe as brestles wore, brows were like bristles He that it seighe it sede. Anyone who saw it said He loked lotheliche loathly And was swart as piche— swarthy as pitch Of him men might adrede! be afraid

485 Charls com to Nasers came With his dussepers To se that painim. He asked, withouten fayl, Of King Charls batayl For a battle with 490 To fight ogaines him. Charls wonderd tho When he seighe him go, saw him move He biheld him ich a lim. in every limb

91

For sethe he was ybore, ever since he was born 495 He no hadde ysen bifore Non that was so grim. Anyone so terrifying

Sir Oger the Danais, Ogier the Dane A knight ful curtays, exceedingly courteous To him first was ysent. sent to [Vernagu] first 500 And at his coming, when he attacked Vernagu an heygheing hurriedly Under his arm him hent. picked him up Yarmed as he was, Even though he was fully armed He toke him in the plas place 505 And to the castel he went. Sir Oger schamed sore, was sorely ashamed Him othought that com thore considered what had happened there And held him foule yschent. felt himself foully disgraced

Reynald de Aubethpine 510 Was sent to that Sarrazin. He served him al so, He treated him the same way And seyd to Charlmain, “Sir, tho thou won Spain, given that you Hadestow non better tho? Have you no better knights then? 515 So Mahoun me give rest, As may Mahoun grant me peace Ogain ten swiche the best Against To fight ich wold go!” Sir Costentin of Rome And th’erl of Nauntes come Nantes 520 To fight with bothe to. To fight with [him] together

And Vernagu bar bothe— carried No were thai never so wrothe— Never were they so angry To Nassers castel. Under aither arm on, One under each arm 525 As stille as ani ston, silent as any stone Might thai nought with him mele. engage Tho Charls sent ten; Then Al so he served his men; Might no man with him dele! fight 530 Charls bithought tho, Yif he sent mo, It were him wrotherhele. It would be his misfortune

Roland the gode knight Tho bad leve to fight asked permission to fight 535 Ogain that painim. Against

92

King Charls seyd, “Nay! Thou no schalt nought, bi this day! He is to stout and grim.” too large and fierce So long he him bad [Roland] pleaded 540 That leve of him he hadde. got his permission Rouland armed him himself And com anonright immediately Into the feld to fight Ogain that Sarrazin.

545 And at his coming thare Sir Vernagu was ware, And tok him under his hond. took him in his hand Out of his sadel he gan him bere, bore him And on his hors swere neck 550 He set Roulond. And Rouland smot him so struck That Vernagu tho then Unto the grounde wond. fell to the ground And when the Cristen seighe this, Christians saw 555 That Vernau fallen is, Thai thonked Godes sond. gift

Thai lopen opon her stede leapt; their steeds And swerdes out thai brede And fight thai gun tho. then they began to fight 560 Rouland, with Durindale, Brewe him miche bale, Caused him much harm And carf his hors ato. cut [Vernagu’s] horse in half When Vernagu was o fot, He no couthe no better bot, remedy 565 To Rouland he gan go. In the heued he smot his stede, struck Roland’s steed on the head That ded to grounde he yede. fell down dead O fot than were thai bo. both on foot

A fot thai tok the fight, On foot 570 And Vernagu anonright His swerd he had ylore. lost Rouland, with al his might, He stired him as a knight sprung into action And yaf him dintes sore gave; blows 575 Til it was ogain the none; nearly noon Thus thai layd opon continued fighting Ay til thai weri wore. became weary Douk Rouland sone he fond quickly realized

93

That with no dint of brond sword stroke 580 He slough him nevermore. Might he ever slay [Vernagu]

When it com to the neve, evening Vernagu bad leve requested permission To resten of that fight. cease fighting Rouland him trewthe yaf gave him his promise 585 So he most bring a staf So long as he might bring After his wil ydight. Prepared as he wishes Vernagu graunted wel, agreed And went to her hostel their lodgings When that was night. 590 Amorwe, withouten fail, Thai com to the batayl, Aither as douhti knight. Each

Sir Rouland brought a staf That King Charls him yaf, had given him 595 That was long and newe— The bodi of a yong oke trunk of a young oak tree To yif therwith a stroke; give It was tough and trewe. And with that gode staf 600 Wel mani dintes he yaf many strokes he gave Vernagu the schrewe. [To]; wicked And at the non, aplight, Thai gun another fight And stones togider threwe. threw stones at each other

605 Gode rappes for the nones Strong strokes Thai gaven with the stones, That sete swithe sore struck so hard That helme and heye targe helmet; shield Thurth her strokes large great buffets 610 Therwith thai broken wore. were broken And Vernagu at that cas moment So sore asleped was exhausted He no might fight no more. could no longer fight At Rouland leve he toke Of Roland he asked permission 615 That time, so seyt the boke, For to slepe thore. To sleep there

Roland yaf leve him gave him leave For to slepe wele afin, sleep soundly at last And rest him in that stounde, for a time 620 And seyd that he nold said that he would not

94

For the cité ful of gold a city full of gold Be therwith yfounde Be ever caught Slepeand to slen a knight, Having slain a sleeping knight Thei that he had in fight Even if 625 Yif him dethes wounde. Given Tho Vernagu lay adoun, Then To slepe he was boun ready to sleep There opon the grounde.

And Vernagu rout thore snores 630 As a wild bore Like Tho he on slepe was. While; asleep To him Rouland gan gon went And tok the gretest ston largest That lay in that place; 635 He leyd under his heued, ywis, For him thought it lay amis, To lowe at that cas. Too low in that state And Vernagu up stode, He stard as he were wode stared in amazement 640 When he awaked was.

Vernagu asked anon, “Who leyd this gret ston Under min heued so? It no might never be, It could never be 645 Bot yif he were a knight fre; Unless it were a noble knight ...... Wist ich who it were. I’d like to know who He schuld be me leve and dere, close and dear to me Thei that he were mi fo.” Even if he were my foe 650 Quath Rouland sikerly, “Certes, it was Y, Truly; I For that thou rot so. Because you snored so much

And when tho me lovest muche, now that you love me Now tel me, sikerliche, 655 Whi thou art so hard Why you are so hard That no thing may thee dere, injure Knif, no ax, no spere, No no dint of sward?” Nor no Quath Vernagu sikerly, 660 “No man is harder than Y Fram the navel upward. Forthi Y com hider, ywis, This is why; to this place To fight with King Charlis

95

With the hore bard.” white beard

665 Vernagu to Rouland sede, “Al so thi God thee spede, May your God help you Whare were thou yborn?” “In Fraunce, bi Seynt Austin, Augustine King Charls cosyn, 670 Our kinde lord ycorn. chosen We leveth opon Jhesu believe in That is ful of vertu, virtuous That bare the croun of thorn. And ye leveth in the fende, believe in the devil 675 Forthi withouten ende For which reason Ye schul be forlorn.”

And when that Vernagu Yherd speke of Jhesu, Heard mention He asked wat man he was. 680 Sir Rouland seyd, “He is The King of paradys And Lord ful of gras; grace In a maiden He was bore From a virgin; born To bigge that was forlore, redeem those who were lost 685 As sonne passeth thurth the glas, As the sun passes through glass And dyed opon the rode died upon the cross For our alder gode the good of us all And nought for His gilt it nas. not for his own guilt

And suffred woundes five 690 And ros fram ded to live death to life Than thridde day, on the third day And fet out Adam and Eve, fetched out And mo that were Him leve, more souls that were dear to him Fram helle, forsothe to say, 695 And sitt in Trinité, sits in Trinity O God in Persones Thre, Swiche is our lay.” Such is our belief Vernagu seyd tho, then “It no might never be so! cannot be so 700 Therof Y sigge nay! I deny it

Hou might it ever be That he were on and thre? one Tel me now thee skille.” how it works Rouland than sede, 705 “Also God me spede, As

96

Yis, with a gode wille. As the harp has thre thinges, parts Wode and soun and strenges, wood and sound and strings And mirthe is thertille, inheres in it 710 So is God persones thre And holeliche on in unité, wholly one in unity Al thing to fulfille.

And as the sonne hathe thinges thre, sun Hete and white on to se, heat; brightness 715 And is ful of light, So is God in Trinité, Unité and magesté And Lord ful of might.” Quath Vernagu, “Now Y se 720 Hou He is God in persones thre. Now ich wot that right, understand that well Ac hou that He bicom man— But how The Lord that this world wan— who Therof no have Y no sight.” I do not understand this

725 Quath Rouland, “He that ous bought saved us And al thing maked of nought, made all from nothing Wele might He be so hende courteous That He wald send His Sone In a maiden for to wone, to dwell in a virgin 730 Withouten mannes hende.” involvement Quath Vernagu, “Saun fayl, without fail Therof ichaue gret mervail. astonishment Hou might he fram hir wende? come from her Hou might he of hir be bore, be born of her 735 That was a maiden bifore? virgin Y no may nought have in mende.” cannot understand

Rouland sayd to Vernagu, “Mi Lordes Fader Jhesu My Lord Jesus’s Father Is so michel of might so powerful 740 That He made sonne and se sun and sea And fisches in the flod to be, Bothe day and night. Wele may He than, as Y thee er seyd, before Ben ybore of a maide 745 Withouten wem, aplight.” blemish Quath Vernagu, “It may wele be. Ac hou He dyed, Y no can nought se. But Tel me now that right,

97

For I nist never no man have never known 750 That aros after than arose When that he ded was. After he had died And yif He Godes Sone were, God’s Son He no might nought dye there. could not die Tel me now that cas.” Explain 755 Quath Rouland, “Y schal tel thee: His bodi slepe opon the tre, slept And the thridde day aras. arose His godhed waked ever and ay divinity; awoke And to helle tok the way, traveled to hell 760 And bond Satanas. bound Satan

So schul we al arise And of the dome agrise tremble with fear of the doom Atte Day of Juggement, Upon the Day of Judgment And answerey for our dede, answer for our deeds 765 The gode and the quede, sinful Hou we our liif have spent.” lives Quath Vernagu, “Now ichot wel I understand Hou He aros ichadel, in every way And have in min entent. understanding 770 Ac hou He steyghe to heven, ascended Y no can nought neven explain No wite, verrament.”

Than seyd Rouland, “O Vernagu, understand, 775 Herken now to me. Listen to me now That ich Lord that with His might same; who In a maiden alight, alighted Yborn for to be, As the sonne aros in the est Just as sun arose in the east 780 And decended in the west, sets As tow might now se, As you can see Right so dede God Almight Just so did Mounted into heven light Arise And sit in Trinité.”

785 Quath Vernagu, “Now ich wot understand Your Cristen lawe, everi grot. every part Now we wil fight! Whether lawe better be Whichever; is better Sone we schul yse, We shall soon see 790 Long ar it be night.” before

98

Rouland a dint him yaf gave him a stroke With his gode staf good staff That he kneled, aplight, was forced to his knees And Vernagu to him smot 795 And carf his staf fothot, broke his staff suddenly Even ato aright. Evenly in tw Tho Rouland kneld adoun knelt down And maked an orisoun uttered a prayer To God in heven light, 800 And seyd, “Lord, understond Y no fight for no lond, I do not fight for land Bot for to save Thi right. preserve your right Sende me now might and grace Here in this ich place same 805 To sle that foule wight.” creature An angel com ful sone, came quickly And seyd, “Herd is thi bone; Your request was heard Arise, Rouland, and fight!

And sched the schrewes blod, shed the scoundrel’s blood 810 For he nas never gode Bi lond no bi se. Thei alle prechours alive Even if all preachers alive To Cristen wald him schrive, administer penance to him as a Christian Gode nold he never be.” He would never be good 815 When Rouland herd that steven, message He stirt him up ful even started up straight And faught with hert fre. noble Strokes bi sex and seven continuously Togider this knightes yeven these; gave 820 That mani man might yse.

Rouland, withouten dueling, any hesitation Thurth might of heven King, Vernagu he smot, That the left arm and the scheld So that 825 Fel forth into the feld fell severed on the ground Fram that painim fothot. at once His arm tho he had lore, when; lost Swithe wo him was therfore, Such woe he felt And fast he faught, Y wot. he fought hard, I say He smot Rouland on the croun head 830 A strok with his fauchoun That thurth the helme it bot. through the helmet it bit

No hadde ben the bacinet Had not the helmet

99

That the strok withsett, Withstood that stroke 835 Rouland hadde ben aqueld. would have been slain The Sarrazin sayd aswithe, quickly “Smite ich eft on sithe, If I could strike one more time Thi liif is bought and seld.” Your life is bought and sold Rouland answerd, “Nay! 840 Mine worth thee rather pay, I’d rather that you pay, Bi God that al thing weld.” By God who wields all things With a strok ful large He clef the Sarrazins targe split; shield That half fel in the feld. So that half fell

845 And at another venou by; attack Rouland smot Vernagu That he fel doun to grounde; And Rouland with Durindale Yaf him strokes fale many 850 And his dethes wounde. fatal wound The paynem crid, “Help, Mahoun! And Jubiter, of gret renoun, That beth so michel of mounde. great on earth As ye beth mightful, helpeth me, 855 That ich might yvenged be avenged Of this Cristen hounde.” On this Christian dog

Rouland lough for that cri, laughed at that plea And seyd, “Mahoun, sikerly, No may thee help nought, Cannot help you 860 No Jubiter, no Apolin, Nor Jupiter, nor Apollo No is worth the brust of a swin, Neither; a swine’s bristle In hert no in thought.” In heart or in thought His ventail he gan unlace neck-covering chain mail And smot of his heued in the place, cut off his head 865 And to Charls it brought. Tho thonked he God in heven, Then And Mari, with milde steven, That he so hadde ywrought.

And al the folk of the lond 870 For onour of Roulond honor Thonked God, old and yong, And yede a procesioun held a procession With croice and gounfaynoun, cross and banner And “Salve” miri song. sweetly sung 875 Bothe widowe and wiif in place Thus thonked Godes grace,

100

Alle tho that speke with tong. those To Otuel, al so yern, just as eager That was a Sarrazin stern, 880 Ful sone this word sprong. Soon word of this arrived ......

101

Textual Notes

Abbreviations: BW: Burnley and Wiggins; H: Herrtage.

1 Romance begins incomplete.

17 was an emperour. So BW, H. MS: he is written between time and was, omitted with three dots below the word.

28 douhti. So MS, BW. H: douȝti.

60 Sarrazin. MS: sarraȝin. BW: Sarraȝin. H: sarrazin.

65 of. MS: of inserted above the line between sent and hem.

83 yare. So H. MS, BW: ȝare.

92 for. So BW, H. MS: foe.

123 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

125 received. MS, BW, H: reseiued.

162 nought. MS: nouȝt written in superscript over comest.

172 wil. So MS. H: will.

175 schalt. So MS, BW. H: shalt.

179 Jamis. So BW. H: Iames. MS: Scribe initially wrote James, then cancels e and inserts i above the word.

195 Sarazines. So H. MS, BW: saraȝines.

198 sayd. So MS, BW. H: seyd.

201 Sarrazines. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝines.

206 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

213 everichon. So MS, BW. H: eurichon.

214 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

102

216 him. So BW, H. MS: im.

231 Segovius. MS, BW, H: Segouus.

236 Mathed. So MS, BW. H: maþed.

242 grene. MS: final e in grene is superscript.

255 and. So MS, BW. H: &.

261 Biside. So MS, BW. H: Beside.

262 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

264 frout. So MS, BW. H: front.

281 above. MS: aboue BW, H: abone.

282 him. So BW, H. MS: hm.

296 smot. MS: smot. BW, H: smoc.

301 therin. MS, BW: þer. H; ther.

305 H inserts & at the beginning of the line.

314 And. So H. MS, BW: &.

324 Sarrazins. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝins.

326 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

327 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

327 fight. So MS. BW, H: sight.

334 glaive. So H. MS, BW: glaiue.

338. susten. So H. MS, BW: suiten.

342 the. So H. MS, BW: þe.

342 Sarrazins. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝins.

370 Thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

103

417 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

425 Now. So BW, H. MS: No.

429 rede. So MS, BW. H: sede.

433 sight. So H. MS, BW: siȝt.

440 at (2) So MS, H. BW: and.

460 the. So H. MS, BW: þe.

483 H adds & at the beginning of the line.

491 wonderd. So MS, BW. H: wondred.

494 sethen. MS, BW, H: seþþen.

510 Sarrazin. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝin.

535 panum. H: painim.

544 Sarrazin. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝin.

574 yaf. So H. MS, BW: ȝaf.

598 It. MS, BW, H: He.

609 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

652 thou. MS, H: þo. BW: þou.

653 muche. So MS, BW. H: miche.

685 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

696 Thre. So H. MS, BW: þre.

713 hathe. MS, BW: haþe. H: haþ.

723 The. So H. MS, BW: þe.

737 sayd. So MS, BW. H: seyd.

742 day. So MS, BW. H: daye.

104

755 thee. MS, BW, H: þe.

756 opon. MS: opon. BW, H: vpon.

814 he. So MS, BW. H: be.

822 Thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

831 thurth. MS, BW: þurth. H: þurch.

836 Sarrazin. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝin.

843 Sarrazins. So H. MS, BW: sarraȝins.

846 Rouland. So MS, BW. H: Roland.

855 be. So BW. MS, H: me.

858 seyd. MS, BW, H: syd.

858 sikerly. So MS, BW. H: fikerly.

105

Explanatory Notes

11-12 Lorein and Lombardye,/Gascoun, Bayoun, and Pikardye. Lorraine, Lombardy, Gascony,

Bayonne, and Picardy. Except for Lombardy, these are all regions in France that were

strong principalities during the Middle Ages. Lorraine is in northeast France, near the

German border. Picardy is located near Lorraine, in the center of northern France.

Bayonne is a city in the region of Gascony, which is in the southwest of France, near the

Spanish border. Lombardy, a region in northern Italy, figures prominently in many of the

Otuel-cycle romances. In the Siege of Milan, the central conflict between Saracens and

Christians is over the city of Milan and the surrounding region, Lombardy. In Otuel a

Knight, Otuel and Roland, and Duke Roland, King Garsie, a Saracen ruler, has conquered

several key Christian cities and made Lombardy his command center.

10 Withouten ani lesing. The poet uses this line frequently, meaning without any lying,

several times throughout the romance. The MED notes that this phrase is often used as a

rime tag or metrical filler. While the author of Roland and Vernagu certainly uses

withouten ani lesing for this purpose, he also favors such phrases that assure his honesty

or the veracity of the tale.

19 Constansious. Although the spelling of this name varies widely throughout Roland and

Vernagu, it is likely that the intended historical figure is Constantine. Constantine and

Charlemagne were not contemporaries, but the temporal setting of the poem is already

inaccurate, as the poet places Charlemagne’s reign 150 years after the crucifixion. The

poet locates Constansious in Constantinople and identifies him as a Christian leader.

Consequently, this name, and variant spellings such as Constance, will be glossed as

Constantine.

106

74 letter. No letter is mentioned previously, but it is implied that Constantine sent word of

Ebrahim’s attacks in a letter, which the four brothers deliver to Charlemagne.

117 Araon. Despite the unusual spelling, it is clear that the poet means Aaron, Moses’s

brother, whose staff was transformed into a serpent in Egypt.

120 Longys. According to legend, Longinus is the name of the Roman centurion who pierced

Jesus’s side with a spear while he was being crucified. The centurion who pierces

Christ’s side is not named in the Gospels, but various accounts of his involvement in the

crucifixion and subsequent conversion arose through various apocryphal texts. Through

these legends, the spear Longinus used to pierce Jesus’s side came to be regarded as a

relic called the Holy Lance. In Roland and Vernagu, Constantine possesses the Holy

Lance.

139 Aise; Gascoyn. Auch is a city in southwestern France, and was the capital of the province

of Gascony. Geographically, Gascony borders Spain and would be relatively near

Galicia, which is mentioned in line 144 as the origin of the path of stars.

140 siker aplight. Meaning in faith or truly, this is another phrase the poet uses frequently

throughout the romance as both a metrical filler and a claim that the events being told are

true.

144 Galis. Galicia is a region in northwestern Spain. Santiago de Compostela is located in

Galicia and originated as a cathedral where Saint James’s remains were buried. Santiago

de Compostela was a popular destination for pilgrimages during the Middle Ages.

185 Pampiloun. Pamplona is a city located near the border of Spain and France. According to

historical accounts of Charlemagne’s failed campaign in Spain, Pamplona was the first

city that he conquered.

107

221-32 Visim...Sturgel. This long list of cities in Spain conquered by Charlemagne is partially

comprised of real cities, but many of them are fictional names, likely created by the poet

to achieve meter or exaggerate the success of Charlemagne’s Spanish campaign. Robert

Rouse discusses the use of journeys and unfamilar locations in romances. Rouse argues

that romance authors may have included names and descriptions of places that their

audience members would never have visited, but would have heard of in other narratives.

The significance of these locations, which were often historical or religious, would color

the narrative actions that occurred there. See Rouse, “Walking (between) the lines:

Romance as Itinerary/Map” in Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, ed. Rhiannon

Purdie and Michael Cichon (Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011): 135-147. The Latin, Old

French, and Middle English versions of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, which is the source

for Roland and Vernagu, all include similar lists of cities in Spain. Here, I offer one list

of the names of cities in this section of Roland and Vernagu that are also included in one

of the three sources, followed by a second list of the city names that are unique to Roland

and Vernagu and likely this poet’s fabrications. In addition, I offer a notation of which

city names are included in the three sources mentioned above, using the following

abbreviations: Old French (OF), Middle English (ME), and Latin (L). Several of these

cities are identified by their modern equivalents or spellings by Stephen A. Shepherd in

Turpines Story: A Middle English Translation of the ‘Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle.' City

names identified by Shepherd are marked (S). Cities in sources: Visim (L: Viseo),

Lameche (L: Lamego), Colomuber (OF: Colimbre), Luche (OF: Luque; L: Lugo),

Brakare: Brachara metropolis, city of Braga, metropolitan see of Galicia (S) (ME:

Bracheta; L: Braga), Vimaraile (OF: Vinmare), Conpostel: Santiago de Compostela,

108

archiepiscopal see of Galicia (S) (OF: Conpostele; L: Compostela), Aurilian: (OF

Aurele), Tullet (OF Toulete; L: Tudela), Golddelfagar (OF: Godelfaz), Salamencha:

Salamenca (OF: Salemande; L: Salamanca), Uline (OF: Ulme), Madris: Madrid (L:

Madrid), Calatorie (L: Calatrava, Calahorra, or Calatayud), Medinacel (L: Medinaceli),

Segonnis (OF: Segoibe; L: Segovia), Salamenche: Salamenca (OF: Salemande; L:

Salamanca), Godian (OF: Godiane), Emerite (OF Emeride), Nasers (OF Nadres; L:

Najera), Mathed (OF: Maquede, L: Maqueda), Carion (OF: Karyon; L: Carrion), Vrpaled

(OF Yypalite; L: Ispalida), Oche: Auche (OF Osche), Burbagalle: Portugal (S) (L:

Berbegal), Bayet (L: Bayona), Ventos: Lucerna ventosa, legendary deserted city of Spain

(S) (ME: Ventosa; OF Luiserne :Ventouse; L: Lucerna Ventosa), Caparre: Caparra, city of Ventas de Caparra (S) (ME: Caparra; OF: Caparre; L: Caparra), Eustorge (OF:

Esturges), Toutor (OF Tourtouse; L: Tortosa), Portingal: Portugal, Portugalete (OF

Portingal), Burnam (OF: Burs, L: Burgos), Saragouns: Saragossa (OF Sarragonne; L:

Zaragoza), Granad: Granada (OF: Granande; L: Granada), Satyne (OF Sative),

Costaunce: Constantinople, Deine (L: Dumio), Teragon: Tarragona (OF Terrascone; L:

Tarazona), Valouns (OF: Valence; L: Valencia), Leride (L: Lerida), Sivile: Sevilla (OF:

Sebile; L: Seville), Agabie: Agabia, island of Zerbi, Gulf of Tunis (S) (OF: Agaibe),

Urens (OF Urence), Gibalderie: Gibralter (OF Gilbatare; L: Gibralter), Barbaster:

Barbary, Saracen counties of the north coast of Africa (S) (OF Barbastre), Vice (L:

Viseo), Almarie: Almeria (OF Aumarie; L: Almeria), Chastel (OF Castele), Bigairs (L:

Bizerta), Bastles (OF Bascle), Moys (OF Meurs), Navers: Navarre (OF Navarre; L:

Navarre). Cities unique to Roland and Vernagu: Sumy, Urry, Canayls, Lestoyl, Gramie,

109

Sturgel, Bourg, Costant, Petros, Entale, Landuliif, Acoun, Quara Melide, Sisens

(Soissons), Lavers.

280 dussepers. According to legend, Charlemagne recognized twelve knights or “peers,” his

douze pairs, who were his fiercest warriors and held a special place in his court. The two

words were combined into the single term douzepers, spelled a variety of ways, including

dussepers, in Middle English.

317-19 Clodonius...Pipin. Clovis, Clotaire, Dagobert, and Pepin were kings who preceded

Charlmagne in ruling the Franks. The first three names; Clovis, Clotaire, and Dagobert;

belonged to the Merovingian dynasty. Pepin could refer to either Charlemagne’s father or

grandfather. Charlemagne’s grandfather was the Mayor of the Palace during the

Merovingian dynasty, and he assumed de facto rule when their command disintegrated

due to their complicated rules of inheritance. Pepin the Short was the first Carolingian to

be king of the Franks, and greatly expanded and strengthened the kingdom before

Charlemagne assumed the throne.

323 maumetes. Depictions of Islam in Middle English romance often contain inaccuracies:

Muslims are frequently depicted as polytheists who worship idols. The term maumets

refers to the idols that these fictionalized Muslims worship.

325 Turpin. Archbishop Turpin is mentioned in historical records of Charlemagne’s life and

is an important figure in the Chanson de Roland and the Middle English Charlemagne

romances. Turpin’s role in Roland and Vernagu and the three versions of the Otuel story

is limited to traditional ecclesiastical duties befitting an archbishop, such as holding mass

and baptizing converts, but Turpin is a central character in The Siege of Milan.

110

328 the Latin. It is common for romance authors to refer to a source or sources for their

works, a trope that is intended to lend credibility to their tales. Such references can be as

general as “so says the book,” but here the Latin most likely refers to the Pseudo-Turpin

Chronicle, an historical record that was composed relatively soon after Charlemagne’s

death and misattributed to Archbishop Turpin, or Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni.

343 Jubiter and Mahoun. Middle English romance depictions of Islam falsely present

Muslims as polytheists who worship idols, often naming three gods who are central to the

fictional faith of the Saracens: Mahoun, Jupiter, and Apolin.

357 Seynt Ysador the confessour. There are multiple saints who originate in Spanish cities

named Isidore, but the Saint Isidore most likely referenced here is Isidore of Sevilla,

377-82 Mine...dight. Sir Romain, the knight who has been condemned to die, asks a friend to

arrange his burial and funeral for him. Sir Romain shows the friend which clothes he

wants to buried in, and also instructs him to sell his horse and donate the profit to poor

clerks so that they will sing at his funeral.

368-424 Here the poet departs from the central narrative about Charlemagne’s conquest of Spain

and Vernagu’s retaliatory duels with Charlemagne’s knights to offer an exemplum. While

Charles and his host are sojourning in Bayoun, one of his knights commits an unspecified

crime and is condemned to die. The condemned knight asks a friend to prepare for his

funeral. He shows the friend which clothes he would like to be buried in and asks that his

horse be sold and the profits be donated to poor clerks, who will in turn sing psalms

during his burial. The friend agrees, but keeps the profit from the sale of the horse. After

thirty nights, the executed knight appears to his friend in a dream and explains that,

though he is now in heaven, he suffered excruciating pain for the past thirty days because

111

his intended charitable donation to the poor clerks was withheld. The dead knight informs

his dishonest friend that he will now suffer for his duplicity. The friend awakes and tells

the entire court what he has just dreamed. After he describes his dream vision of the

executed knight, a strong wind fills the hall and foul demons fly in, lifting up the

dishonest executor and carrying him away. Charlemagne’s soldiers search for the

executor for four days, but fail to locate him. Later, when Charlemagne’s host passes

through Naverne, they find the dead executor’s body where it was dropped by the

demons. The poet closes the exemplum with a warning to other executors: any who

withhold charity from the needy will experience this same punishment.

380 on heigheing. Here, the poet uses on heigheing in a monetary sense, meaning “with

interest” or in “usurious practices.” In the context of the sale of the knight’s horse, it most

likely means that the knight wants his friend to sell the horse for a high price so that he

can pay for a funeral. In line 501, the poet uses an heygheing to describe the way

Vernagu lifts the various Christian knights who face him in combat; a literal description

of the upward movement of the knights’ bodies in Vernagu’s grasp.

429 As the Latin ous rede. See note for line 327.

440 Wissontide. Whitsuntide is the feast of the Pentecost, which occurs fifty days after Easter.

501 an heygheing. See note for line 380.

549 swere. This is a rare word, likely used here to achieve rhyme scheme.

560 Durindale. According to legend, Durendal was the name of Roland’s sword. The sword

has various mythical or divine origins.

578-86 Douk Roland sone he fond...After his wil ydight. As Roland fights Vernagu, he finds

that the impenetrability of Vernagu’s skin from his navel downward makes it

112

impossible for Roland to kill the giant with a sword. When they take a respite from their

duel, Roland asks for a staff to fight Vernagu with, hoping that he will have more success

with this weapon.

621-23 For the cité...slen a knight. Roland assures Vernagu that he can sleep without fearing for

his life, explaining that he would never slay a sleeping knight, even for a city of gold.

795 fothot. The MED defines this word as quickly. It is a fairly rare word, found most often in

romances.

849 fale. The poet uses an abnormal spelling of fele, meaning many, in order to achieve the

necessary rhyme with Durindale.

113

Otuel a Knight

Otuel a Knight is the Middle English version of the French Otinel found in the Auchinleck manuscript, c. 1340. Of the extant romances in the Otuel cycle, Otuel a Knight is the only one written in couplets rather than tail-rhyme stanzas. Like all of the Middle English versions of the French Otinel, Otuel a Knight tells the story of the Saracen Knight Otuel who battles Roland on behalf of the Emperor Garcy, and is miraculously converted to Christianity during the duel. After Otuel’s conversion, he is incorporated into Charlemagne’s court and fights on his behalf against Garcy. Of the three Middle English versions of Otinel, Otuel a Knight is characterized by its reporting of the romance’s events in a straightforward manner, and its emphasis on combat and battle description.

Herkneth, bothe yinge and olde That willen heren of batailles bolde; Who; wish to hear And ye wolle a while duelle, If Of bolde batailles Ich wole you telle 5 That was sumtime bitwene once Cristine men and Sarazins kene. fierce There was sumtime a king in France, A doughty man with spere and launce, valiant And made Sarazins ful tame— 10 King Charles was his name, And was born in Seint Denys Saint-Denis Nought bote a litel fram Parys, Not far from And was a wol treu knight well And meintenede Cristendom aright. protected 15 In his time, a king ther was, During [Charles’s] reign An hethene that uncristned was, That was King of Lumbardie, Lombardy And was yhoten King Garsie. named Marsile was his also, Marseilles 20 And manie other londes mo. A swithe gret lord he was; such In his time non suych ther nas. there was none such as him On Jhesu Crist ne levede he nought did not believe That him hadde so dere abought. 25 He levede al in maumettrie idolatry And forsok God and Seinte Marie. In alle londes there he wente where He slough al that evere he hente slew; captured

114

That wolde on Jhesu Crist bileve, 30 And tok the lond to his byheve. benefit Night and day it was his thout intent To bringe Cristendom to nout. In hethenesse ther nas no king That ne hel of him sum thing Wasn't protected somewhat by him [Garcy] 35 Or dude him omage or feuté. paid him tribute; fealty Swich a mighty king was he, Such Alle thei scholden to him bouwe. They all had to bow to him He was lord of londes ynowe, many And yit he thoughte wit maistrie yet; with force 40 Habben al Cristendom to gye. rule all Christendom Al Cristendom, more and lasse, those both high and low He thoughte to maken hethennesse. wanted to turn into heathens Whan he wolde haven a parlement, hold a council There com to his comaundement came at his command 45 To helpen hym wit alle thinges Fiftene hethene kinges, And alle thei were togidere sworn they all swore together That Cristendom scholde be lorn, conquered And maden alle here ordenaunce made their declaration 50 To werren uppon the king of Fraunce, make war on For thei herden alle tidinges That he was chef of Cristene gynges, people And the king wiste it wel. understood Nou schulle ye here hou it bifel. 55 Hit was on Childermasse Day, Christmas Soth to segge withouten nay, True to say That King Charles of Sein Denys Wente him toward Parys; Hise duzzeperes with him he nam, His twelve peers; took 60 And muche poeple to him kam. And token alle here consail thare [they] decided together That thei wolden withalle fare they would travel at once Into Marsile riden and gon And werren there with Godes foon, make war; foes 65 And hadden set a certein day To wenden thider withouten delay. go there Bote ar thei thiderward ferden, But before they went that way Suiche tydinges thei herden Such news they heard Of a Sarasin, doughti and good, From 70 That amoevede al here blod. stirred their wrath There com a Sarazin ful of rage came Fram King Garsie in message; as a messenger Into Paris the wei he nam And to the kinges paleis he kam. palace

115

75 Otuwel his name was, Of no man afered he nas. was not afraid of any man Into the paleis tho he cam, then A skwier be the hon he nam, took a squire by the hand And seide, “Ich am comen her, 80 Kyng Garsies messager, To speke with Charles, king of this lond, And with a knight that heet Roulond, is called And another hatte Oliver, Knightes holden withouten peer. 85 Those thre, Ich biseche thee, That thou telle me whiche thei be.” The skwier thoughte wel by sight knew by looking That Otuwel was a doughti knight, And for he was in message come, 90 Bi the hond he haveth him nome he took him by the hand And ladde him into the halle Among the grete lordes alle. And there thei stoden oppon her feet, where; their He schewede him where the king seet, showed; sat 95 And taughte him hou he scholde knowe told There thei seten oppon a rowe, Roulond and Olyver And the gode knight Ogger. Ogier Anon as Otuwel hadde a sight 100 Of Charles that was king and knight, For eye of no man he ne leet, awe; would he hesitate Bote wente to him there he seet. Hit was the boldeste Sarazin He That evere thorte drinke win, dared drink wine 105 And that was sene, withoute lesing, Tho he spak with Charles the king. When He seide to him amydde his halle, “Sire King, foule mote thee falle! may destruction fall upon you Thou art aboute for to greve enrage 110 Mahoun that we onne byleve. Therefore, have thou maugré! shame So thee greteth Garsie, bi me, Thus does Garcy greet you That me haveth in message sent To seggen his comaundement. deliver 115 And thou, Roulond, that art his knight, Nou Ich knowe thee be sight, May Ich mete thee in the feeld With thi spere and with thi scheld, Ich wole wyte, so mote Ich thee, know, as I may thrive 120 Right bytwene me and te,

116

...... 125 ...... “That thou makest offe this bost, [Roland is speaking]; What 130 Tel me nou, yef thou wost.” Quath Otuwel, “So mote Ich thee, Inelle nought hele for eie of thee. I will not hide it; fear It was oppon a Weddenesdai In Averil, before the May, April 135 King Garsie the weie nam, took the way To the cité of Rome he cam; Twenti thousende was the sawe number That were thare of Sarazin lawe. Corsouse, mi swerde, ful harde fel 140 And bot there Freinche flechs fol wel.” pierced their French flesh Estught of Leggers, a Freinshe knight, He sterte op anonright And kypte anon in his hond picked up A gret muche fir-brond, very large firebrand 145 And to Otuwel a strok hadde ment, intended And Roulond bynam him the dent. But Roland stopped the blow Thanne seide Charles the king, “Ich forbede, oppen alle thing, That no man be so wood rash 150 For to don hym other than good! anything but A kinges messager for he is, because He ne schal habbe non harm, iwis.” should not be harmed, certainly “Sire King,” quath Otuwel, “be mi blod, And ani of hem be so wod If; them 155 To drawe to me swerd or knif, Certes, he schal lesen his lif!” The kinges knightes hadden tene were enraged Of Otuwel wordes kene. With that word, anonright 160 Op starte a Freinsche knight. Up stood Bihinden Otuwel he cam, came up behind And be the hod Otuwel nam siezed Otuel by the hood And braid with so gret might, jerked And braid adon that hethene knight, down 165 And anon out with a knif, And wolde have reved him his lif. taken his life

117

And that Sarazin Otuwel Was iarmed swithe wel That he ne dede him nought bote good, [the French knight] didn't harm [Otuel] 170 Ne drough of his bodi no blood. He starte op and was wroth, To ligge longe him was loth, To hesitate; unwilling And Corsouze his brond he drough And the kinges knight he slough, 175 And amang hem alle he stood among them And lokede as he were wood. The kinges knightes were agramed, outraged And summe of hem were asschamed ashamed That Otuwel in the halle 180 Slough a knight among hem alle, And bigunnen op to stonden And thoughte to leggen on him honden. lay hands [i.e., seize] Otuwel therof was war And in his herte it him bar it seemed to him 185 That thei nere aboute no good, And seide to hem, there he stod, where “Bi the louerd, Sire Mahoun, lord Knightes I rede ye sitten a doun! advise For yef ani of you so hardi be if; audacious 190 That any strok munteth to me, raise a blow Mahoun mi God ich here forsake Yef he sschal evere ordres take holy orders Of ani other bisschopes hond Bot of Corsouze, mi gode brond.” Except; sword 195 Thei behelden Otuwel alle, Knightes and skwieres in the halle; Ther nas non that there stood were none That ne wende Otuel were wod. failed to understand And evere he held his swerd ydrawe 200 And gaf nought of hem alle an hawe. held them in contempt King Charles stood upright And comaundede anonright That no man sscholde be so wod To do the messager nought bote good. 205 Knightes and sweines in the halle men Were wol glade therof alle That the king so bad, For mani of hem was sore adrad, sorely afraid And thei withdrowen hem echone. 210 And evere stod Otuwel alone And biheld hem as thei yede walked away Yef ani him wolde strok dede. In case any would strike him dead

118

Thanne seide Charles the king, “Bi God that made alle thing, 215 Sarasin, nere thou messager, if you were not Wrother hele come thou her. No good would come to you here I rede thou yeld op thi brond And take’t out of thin hond.” give it up Quath Otuwel that Sarazin, 220 “Bi Mahoun that is louerd myn, my lord I nelle take it out of min hond will not To no man of al thi lond That is therinne geten and bore! that is begotten and born therein That wind thou havest ilore.” You have wasted your breath 225 “Sarasin,” quath Roulond, “Tak me thi swerd in myn hond, give me And iche wole save thee, bi mi blod— Sschal no man do thee nought bote good. And whan thou art redi to fare, ready to depart 230 Forsothe, thi swerd sschal be yare.” In truth; ready Quath Otuwel the Sarazin, “Bi Mahoun that is louerd min, Thaugh ich hadde skwieres twelve, Even if Ich wole bere myn swerd miselve! 235 Holte o roum, ich wolde rede, Stand back And thanne dostou a god dede.” You’ll have done a good deed “Sarazin,” quath Charles the King, “Let ben al thi thretning. Tel me nou, alle and some, 240 In what message artou come.” Otuwel that noble knight Answerede anonright, “Hider me sente King Garsie. Spaine is his, an Lumbardie, 245 And manye londes name couthe well reknowned lands That I ne mai nought nemne with mouthe. Bi me he sente thee to segge, Thou sscholdest Cristendom alegge denounce And maken thine men in eche toun 250 For to leven on Sire Mahoun, And thou and alle thine barons bolde. Of him ye sschulle youre londes holde, Thanne mightou amenden, yif thou wilt, make amends That thou havest Mahoun agult. wronged 255 And, certes, bote it so bifalle, if you do not do this Garsie wele give thine londes alle will To Olecent of Esclavenye, The kinges sone of Ermenie, Armenia

119

That haveth his o doughter to wif, own 260 That he loveth as his lif. Thous sschal al thi murthe adoun, happiness decline Bote thou leve on Sire Mahoun.” Unless; believe The duzzepieres answerede tho, then “Certes, while we moun ride and go, can ride and walk 265 Fraunse sschal he nevere give To no man while we moun live. Sire King, his wille nou thou wost, know Let asemblen al thin ost, And let us oppon Garsie wenden, attack 270 Alle hise londes for to sschenden, ruin Of wordes that he haveth ispeke. [Because] of Forsothe, we reden thou be awreke!” advise you to seek revenge “Certes, Sire King,” quath Otuwel, “Thine Freinsche knightes kune yelpe wel, can yelp 275 And whan thei beth to werre ibrought, Thanne be thei right nought. are worthless Thaugh thou bringe with sscheld and spere Even if Al that evere may wepene bere To werren upon King Garsie, 280 Certes, alle thei sscholden deie. And thou art king and old knight, Because And havest iloren al thi might, And in thi yuikthe, tak god hede, youth Thou nere nevere doughti of dede!" You were never brave in battle 285 Tho was the king agramed, outraged And alle hise duzzeperes asschamed That Otuwel, that hethene knight, Tolde of hem alle so light. Belittled all of them Roulond bi the king stood 290 And amevede al his blod, became enraged And seide in wrathe anonright To Otuwel that hethene knight, “To werren on Garsie, yef we fare In bataille, and I mete thee thare 295 And I may mete thee aright, Bi Jhesu that is ful of might, Thou ne sschalt nevere after that day Despice Freinchsman, yef ich may.” Disparage Frenchmen “Ough,” quath Otuwel, and lough, laughed 300 “Wherto makestou it so tough To threte me in another lond? Nam ich here at thin hond? Am I not here Yef thou havest wille to fighte, Whanevere thou wolt let thee dighte, make ready

120

305 And thou sschalt finde me redi dight, prepared In the feld to bide fight.” waiting for “Bi God,” quath Roulond, “Ich wolde be yare, Whan Ich wiste to finde thee thare, And evele mote he thrive and thee may he have bad luck 310 That ferst failleth of me and te.” between me and you “Ye leve ya,” quath Otuwel tho, As you say “Whether so failleth of us two, Whoever Ich wole finde Mahoun to borwe. trust in Mahoun Ich wile be redi erliche tomorwe.” 315 Quath Roulond thar he stod on grounde, “S’elpe me Gode, feere ifounde!" So help me God, I’ve found a match Right before the kinges eien, eyes That alle the kinges knightes seien, see Either other his trewthe plighte swear an oath 320 Uppon morwen for to fighte. King Charles stod al stille And biheld his gode wille, resolve And seide, “It is harm, iwis, truly a shame That thou nost what follaut is. do not know; baptism 325 Yef thou woldes follaut take And thine falle godes forsake, false Iche wolle maketh, so mote ihe thee— as I may thrive And tou wille bleve with me— If you A riche man in mi lond. 330 That ich wille sikere thee on hond.” promise Otuwel that hardi knight Answerede anonright, “Cristes cors uppon his heued Christ’s curse upon his head That me radde such a red, Who advises me such a thing 335 To forsake mi god Mahun! Inelle nought leve thi false sarmon.” I will not Thaugh Otuwel speke outrage, spoke outrageously For he was comen on message, Because King Charles, that was heende and god, noble and good 340 Nolde soffre him habbe nought bote god, Would not allow him to be harmed Bote seide to him anonright, “Be thou skwier? Be thou knight? Are you Tel me, yef thi conseil is nome, message is finished Of what linage thou art come.” 345 Otuwel answerede this, “A kinges sone ich am, iwis, truly Soth to segge and nought to lye. true to say, it is no lie Ich am the kinges cosin, Garsie. Fernagu myn eem was, uncle 350 That nevere overcomen nas. Who had never been overcome

121

Sir Roulond, thi cosin, him slough. Therefore wole rise wo inough. Because of this, there will be woe Therefore ich desire so moche To fighte with Roulond sikerliche. 355 Ich wille tomorewen, in the day, Awreken his deth yef ich may. Avenge [Fernagu’s] death Nou he haveth iseid his sawe, has promised That he ne mai him nought withdrawe That we schule bothe fighten ifeere, 360 Nou ich wille that thou it here: hear Min emes deth ich awreke, I will avenge my uncle’s death Or myn herte sschal tobreke!” break King Charle gan to meven his blod, grew enraged Bot natheles he was hende and good, nonetheless 365 And nolde for hise wordes heghe would not because of; haughty Don Otuel no vileinie, Bote comaundede anon a swein Gon fechen him his chaumberlein, To fetch his attendant A ying knight ant nought old, young 370 That was wel norssched and bold, nourished And seide to him, “Sire Reiner, Tak here this messeger And to his in saveliche him lede, inn safely That for no word ne for no dede 375 That he haveth don and seid That non hond be on him leid; And loke that he be wel idight well cared for And onoured als a knight.” honored as The chamberlein anon dede 380 Als the king him hadde ibede, bidden And ladde him hom to his in. And whan he was icomen in, had come in He tok his leve the chamberlein The chamberlain left And wente to the king agein. 385 Littel slep the king that night, For ferd of Roulant that gode knight Of the bataille he hadde inome agreed to Leste he were overcome. For the king hadde sein fol wel Because 390 The kuntenaunse of Otuel, appearance The king wiste wel afin completely Hit was a bold Sarazin, He For he saugh hit wel bysight Tho he saugh him slen his knight. When 395 On morwe tho the dai sprong, In the morning And the larke bigan hire song, its

122

King Charles wente to cherche church Godes werkes for to werche. to do God’s work Roulond his cosin with him yede, 400 Of Godes help that hadde nede. Thei wenten anon to here masse hear mass For here sinnen sscholde be the lasse. to lessen their sin Tho the masse was iseid Then And the vestement doun ileid, 405 The king and Roulond ifere together Wente forth, as ye moun here, Right to the paleis gate, palace And founde hovinge therate standing there Otuel, armed and idight, 410 Al redi to bide fight. Tho seide that Sarazin, Then “Sire King, where is thi cosin Roulond, that his truthe plighte 410 That he wolde with me fighte? He was tho fol heie of mod, very haughty Is he nou ilete blod?” feeling weak Roulond stod al and herde Hou Otuel toward him ferde, acted toward him And answerede anonright: 420 “By Jhesu that is fol of might, Thin heued sschal fele under thin hood Your head will feel under your hood That I nam nought laten blood.” “Welcome be thou,” quath Otuwel tho, then And turnde his stede and made him go, 425 And to the place tho rod he There the bataille sscholde be. Where; would Al aboute the water ran. The river flowed all around [it] Ther nas nother man ne wimman woman That mighte in riden no gon ride in nor leave 430 At no stede bote at on. one [entry] And there Otuwel in rood, No lengere he ne abood. Roulond that doughti knight Was fol hasteliche idight hastily prepared 435 And his stede he bistrod, mounted his steed And no lengere he ne abood. Er the dai idon it were, Ther thei sschollen fighten ifere. each other Anon als Roulond beheeld 440 Otuwel hovede in the feel, mounted; field Roulond was so egre to fighte That for al the world he ne mighte

123

Abide to riden in at the gate There Otuwel rod in ate. To where Otuel rode 445 He thoute the nekste weie to ride chose; closest path And no lengere he nolde abide. He smot his stede with spores brighte, struck; spurs And with help of Godes mighte, Over the water the stede swam, 450 And to londe saf he cam. Anonright, als Roulond Hadde ikaught the druye lond, achieved; dry land Gret envye was ham betwene. enmity Thei riden togidere with speres kene, sharp 455 That were sterne and nought longe, sturdy And the knightes were bothe stronge, And smyten either in otheres sscheld hit each other That bothe hors fellen in the feld, [So that] And risen agein op fram the grounde; [When they had] 460 And bothe knightes were hole and sounde. uninjured Tho the stedes were risen bothe, When the steeds were both standing The knightes woxen bothe fol wrothe And drowen swerdes ate laste, And either hugh on other faste. cut each other 465 Roulond to Otuwel smot A strok that fol sore bot. bit hard He wolde have smiten Otuwel, And he blenkte swithe wel. But; dodged it well And Roulond smot the stede broun 470 And clef the heued al adoun, cut off its head And the stede fel to grounde, Bote Otuwel was hol and sounde. Roulond was hende and good of wille And hovede oppon his stede stille. remained 475 To smiten made he semblant non He made no move to strike Er Otuwel was risen and gon. Before “Roulond,” quath Otuwel, “What was thee? What are you Art tou blynd? Mightou nought se? Wil ich oppon mi stede sat, sat upon my steed 480 Whi sscholde mi stede habbe that? have this treatement It hadde be more honour to thee, Forsothe, to habbe ismite me.” “Ough,” quath Roulond, “Blame me nought! Bi Sen Geme, Ich habbe isought, James, that’s what I intended 485 Otuwel, ich hadde yment That thou sscholdest have ifeled that dent. blow Ich hadde wel levere, so mote ich thee, I would rather, so I may thrive Otuwel, habbe yoven it thee.” had it hit you

124

Otuwel was wroth his stede was slawe, 490 And with his swerd he bar idrawe, He smot to Roulond with good wille That ovede oppon his stede stille. remained That he hadde Roulond ment, He had intended that for Roland And he failede of his dent But 495 And smot Roulondes gode stede, That nevere eft on erthe hene yede. never after walked the earth Otuwel thoute, on errore deede, upon his mistake Tho he hadde slawe his stede, When Hou Roulond hovede stille as ston 500 Til he was risen and gon; Until he [Otuel] And he stod al stille And [therefore] And leet Roulond risen at wille, And seide, “Roulond, so mote iche thee, That strok ich mente to thee, 505 And nou it is on thi stede istunt. it fell on your steed Let nou stonde, dunt for dunt!” Tho thei sien non other bote, Then; no other option Thei wenten togidere al on fote And strokes yeden bitwene ham so kene exchanged 510 That the fer sprong out bitwene. sparks flew King Charles with hise knightes bolde Was come the bataille to biholde, And bisoughte God, fol of might, He sscholde save Roulond his knight. 515 Bothe knightes were gode and stronge And foughten togidere swithe longe. Roulond was a hende knight, skilled And feled that Otuwel smot aright felt And that myght was in his arm, strength 520 And thoute to saven him fram harm, himself And seide, “Otuwel, let thi fight! halt And leve on Jhesu, ful of might, believe in And Ich wele ben at acent in assent That thou sschalt wedde Belecent, 525 The kinges doughter, mi nese, that is. niece I rede, Otuwel, that thou do this.” Quath Otuwel to Roulond, “Whil my swerd is in min hond, Al thi preching is for nought; 530 Hit ne cam nevere in my thout. Me ne stant nought of thee swich awe I do not fear you so much That thou sschalt make me reneie mi lawe abandon my faith For to wedde Belecent. So nis nought mi wille iwent.” This is not what I want

125

535 Tho thei ne mighte nought acente, Because; agree Agein to bataille thei wente, And foughten harde togidere beie; both Never on of other ne stod eie. had any fear Roulond bigan to meven his blood 540 That Otuwel so longe stood, And fortene up with the brond thrust That he bar in his hond, And in the heued he thoute to redde head; planned to strike Otuwel, bote nought he ne spedde. did not succeed 545 Otuwel starte o side shifted to the side And lette the swerd bi him glide. And Roulond with the swerdes ende Reighte Otuwel oppon the lende. Struck; hip Als he wolde the dent fle, Because he wished to avoid 550 Otuwel fel on kne. Otuwel asschamed was That he knelede oppon the gras, And for anger his herte gan sswelle And thoughte Roulond for to quelle. kill 555 In the heued he hadde him ment, Bote Roulond bleinte for the dent, swerved away from As swete Jhesu Crist wolde That Roulond there deie ne sscholde. Biside the heued the dent wente, 560 And the hauberk he torente chain mail coat; tore Fram the hepebon an heigh, hip bone at once That alle the pece out fleigh. pieces flew apart King Charles saugh there he stood, from where And was fol dreri in his mood, apprehensive 565 And was swithe sore afright To lese Roulond his gode knight. For Otuwel smot so heterliche, hotly The king wende sikerliche thought certainly That Roulond sscholde been ylore, would be lost 570 And was a sori man therefore. As the king stod in doute, doubt He spak to his folk aboute, And seide to alle that there were, “Lordinges, doth as ich you lere: do as I ask 575 Sitte eche man oppon his kne And biddeth to God in Trinité, pray For His grace and for Hise mightes, Sende seightnesse bitwene tho knightes, reconciliation; those And give Otuwel wille today desire 580 For to reneien his lay.

126

Everichone thei token here red, obeyed their command And deden as the king ham bed. To Jhesu Crist thei deden here bone, made their request And swete Jhesu herde ham sone. their prayers 585 A whit colvere ther cam fle white dove That al the peple mighten se, On Otuweles heued he lighte, alighted Thoru the vertu of Godes mighte. And Otuwel, that doughti knight, 590 Withdrough him anoonright Fram Roulond, and stod al stille; To fighte more he ne hadde wille, And seide, “Roulond, thou smitest fol sore. Withdrau thin hond and smight namore. 595 Yef thou wolt holden that thou me het, to what you promised That I sschal wedde that maiden swet, The kinges doughter Belesent, Forsothe, than is mi wille went. Yef I sschal wedden that faire may, maiden 600 Ich wille bileven oppon thi lay, And alle myne godes forsake, And to youre God ich wille take." Roulond likede that word fol wel, And answerede Otuwel, 605 “I thonke it Jhesu ful of might, Thorou wham that grace is in thee light!” Through whom; entered Otuel caste of his hond out of Corsouse, his gode brond, And Roulond his also, 610 And togidere thei gune go. Eyther forgaf other his loth, hatred Nas non of hem with other wroth, angry Bote clippe and kusse eyther other embraced; kissed As either hedde been otheres brother. 615 King Charles rood thidere anon, And knightes with him many on. many a one Anon as he thider cam Bi the hon Roulond he nam, hand; took And seide, “Roulond, for Godes erthe, 620 Hou is thee and this man iwurthe? are; reconciled So harde strokes as ye habben give, Hit is wunder that ye live!” “Sire,” quath Roulond, “We beth al sounde, Nother of us ne haveth wounde. 625 Otuwel haveth his conseil nome taken That he wile Cristene bycome,

127

And ich habbe granted, bi youre acent, That he sschal wedde Belecent.” “Certes!” quath Charles tho, 630 “Nou thou wolt that it be so, I grante wel that it so be. Forwhi that he wille dwelle with me, if Thanne adde ich thee and Oliver, I have Otuwel and gode Ogger; 635 In al the world in lenkthe and brede length and breadth Ther nis king that nolde me drede.” The king took Otuwel anon And to his paleis made him gon, And makeden murthe and meloudie 640 Of alle maner of menestrausie minstrelsy For the miracle that was wrought: That Otuwel hadde iturnd his thought. changed On moruen tho the day was bright, morning when Thei ladden to churche that noble knight. 645 Bisschop Turpin was bisschop tho, then He follede him that day, and nammo. baptized; no others Tho Otuwel hadde follaught nome When And to the kingges pees was come, peace The king beed him his doughter anon offered 650 And feire londes mani on. Otuwel to the king saide, “Sire, keep me wel that maide. watch over for me Forsothe, ich nele hire nevere wedde, No nevere with hire goo to bedde, 655 Er thi werre to the ende be brought And sumwhat of thi wille wrought. done deeds according to your will Whan King Garsie is slawe or take, Thanne is time mariage to make!” Quath King Charles to Otuwel, 660 “Nou I se thou lovest me wel, And yef I leve, so mote I thee, as I believe Thou ne sschalt nought lose thi love on me.” Tho leet the king asemblen anon ordered to be assembled Alle hise duzzeperes, echon. 665 “Lordinges,” he seide, “What is youre red? advice King Garsie seith I sschal be ded, And as ye habbeth iherd segge, heard spoken He thenketh Cristendam to legge— conquer Whether wole we wenden oppon him anon, ought to 670 Other abide til winter be gon?” Or The duzzeperes acentenden therto To bide til winter were ido.

128

And alle winter the king of Fraunce Lette maken his purveianse. preparations 675 Al that winter at hom he bod, And in somer to werre he rod.

Lordinges, bothe yinge and olde, Herneth as we formest tolde, Listen; first Hou the werre was fol hyghe intense 680 Bitwene King Charles and King Garsie.

Anon as winter was ygon, As soon as The king asemblede his host anon, And mochel peple cam to his bond many; because of their pledge to him Out of mani diverse lond. 685 Averil was comen an winter gon, April And Charles tok the weie anon And drough him toward Lumbardie went towards To werren oppon King Garsie. There was set, withouten faille, 690 Certein day of bataille. Anoon as Charles was icome Nigh honde thar the bataille was nome, Near at hand In a mede anonright meadow The kinges pavilons were ipight pavilions; pitched 695 Under an hul bisides a rivere; hill And bifel as ye moun here. [it] happened Fol nygh the water the king lay Close to Of bataille forto abide his day, To await the day of battle And uppon that other side 700 He mighte seen hise enemis ride, And there nas brugge ne forde non bridge; ford That man mighte over riden ne gon. King Charles that gode knight Tok carpenters anonright 705 And lette make a brugge anon That men mighten over gon. Tho the brugge was al yare When; ready That men mighten over fare, Hit bitidde uppon a day 710 Wil Charles in his bed lay, While That Roulond an Oliver And the gode knight Oger Over the brugge thei wenten ifeere Auntres for to sen and here. Adventures 715 And tho thei over passed were, when Suche auntres thei funden there

129

For al the good under sonne Thei nolde habben the gamen bigonne. That they would not have begun the game Of Garsies ost, foure hethene kinges 720 Wenten forte here tidinges For alle cas that mighte bitide, what might be happening Wel iarmed bataille to bide. Here foure names ye moun wite Their As we finden in romaunse write: 725 Curabeles hatte thet o king, was called the first king A stout Sarazin withouten lesing; That other Balsamun het, was called A werse man yede non on fet; walked never on foot Astaward was the thriddes name, third’s 730 He lovede werre and hatede game; merriment The ferthe king highte Clarel, That nevere yite ne dede wel. had done a good deed As thei riden alle yfere, That on seide as ye moun here, 735 “Mahoun, leeve ous yit abide let is happen to us Into Fraunce that we moun ride And ich mighte Roulond mete; If Al with wrathe ich wolde him grete. That traitour he slough mi brother, 740 Ne gete ich neve eft such another.” I’ll never have Roulond herde, and Oliver And the gode knight Ogger, Hou thei speken hare wordes highe proud And thratten Roulond to die; threatened 745 And Roulond was so nygh near That alle foure kinges he sygh. saw “Felawes,” quath Roulond anon, Fellows “Yich am war of oure fon. aware; foes Thei beth foure, and we bote thre. 750 Datheit habbe that hem fle! Curses Nou we habben founden game; Ga we to hem, a Godes name.” Let’s go Anon as Clarel ham sygh, saw them He seide, “Oure enemys beth nygh. 755 Ich se bi here cuntenaunse appearance Thei beth Cristene men of Fraunce. Charles ost lith here biside host In pavilons, bataille to bide, And these beth of hise men, iwis; 760 Therfore mi reed is tis— advice That we hasteliche to ham ride And loke whether thei wole abide.” meet

130

With that word the kinges anon Touchede here stedes and made hem gon, Spurred their 765 And toward the Cristene knightes thei riden, And thei doughtiliche abiden. Astaward with Roulond mette, Nought he ne spak, ne him ne grette, greeted Bot smot him with his spere anon, 770 Thorou the sscheld he made hit gon. And Roulondes spere, ywis, Was wel betere than was his; [Astaward’s] To Astawardes herte hit yede, heart it went And caste him doun of his stede. 775 “Aris,” quath Roulond, “and tak thee bet; accept your defeat At this time thou art ilet.” defeated Curabeles no lengere ne abood; To god Ogger anon he rod. Ogger was a strong knight 780 And rod to him with gret might, And bar adon hors and pak packsaddle And the Sarazins nekke tobrak. broke Balsamum and Oliver, Eyther neighede other ner. 785 Tho Balsamun bigan to ride, When Oliver nolde no lengere abide. He pingde his stede with spores kene, pricked; sharp spurs And smot a strok that was sene; He ne ne mighte tho no bette do, could not have done better 790 Bote gurde the nekke bon otwo. cut; in two Thus Roulond and Oliver And the gode knight Ogger Slouwen the hethene kinges thre, And yit nolde nought Clarel fle. 795 To the Duk Roulond he rood, And Roulond his strok abod. For wrathe hise felaus were islein, He rood to Roulond with gret mayn, force And bar a spere, greet and long. 800 And the Sarazin was strong And in the sadel sat faste, And Roulond to grounde he kaste. With the fal the steede anoon, Tobarst that o sschanke bon. one leg bone 805 Roulond uppon his feet stood, And ne hadde nought bote good. was unharmed Ogger saugh fol wel tho then That Roulondes hors was ago. gone

131

Ogger that was doughti of dede 810 Smot doun Clarel of his stede. off Oliver tok the stede anon And to Roulond he gan gon. “Roulond, have this,” quath Oliver, “This thee sente good Ogger, 815 And Clarel he haveth to grounde ithrowe For he broughte thee so lowe.” Roulond that hadde his stede ilore lost Thonkede hem bothe therfore, And was the gladdeste man under sonne 820 That he hadde an hors iwonne. Clarel uppon his feet stood And faught as he were wood. On none maner he nolde fle, Bot faught agein hem alle thre. 825 The thre knightes were fol stronge; He ne mighte nought dure agein ham longe, And seide to hem alle thre, “Lordinges, let me olive be! alive To you it were lutel honour 830 To sle me that nabbe no socour!” has no aid To fighte more he forsook, refused And Roulond his swerd tok. Roulond was hende and nought forsok, did not refuse And of Clarel his swerd he tok. 835 “King Clarel,” quath Ogger, “Worth up bihinden me her.” Mount up behind Tho was King Clarel glad For to do that Ogger bad, And was staleworthe and light able-bodied; agile 840 And lep ut anonright. leapt up Tho wenten thei forth withouten targing, delay And thoute presente Charles the king With Clarel that thei hadden inome, captured And hopeden to ben welcome. hoped to be 845 And of here weie thei were let, But; hindered And swithe harde thei were met. Thei sien of Garsies men afeerd, were afraid of Bothe with spere and with swerd, Bitwen hem and the paviloun, 850 There thei sscholden wenden adoun. Where they had to go Thei ne mighte skapen in nevere a side; escape by either side Thoruout hem thei mosten ride. But had to ride through them “Felawes,” quath Ogger tho then To Roulond and Oliver bo, both

132

855 “Ich wene er we hom come, before; home Clarel ous worth bynome, will cause us to be seized Lordinges, what is nou youre red? opinion Wole we smiten of his hed?” Should we; off Quath Roulond, “So mote ich thee, 860 At that red nel ich nought be.” I would not be guilty of that “No, ich nother,” quat Oliver, “Bi the Louerd Sein Richer, Saint Richerus On live I rede we leten him go, Alive And ne do we him nammore wo. no more woe 865 Such cas may fallen in sum neede, It may occur He mai quiten us oure mede.” repay; kindness “Bi God,” quath Ogger, “that is soth, true And where he do or he ne doth, But whether he does or he does not Hit were sschame to ous, iwis, 870 To sslen a man that yolden him is. slay; has yielded himself I rede we leten him gon his wey, For we mot entenden to another pley.” must attend; matter Alle thre thei were at on, in agreement And leten Clarel on live gon. 875 Clarel nolde no lengere abide, He ne askede non hors onne to ride, Bote on fote dede him go And levede hem thare in muchel wo. left “Nou, lordinges,” quath Ogger 880 To Roulond and to Oliver, “Ich wole triste to my sswerd And fonde forto passe this ferd. attempt; escape this situation Ich hope thoru help of Godes might To se mi Lord Charles this night. 885 Yef ani Sarazin with eie If; wrath Cometh to lette me of mi weie, stop me on my way S’elp me God and this day, So help me He sschal abugge, yef ich may!” pay for it “Nou,” quath Roulond, that doughti knight, 890 “And ich wille helpe thee, bi mi might! I nele today, bi Sein Martin, I will not Yilde me to no Sarazin.” Yield; any Quath Oliver, “So mote ich thee, In mani peril ich habbe ibe, 895 And yef ich faille at this nede, God ne lete me nevere eft spede. never give me success again I nele, yef God halt me sound, voice Today yelde me to non hound!” Thei markeden hem alle thre crossed themselves 900 To Him that tho lede deth on tre, once suffered

133

And no lengere thei ne abiden; Anon into the ferde thei riden. battle A Sarazin with Roulond mette, And of his weie Roulond lette. 905 He cam out of al the here, host And bar to Roulond a gret spere. A bold knight that hatte Byoun, was named An Roulond bar him adoun. Oliver that was his brother, 910 He mette with another, A doughti knight, an hethene man, A strong thef that heet Bassan. thief Oliver was horsed wel And bar a spere, kene and fel, sharp and fierce 915 And smot him right under the sscheld, That there he lay amidde the feld. So that And the gode knight Ogger Mette with on that heet Moter one And wolde him habbe doun ibore; [Ogger] 920 And Ogger was wroth tharfore, And smot the Sarazin so sore That he ne spak neveremore. Oliver, Ogger, and Roulond Among the Sarazins stureden here hond wielded their hands 925 Thoru help of God that is above, That ham hadde that grace iyove, given Thorou the ferd as thei riden, Alle that here strokes abiden received Thei were maimed foreveremore; 930 The doughti knightes thei smiten so sore That withinne a litel stounde short time Thei felden mani on to grounde. Tho cam a soudan, stout and firs, Then; sultan; fierce On of Garsies duzzepeers One 935 That hatte Karmel of Tabarie. Oppon the Sarasins he gan crie, “Recreiede knightes, whi nele ye fighte? Cowardly Traitours, theves, where youre mighte? where [is] It is sschame, bi god Mahon, 940 That oure folk goon thus adoun.” With this word Carmel anon Pingde his stede and made him gon, Pricked And rood to Ogger in that hete heat [of battle] And thoute he sscholde his lif forlete, [Ogger’s] 945 And was strong and ful of tene anger And smot sore, and that was sene.

134

He smot Ogger in the sscheld, That Ogger lay amidde the feld. Sore he fel oppon the grounde 950 And hadde a fol luther wonde. grievous The Duk Roulond that seygh; For wrathe he was wod wel nygh, nearly insane And for wrathe smot him so sore [Carmel] That he ne spak nevere eft more. 955 Tho cam Anwe of Nubie, Then On of kinges knightes Garsie, King Garcy’s knights And felde Oliver to grounde, Bote he ne gaf him nevere a wounde. Roulond was fol wroth withalle indeed 960 Tho he saugh Oliver falle, When And Anawe of Nubie he smot That nevere eft crouste he ne bot. So that he never again bit a crust Oliver ros op fram the grounde Al hol withouten wonde, whole; wounde 965 And anon his stede he nam took And to Roulond sone he cam. Tho was Roulond fol fawe Then; glad That Oliver nas nought isslauwe. slain Tho thei were togidere imet, When 970 Tho were thei harde biset Then Amang Sarasins that were kene, And thei smiten sore for tene. anger Whil Roulond faught and Oliver, Hevere stod the gode Ogger, Still 975 And hadde lorn his gode stede, And his wounde gan faste blede, And yit he faught there he stod, And leide on as he were wod. Whil Ogger that doughti knight 980 Agenes Sarazins stod in fight, Against Oppon a stede Clarel com drive, came riding That Ogger halp to saven olive Whom; had helped Thorou cunseil of Roulond and Oliver, And anon he knugh Ogger. recognized 985 “Ogger,” he seide, “hit is my red, advice Yilte come ore thou art ded; Come yield yourself Thou holpe to save mi lif a day; today Ich wole saven thin gef I may.” if Ogger saugh wel with his eye 990 That he was in point to deye, on the verge of death And to Clarel he gan gon And tok him his swerd anon.

135

Clarel nas no wedded man; Clarel hadde a fair lemman paramour 995 That was hoten Aufanye And was born in Ermenie. Armenia Clarel anonrightes Clepede to him two knightes, Called And seide to hem anon, 1000 “To mi lemman ye schulle gon, And segge that ich sente hire this knight, say; her And that his wounde be heled aright, healed And god hede to him nome give good care to him To saven him til mi tocome." protect him until I return 1005 The knightes deden as he hem bad. To his lemman he was lad, That was hoten Aufanye, That was kinges doughter Garsie, And yo was glad of that present, she 1010 To do Clareles comaundement. Roulond and Oliver foughten That of here lives nought ne roughten. be ruined Thei hadden foughten overmyghte; excessively Thei ne mighte no lengere dure to fighte, 1015 An anon turnden here steeden turned around And flowen, for thei ne myghten nought speden. fled; succeed

To Otuwel it was told That Roulond, that was bold, Oliver and Ogger bo both 1020 Were over the water go. Otuwel anonrightes Leet armen him and alle hise knightes. Had himself armed Tho he was armed and wel idight, When He wente to the king anonright, 1025 And seide, “Sire, I dwelle to longe! waited Roulond, Oliver, an Ogger the stronge, Ove the water alle thre Over Beth went for envie of me, Have gone; spite To loke wher thei mighten spede 1030 To don any doughti deede Among the Sarazins bolde, And I sscholde be couward hoolde. considered a coward Therfore I nele no lengere abide; To sechen hem ich wole ride. 1035 Thaugh thei habben envie to me, Ich wille for the love of thee Fonden whother I mighte comen

136

To helpen hem ar thei weren inomen, before; captured And yif hem any harm bytit, has occurred 1040 Let ham witen hare oune wit.” know their own skill Quath the king, “Par charité! Otuwel, ich biseche thee, For Godes love, highe thee blive, go quickly And fonde to saven hem olive try to; alive 1045 Er thei be slawe or nome, Before; taken And thee sschal sone sucour come.” aid shall soon come to you Otuwel no lengere ne abood; Anon his stede he bestrood mounted And alle hise knightes bi his side, 1050 And toward the ferd he gan to ride. battlefield Anon as Otuwel was goon, The king leet dighte his host anon ordered this army to prepare to ride After Otuwel to wende, As a god king and hende. 1055 As Otuwel bigan to ride, He lokede abouten in eche side each And he saugh ate laste saw Where Roulond fleygh and Oliver faste. fled Otuwel touchede his stedes side spurred 1060 An agein hem he gan ride, towards And seide, “Turneth agein anon, And helpeth to wreke you on youre fon! avenge yourselves; foes Thei sschulle abugge, so mote ich thee, pay That maketh you so faste fle!” 1065 Tho thei herden Otuwel speken When That thei sscholden ben awreken, be avenged Tho were thei ferchs to fighte, fierce And tournden agein and were fol lighte. light-hearted “Lordinges,” quath Otuel tho, 1070 “Whuder is god Ogger go?” Where And thei answereden, sikinge sore, sighing heavily “Forsothe, we ne sien him nought yore, recently We ne witen where he is bycome, Whether he is islawe other nome.” 1075 "Allas, allas!” quath Otuwel, “This tiding liketh me nout wel. Sire Charles, my lord the king, Wole be sori for this tiding. For Godes love, hie we blive, let us go quickly 1080 And loke we whother Ogger be alive.” Otuwel and Oliver And Roulond, that doughti bacheler, young man With a feir compaignye

137

Thei bigunnen for to hie 1085 Toward King Garsies host, Fo to abaten of hare bost. In order to deflate their boast There was a Sarazin strong, That bar a brod swerd and a long, And was hoten Encumbrer, 1090 And bigan to neighen hem ner come near Oppon a muche blak stede. dark black And Otuwel took of him hede, was wary And of his armes hadde a sight coat of arms And knugh him anonright, 1095 And no lengere he ne abod. Otuwel to him rood And bar him doun, hors and man— Thus Otuwel gamen bigan! the game Estught of Legers, a noble knight 1100 That with Otuwel cam to fight, Bar a spere of tre fol fin fine wooden spear And smot a bold Sarazin Into the bodi, thoru the sscheld, And there he lay det in the feld. dead 1105 Oliver ho slough another, he And the ferthe, Roulond, his brother. Tho the Freinche knightes seien When The Sarasins fallen with hare eien, their eyes Thei nolden tho no lengere abide. 1110 Thei smiten to in eche side two And felden Sarazins faste, defeated And thei flowen ate laste. [the Saracens] fled King Clarel made hem torne agein turn around Oppon Cristene men to lein; destroy 1115 And he leide on faste, And the thef ate laste Slou Dromer of Alemaine— That reu fol sore the King Charlemaine. rued Erpater King of Ynde was; 1120 He cam with a mase of bras, brass mace And Otuwel on the helm he reighte struck So harde that al the heued toqueighte. shook Quath Otuwel, “So mote Y thee, Ich ne thoute naught boruwe that strok of thee; I hadn’t planned to borrow that stroke 1125 Bi min heued, under myn hat, I nele nought longe ouwe thee that.” owe you Otuwel with a fauchoun sword Cleef him al the heued adoun, Split And he fil under his horse feet; fell

138

1130 Quath Otuwel, “That ich thee biheet!” [Here is] what I promised you Tho was Otuwel fol of mood, foul And faught as he were wood. Al the kinges ost anon Foleuweden Otuwel echon, 1135 Roulond and Oliver, And maden a foul larder. carnage The knightes leiden on so faste, The Sarazins flouwen ate laste. fled Tho neighede it toward eve, evening was near 1140 Tho moste the ost bileve the host must depart And dwellen there al that night, Til on morwe the dai was bright. Tho the ost was withdrawe, When To resten hem as is the lawe, custom 1145 King Clarel kam in fourme of pees appearance of peace With tweie felawes, mo ne lees, two fellows, no more or less Toward Charles ost the king For to wyten a tiding. And Otuwel agein him wente towards 1150 To wite who him thidere sente. Thanne seide King Clarel To the doughti Otuwel, “Knight,” he seide, “so mote thou thee, Tel me what thi name be. 1155 Thou art so doughti man of dede, And mani a knight havest maked blede, Ich wolde fol fain, bi myn eye, am very eager Bringe thi name to the King Garsie.” “Bi God, felawe,” quath Otuwel, 1160 “Er this, thou kneuwe my name fol wel, Before now So God sschilde me fram sschame. shield me from shame Otuel is my Cristine name— Mahun ich habbe forsake, And to Jhesu ich habbe me take.” 1165 “Allas,” quath Clarel, “whi destou so? So wrecheliche havestou do? wretchedly Yit I rede thou turne thi mood, advise And leef on Mahoun ore thou art wod, believe in And ich wole pese, yef thou wilt, make peace 1170 That thou havest Garsie agult.” For how you have wronged “Figh!” quath Otuel tho, “On Mahoun and on Garsie bo! Bi Him that maude Adam and Eve, Y nele nevere oppon you leve; trust you 1175 Bi Jhesu that is fol of might,

139

And ich may mete him aright, If There sschal no Sarazin skape olive escape alive That ich may hente, so mote ich thrive.” sieze “Otuwel,” quath Clarel tho, 1180 “Were we sumware bitwene us two, If we were just us two Bi Mahoun that ich onne bileve, Oppon thi bodi ich wolde preve That Mahoun may mo miracles make more Than He that thou art to itake— have chosen 1185 He nis nought half, be mi croun, So mighty as is Sire Mahoun!” Quath Otuwel, “Bi Godes mighte, Clarel, mi truthe ich thee plighte: I promise you Whanevere thou wolt hit schal be— 1190 Evele mote he thrive that fle.” Evil befall him who flees Quath Clarel anonright, “Bi Mahoun that is fol of might, Woltou sikere me on hond If you will promise me That no man of King Charles lond 1195 Schal do me no vileynie, By the deth that I sschal deye, By the death I shall die Mi conseil is anon inome; oath; pledged Tomorue erliche Ich wille come.” early Quath Otuwel, “Ne doute thee nought. 1200 Bi God that al the world haveth wrought And the deth that I schal deie, Thou ne sschalt hente no vileinie Of no man of King Charles lond, By Bote right of myn oune hond. Except 1205 Bi Him that made leef and bough, Theroffe thee sschal thinken ynough.” You should see this is sufficient Quath Clarel, “Tho do thi best; Tomorwe thou sschalt finde me prest.” ready for battle Thus the were there bothe at on. 1210 Er thei wolden otwinne gon, go separately Eyther other his trewethe plighte Oppon morwen for to fighte.

On moruwen tho the day sprong, when Clarel the king thoughte long It seemed a long time [to] 1215 To the paviloun til he cam To holde the day that he nam. Oppon a stede wel idight He cam fol redi to bide fight. King Charles with hise knightes bolde 1220 Comen out Clarel to biholde,

140

Hou becom al redi dight, Boldeliche to bide fight. Clarel was bold on his hond, brave on his side For Otuwel sikerede him on hond had promised him 1225 That no man of flechs and blood Ne sscholde doon him nought bote good, Bot hemselve tweien fighte, only the two of them would fight And habbe the maistrie who so mighte. Tho was Clarel for trist confident 1230 Forto segge what him lust. That he could say what he liked King Charles was an old man, And Clarel hede theroffe nam, took heed thereof And seide, “Charles, thou art old, 1230 Who made thee nou so bold To werren oppon King Garsie, That is cheef of al painie? pagans Al paynime he haved in wold; he has command of all pagans Thou dotest for thou art so hold.” behave feeble-mindedly; old King Charles warythede anonright became enraged 1240 That Clarel tolde of him so light, had mocked And hadde iment tho fol wel wanted then very much To habben ifoughten with Clarel; To fight And bad fetten his armure bright fetch And wolde armen him anonright, 1245 And seide in wrathe, “By Godes mighte, Ich miself wole with him fighte!” Roulond bi the king stood And bigan to meven his mood, And sede to the king anon, 1250 “Thou havest, Sire King, mani on many Gode doughti knightes of deede; To fighte thiself tou ne havest no nede!” you have no need to fight “God sschilde, Sire,” quath Oliver, God forbid “Hit sscholde springe, fer or ner, That it should happen, far or near 1255 To putte thin oune bodi to fight put your own body in a fight And havest so mani a doughti knight.” While you King Charles swor his oth And bigan to wexe wroth, And seide, “For ought that man may speke, 1260 Miself ich wile ben on him wreke.” I will seek revenge myself “A, sire,” quath Otuwel tho, “For Godes love, sei nought so! Ich and he beth truthe plighte swore an oath That we sschole togidere fighte, 1265 And ich wole telle thee, withoute faille, Wherefore we habbe taken bataille. Why

141

He wolde habbe maked me yusterday To habbe reneied my lay, renounced my faith And seide that ich was ilore, damned 1270 And God nas nought of Marie bore, born And seide algate he wolde preve definitively That ich am in misbeleve. believe a false faith Therefore he profreth him to fight offered himself To wite whether is more of might: learn which [faith] 1275 Jhesu that is Louerd min, lord Or Mahoun and Apolyn. Thous we habbeth the bataille inome, And bothe we beth iswore to come.” Quath the King Charles tho, 1275 “Otuwel, whan it is so, if Tak the bataille, a Godes name, in And Jhesu schilde thee fram sschame.” Otuwel that noble knight Lette armen him anonright, 1285 And his gode stede bistrod, mounted And no lengere he ne abood, Bote to the stede he rood fol right, place There Clarel hovede to bide fight. Where; stood waiting Anon as Otuwel was icome, As soon as 1290 Here conseil was anon inome. pledge No lengere thei ne abiden; Anonright togidere thei riden. Noon other nas ham bitwene Bote gode stronge speres and kene; 1295 Nas never nother of other agast, afraid And either sat in his sadel fast, saddle steadily That bothe stedes yeden to grounde, fell And the knightes weren al sounde; And bothe stedes wenten forth, 1300 That on south, that other north. one The knighte on fote togidere yede, went An drowen hare swerdes gode at nede; Ne sparede thei nought the swerdes egge; edge Eyther on other bigan to legge. strike 1305 Thei were bothe swithe stronge And foughten togidere swithe longe. King Clarel was wel negh wood quite amazed That Otuwel so longe stood. In gret wrathe Otuwel he smot, 1310 And his swerd felliche bot, bit foully And thau the swerd nevere so good, The gode helm it withstood, helmet

142

Bote Otuwel astoneied was stunned There he stood up on the gras. 1315 Quath Otuwel, “So mote ich go, He ne lovede me nought that smot me so! He loves me not who hits me so Ich warne thee wel, so mote ich thee, Thou sschalt habbe as good of me.” You will have the same from me Otuwel for wrathe anon 1320 Areighte him on the chekebon Struck directly Al the fel of that was thare, flesh And made his teth al bare. exposed Tho Otuwel saugh is chekebon, When; saw his He gaf Clarel a skorn anon, mocked 1325 And seide, “Clarel, so mote thou thee, Whi scheuwestou thi teth to me? Why do you show your teeth to me I nam no toth-drawere! tooth-puller Thou ne sest me no cheine bere.” You don’t see me carrying a chain Clarel felede him wounded sore felt himself to be 1330 And was maimed for everemore, An smot to Otuwel with al his might. And Otuwel that doughti knight With his swerd kepte the dent deflected That Clarel him hadde iment, 1335 And yit the dent glood adoun glided And smot Otuwel oppon the croun. on the head Quath Otuwel, “Bi Godes ore, mercy Sarazin, thou smitest fol sore! Suthen thi berd was ischave, Now that your beard has been shaved 1340 Thou art woxen a strong knave.” You have become; young man Otuwel smot Clarel tho O strok and nammo, One; no more That never eft word he ne spak, again And so Otuwel his tene wrak. avenged his anger 1345 Tho was Charles glad ynough That Otuwel King Clarel slough, And gaf Otuwel that doughti knight A god erldam that selve night. good earldom; same Al that in the ost was 1350 Maden murthe and solas merriment and joy That Otuwel hadde so bigunne, And hadde so the maistri wonne. Al that night over al the ost, Thei maden alther joye most. exceeding joy 1355 Ther cam a messager and browghte tiding To Garsie that riche king That Otuwel, his cosin in lawe, Hadde King Clarel islawe.

143

Tho Garsie it undergat, When; received 1360 He was swithe sori for that, so dismayed And for wrathe there he stood, Corsede hise godes as he were wood, Cursed And seide, “Allas, and walawo! Nou is gode Clarel go! 1365 Certes, myn herte it wile tobreke Bote ich mowe Clarel awreke.” Unless Tho lette Garsie asemlen anon ordered to be assembled Alle hise Sarazins echon, And thoughte thoruout alle thing above all 1370 To ben awreken on Charles King, And on his cosin Otuwel, And on himself the wreche fel. achieve the vengeance himself King Charles herde be a spye That Garsie thratte him to die, 1375 And he asemblede hise knightes echon And sede to hem alle anon, “Lordinges, Garsie thinketh to ride; Forsothe, I nele no lengere abide!” I will The king armede him anon 1380 And alle hise knightes echon. The king gurde him with his swerd armed And wente himself with his ferd. army The king cam stilleliche with his ost, And Garsie cam with gret bost. 1385 Tho the ostes neigheden niegh When; came near That either ost other siegh, Out of Garsies ost cam ride A Turkien that was ful of prude. Turkish knight; pride Roulond was good and hende, 1390 And agenes him gan wende. The Tourkein no lengere nabod; held back To Roulond anon he rood And gurde Roulond with a spere, That wel couthe a strok bere, 1395 And as doughti as he was, But His o stirop he las. lost his stirrup Roulond was aschamed tharfore That he hadde his stirop lore, And with Dorendal that was good 1400 He smot the Tourkein oppon the hood, And he sey doun of his stede, fell down off So Rowlond quitte him his mede. paid him his reward Quath Roulond, “That ich thee biheet— promise Thou nult na more stonden on thi feet!

144

1405 Min o stirop thou madest me tine, lose Nou hauestou lose bothe thine!” Ther cam another stout Sarazin That was armed wel afin, completely That highte Myafle of Bagounde. 1410 And with a litel stounde short time He made his stede swithe to goon, quickly And smot Oliver anoon; Thorouout al his armure bright, He woundede sore that gode knight. 1415 Roulond saugh be contenaunse by his appearance His brother was hurt with le launce; His warde-cors anon he fond attendant And tok a spere out of his hond, And made his hors make a sturt advance 1420 To him that hadde his brother hurt, Toward And touchede him with the speres ord point That nevere eft he ne spak word, And tok Myafles stede anon And sette Oliver theron. 1425 There was a noble Sarazin, A king that heet Galatyn, And cam with a compainie, And bigan faste to hie. Otuwel was war of that, aware 1430 Oppon his stede there he sat, Hou King Galatin cam with wille Cristene men forto spille. kill With the spores the steede he nam, To Galatyn the king he kam; 1435 Thorou the bodi he him bar, And bad he scholde eft be war next time be wary Of such a strok whan it kam. Non other hede of him he ne nam, Bote rood forth oppon his stede, 1440 And leet the Sarazin ligge and blede. lie and bleed Tho smiten tho ostes togidere anon And foughten faste and good won, gained success And todaschten many a scheld; broke apart Mani a bodi lay in the feld. 1445 Tho cam over the donne ride hill riding An hethene king fol of prude, And browghte with him al ferche tho fiercely A thousende Sarazins and mo, And foughten faste a good stounde, 1450 And felden Cristene men to grounde.

145

A doughti bacheler cam ride Oppon King Charles side, A yong knight that sprong furst berd, growing his first beard Of no man he nas aferd. 1455 Five hundred men with him he broughte That of hare lif litel thei thoughte; Who cared little for their lives Nas non twenti winter old, And echon was doughti man and bold; He hadde ichosen hem fol wide, 1460 Bolde men bataille to bide. Thei foughten faste witheinne a stounde for a time And broughten Sarazins to grounde. Thei were bolde and foughten faste; The Sarazins flouwen ate laste. fled 1465 Roulond and Oliver hulpen wel, And the doughty Otuwel. Cousabex the king cam tho And mette fleinde a thousend and mo; fleeing “Traitours!” quath Coursabex the king, 1470 “Certes, this is a foul thing That ye schule fle for ferd! flee in fear Traitours, tourneth agein the berd! turn your faces around Tourneth agein, alle with me, And we wole make the Freinche fle!” 1475 Thous Coursabex himself allone Made tourne hem agein echone. The yinge knight that was so bold, Right nou that ich offe habbe told, With Coursabex wel sone he mette, soon 1480 And with his swerd anon he sette Such a strok oppon his croun That of his stede he fel adoun. The yinge knight to him cam, And Coursabex olive nam, took alive 1485 And sente him Charles the king— Tho was he glad of that tiding. Tho the Tourkeins seien alle When That Coursabex was falle, had fallen And Cristene men smite sore, 1490 Thei flouwen and nolde fighte namore; fled And the gode yinge knight Suwede and leiden doun right. Pursued There ne halp nough Sire Mahoun, The Tourkeins yeden faste adoun. fell 1495 Tho kam Poidras of Barbarin, Then came And with him mani a Sarazin.

146

Poidras oppon the yunge knight Leid on with al his might, Attacked And here men togidere huwen, slashed 1500 And hethene hornes faste blewen. Poidras and the yinge knight, Bitwene hem was strong fight; Poidras hadde the more mayn strength And hadde wel neigh the knight slain. very nearly 1505 Otuwel that doughti knight Was war of that anonright; Otuwel no lengere na bood, To Poidras anoon he rood, And smot Poidras of Barbarin 1510 That there he lay as a stiked swin. stuck pig Otuwel rood into the feerd, And leide on faste mid his swerd. Roulond and Oliver Negheden Otuwel ner 1515 And the berdles knight, And slowen Sarazins adounright. King Garsie herde withinne a stounde Hou hise men yeden to grounde. King Garsie hadde a conseiler, 1520 And anon he took him neer, And seide to him, “Sire Arperaunt, Agenes Otuwel myn herte stant, remains opposed That thous haueth reneied his lay thus; repudiated his faith And sleth mine men, night and day. 1525 Sire Arperant, what is thi reed advice That the thef traitour nere ded? is not dead Certes, Fraunce hadde be wonnen would have been conquered Ne hadde his tresoun be bigunnen!” Had not his treason begun “King Garsie,” quath Arperaunt, 1530 “Bi Mahoun that yonder stant, stands there Al the while that Roulond Mai bere Durendal in his hond, And Oliver rit by his side, For no thing that may betide, not for anyhing that may occur 1535 Thou ne schalt nevere Otuwel winne conquer For nought that evere thou kans biginne.” Tho was Garsie wel nygh wood For wrathe on molde there he stood. the ground There was an Affrikan gent nobleman 1540 That hatte Baldolf of Aquilent. King Garsie seide to him anoon, “Certes, Baldoff, thou most goon,

147

And take with thee knight an swein, knights and men And tourne the Cristene men agein; turn around 1545 And ich miself wole after come And helpe that Otuwel were nome.” Quath Baldolf, “Bi Sire Mahun, Louerd, we wole don what we moun, And com thou after and tak hede 1550 Wuche maner that we spede; And yef thou sest that nede be, Com and help us er we fle, before For whan an ost to flight is went, Bote socour come, it is schent.” Unless help comes, it will end in ruin 1555 Baldolf took his compainie And to the bataille he gan heye, hastened And withinne a litel stounde, Hard bataille thei habben ifounde. Otuwel doughti of dede, 1560 Where thei comen he took hede, And no lengere he ne bood, Bote hasteliche to ham he rood. Roulond and Oliver Neigheden Otuwel ner 1565 And the gode yinge knight That was so doughti man in fight. Tho thei foure weren ifere, When Tho mighte men seen and here Harde strokes dele and dighte, 1570 And with Sarazins boldeliche fighte. Ther cam out of Garsies ost A man that made muche bost, A king that hatte Karnifees, And muchel onour there he les. lost 1575 Ther kam a knight of Agineis, A bold man and a courteis, And with Carnifees he mette, And wende Carnifees to lette; intended to stop King Karnifees him haveth istunt has stopped 1580 And slough him ate forme dunt. with the first blow Tho Karnifees hadde thous do, When He wende to serven ham alle so. Otuwel no lengere na bood, To Karnifees anon he rood; 1585 Karnifees knugh Otuwel knew By hise armes swithe wel, And seide to the gode gome, man “Forsworne, thef, artou come!

148

Bi Mahoun,” quath Karnifees, 1590 Thou schalt hoppen heuedles!” go about headless Otuwel, withoute targing, delay Answerede Karnifees the king: “Bi Sein Geme, ich ne habbe nought munt James; don’t intend Tha thou schalt give me that dunt!” 1595 Thei nolden no lengere abide And togidere thei gunde ride. Karnifees smot Otuwel; Biside the heued the strok fel. A corner of Otuweles scheld 1600 He gurde out amidde the feld. carved out Quath Otuwel, “Good it wite, God knows That strok was wel ismite! Nou thou schalt, bi Seint Martyn, Preven a strok of myn!” Test 1605 Otuwel Karnifees smot With Corsouse that wel boot so well landed That Karnifees soughte the ground; Ros he nevere eft hol ne sound. Tho the Sarazins wisten alle When 1610 That Karnifees was ifalle, And that he nolde namore arise, Tho bigan ham alle to agrise, shudder with fear For in al Garsies feerd army Nas such a man to handle a swerd. There was never 1615 Tho tournde thei to flight, The Sarazins, anonright. Thous the gode Otuwel And Roulond that was good and snel, valiant Thoru the help of Godes might, 1620 Maden the Sarazins tourne to flight, Thorou swete Jhesu Cristes grace; And thei suweden faste the chasse. made a quick pursuit The Sarazins were so adredde Into the water manye fledde; 1625 Summe swumme and summe sunke, swam And coold water ynough thei drunke.

Til Roulond and Oliver the gode While In manie harde stoures stode, battles Godde Ogger in prisoun lay, [who] in 1630 Bothe bi night and eke be day. also Herkneth what hede good to him nam Listen; good luck to him And hou he out of prisoun kam. Sevene hethene knightes bolde

149

Ogger was bitaken to holde, were assigned to guard Ogier 1635 And the foure Ogger slough, And yit he skapede wel inough. then; escaped There was a noble skuier That with queintize halp Ogger; cunning Swithe priveliche and stille, secretly and quietly 1640 He broughte Ogger, to his wille, as he requested His swerd and his armure bright, And Ogger armede him anonright. himself Tho he hadde on his gode wede, When; clothing The squier broughte him a good stede. 1645 Ogger no lengere ne abood; The goodde stede he bistrood. The squier was armed and wel idight, And hadde a good hors and a light; good, swift horse And al so stille as a ston, just as quietly 1650 The squier lep to horse anon, And to the porteres windou he kam, And in his hond his mase he nam, mace And oppon the windou he schof struck That the windou al todrof. shattered 1655 Hit was abouten midnight And the porter was afright, And askede anon who was thare, And who makede al that fare. noise “Porter,” quath the squier tho, 1660 “Undo the gate, and let us go! We here tellen, bi Sire Mahoun, have heard That Cristene men goon alle adoun, And ich and mi felawes, iwis, We wole witen hou it is, 1665 And yef we ani good winne, goods Forsothe, thou schalt parten therinne!” have a part of it And he dude op the gate wide opened And lette ham bothe out ride, And steek agein the gate fast, closed 1670 And there thei sien Ogger last. they last saw Ogier Ogger rood al that night, Til on the morewen the day was bright, That nevere his feet comen on grounde Er he hadde his felawes founde. 1675 Tho Roulond and Oliver When Weren war of gode Ogger, Thei were fol glad of that sight And thonkeden Jhesu fol of might. Tho Roulond and Oliver When

150

1680 Adden imet with gode Ogger, Thei were also fous to fight eager As evere was a foul to flight, bird And wenten into the bataile anon, And foughten faste and good won, 1685 And made the Sarazins agaste, And Otuwel nas nought the laste. least [of them] Tho alle foure weren ifere, When Thar nere none strokes dere; There were never any harsher strokes Tho doughti knightes smiten so sore Then 1690 As thaugh thei ne hadden nought foughten yore, That withinne a litel stounde Sarazins yeden alle to grounde. King Garsie took god hede Hou his folk to grounde yede, 1695 And no lengere he ne abood; Toward his pavilons he rood. And Otuwel anoon byheld There he rod in the feld, Where And warende fore anon tho immediately warned in advance 1700 Roulond and Oliver bo, And Ogger that douhty knight That King Garsie was tornd to flight. Tho Roulond and Oliver When And the gode knight Ogger 1705 Sien where King Garsie rood, Ther nas non that lengere abood; Hasteliche the wey thei nomen, And to King Garsie thei comen. King Garsie was afered to deye 1710 And bigan mersi to crie, And seide, forsothe, that he wolde Of King Charles his lond holde, Under And ben at eche perlement, attend each council Redi at his comaundement. Obedient to Charles’s command 1715 King Garsie seide this, “For His love that youre Good is, Taketh me on live and sle me nought! Leet mi lif be forbought, ransomed And let me as prisoun goon prisoner 1720 Bifore King Charles anoon, And don him omage with myn hon hand To holden of him al mi lond!” Thanne seide Otuwel, That was doughti knight and snel, brave 1725 To Roulond and to Oliver

151

And to the gode knight Ogger: “Nou he haveth this gift igive, I rede that we laten him live. Bifore the king he schal be brought, 1730 For Gode, we nulle slen him nought.” An thei acenteden therto, And seiden, “It wile be wel ido.” And withouten any targing, delay Thei ladden him bifore the king. 1735 Thanne seide Otuwel that gode knight To King Charles anonright, “Sire,” he seide, “Her is Garsie, That sumtime thratte thee to die. once threatened He wile nou, yif thi wille be, 1740 Do thee omage and feauté homage and fealty And ben at thi comaundement, And at eche parlement Al redi at thin hond; And holden of thee al his lond, 1745 And for his lond rente give, With thee noue, he mote live.” so might he live

152

Textual Notes

Abbreviations: BW: Burnley Wiggins. H: Herrtage

1-5 MS: line breaks are arranged to accommodate the initial and marked with ending punctuation

marks.

6 Sarazins. So MS. BW, H: Sarrazins.

34 hel. So MS. BW, H: held.

36 Swich. So MS. BW, H: Suich.

59 with. So MS, BW. H: wit.

59 he. So H. MS, BW: ne.

69 Sarasin. So H. MS BW: sazasin.

71 There. So MS, BW: þere. H: þer.

77 Into the paleis tho he cam. MS repeats line at bottom of 268r at the top of 268v, spelling

palais in second copying. BW, H also omit repeated line.

78 hon. So MS, BW. H: hond.

98 gode. So MS, BW. H: godde.

121-128 MS: eight lines missing where a miniature has been removed.

134 the. MS, BW: þe. H omits words.

139 mi swerde, ful. So BW, H. MS: Text is rubbed away.

154 ani. So H. MS, BW: am.

178 asschamed. So MS, BW. H: aschamed.

187 Sire. So MS, BW. H: fire.

244 an. So MS, BW. H: and.

249 thine. MS, H: þine. BW: þin.

153

250 Sire. So MS, BW. H: fire.

261 sschal al. So MS, BW. H: sschall all.

269 oppon. So MS, BW. H: upon.

272 thou. MS, BW: þou. H: you.

279 King. So BW, H. MS: k rubbed from page.

285 was the king agramed. So BW, MS. H: was the king was a gramed.

287 Otuwel. So BW, H. MS: otuwet.

302 ich here. So MS. BW, H ich nought here.

326 falle. So MS, BW. H: false.

327 Iche wolle maketh so mote ihe thee. MS: line written in the margin, inserted between lines

326 and 328.

327 maketh. MS: makeþ. BW, H: make þe.

345 answerede. So MS, BW. H: answerde.

357 Nou. So MS, H. BW: ȝou.

361 a wreke. So MS. BW emends to will wreke. H: ich wille a-wreke.

363 Charle. So MS. BW, H: Charles.

368 fechen. So MS, BW. H: sechen.

428 nas. So MS, BW. H: was.

440 feel. So MS. BW, H: feeld.

452 druye. So MS, BW. H: druþe.

455 sterne. So BW. MS: stene. H: steue.

456 bothe. MS, BW: boþe. H: boþ.

462 bothe. MS, BW: boþe. H: boþ.

154

468 blenkte. So MS. BW, H: blenkt.

472 Bote. So MS. BW, H: Bot.

476 gon. So MS, H. BW: gan.

484 ich. MS, BW, H: Ihc.

484 isought. MS, BW: isouȝt. H: ifouȝt.

490 idrawe. So MS, BW. H: idraue.

492 ovede. So MS: ouede. BW, H: houede.

503 iche. So MS, BW. H: ich.

516 togidere. So MS, BW. H: to gider.

518 feled. So BW, H. MS: d is superscript, inserted with caret.

528 my. So BW, MS. H: mi.

547 ende. So BW, MS. H: end.

554 Roulond. So BW, MS. H: roulonde.

574 you. So BW, H. MS: won.

603 likede. So MS, BW. H: likete.

612 wroth. So BW, H. MS: worþ.

618 hon. So MS. BW, H: hond.

633 adde. So MS, BW. H: hadde.

633 thee. BW, H: þe. MS: þe is superscript, inserted with caret.

635 al. So MS, BW. H: all.

654 goo. So MS. BW, H: go.

661 yef. So H, BW. MS: ȝef ȝef.

662 lose. So MS, BW. H: lese.

155

669-670. Whether wole we wenden oppon him anon/Other abide til winter be gon. So BW, H.

MS: Scribe initially omitted line 670. The line is copied at the bottom of the column, and

scribe uses marginal a and b to note the proper placement of the line.

678 Herneth. MS: herneþ. BW, H emend to herkneþ.

683 bond. So MS, BW. H: hond.

685 an. So MS, H. BW emends to and.

695 bisides. So MS, BW. H: besides.

697 nygh. MS, BW: nyȝ. H: niȝ

711 an. So MS. BW, H: and.

716 Suche. So MS. BW, H: Such.

719 ost. So MS, BW. H: oft.

720 for te. So MS, BW. H: for to.

725 Curabeles. MS, BW, H: Turabeles.

740 neve. MS: neue. BW, H: neuer.

741 Roulond So MS. BW, H: Roulonde.

747 Roulond. So MS. BW, H: Rouland.

748 Yich. MS: Ȝich. BW: Iich. H: Ich.

751 founden. So MS, BW. H: fonnden.

760 is tis. So MS, BW. H: is þis.

781 adon. So MS, H. BW: a doun.

789 He ne. So H. BW: he ne (ne). MS includes a second ne, which I have omitted. BW puts

second ne in parenthesis, likely to preserve meter.

785 Balsamun. So MS, BW. H: balsamum.

156

787 pingde. So MS, BW. H: þingde.

817 Roulond. So MS. BW, H: Rouland.

823 maner. So MS, BW. H: manner.

826 nought. MS, BW: nouȝt. H: nouȝte.

832 swerd tok. So MS, BW. H: swerd he tok.

840 ut. MS: vt. BW, H: vp.

842 presente. So H. MS, BW: preseute.

849 paviloun. MS, BW: pauiloun. H: pauilon.

869 were. So MS. BW, H: where.

872 mot entenden. So MS, BW. H: moten tenden.

908 An. So MS. BW, H: and.

914 bar. So MS. BW, H: bare.

938 where youre. MS: where ȝoure. BW, H: where is ȝoure.

963 op. So MS, BW. H: ap.

964 wonde. So MS, H. BW: wounde.

968 nas. So MS, BW. H: was.

970 thei. So BW, H. MS: rei.

981 com. So MS. BW, H: come.

986 come. So MS. BW, H: to me.

1009 yo. MS, BW, H: ȝo.

1015 An. So MS. BW, H: and.

1022 hise. So BW, H. MS: hise is superscript, inserted with caret.

1026 an. So MS, H. BW: and.

157

1027 Ove. MS: Oue. BW, H: Ouer.

1046 sucour. So MS, BW. H: socour.

1061 An. So MS. BW: and.

1069 Otuel. So MS, BW. H: otuwel.

1149 And. So MS, H. BW omits word.

1167 rede. So BW, H. MS: rere.

1196 deth. MS, BW: deþ. H: deaþ.

1206 sschal. So MS, BW. H: sschall.

1208 Tomorwe. So BW, H. MS: r is superscript, inserted with caret.

1209 the. MS, H: þe. BW: þei.

1221 becom. So MS, BW. H: he com.

1223 hond. So MS, BW. H: bond.

1224 Otuwel. So BW, H. MS: tuwel.

1229 for. So BW. H: fol. MS: scribe initially copied for and then wrote an l over the r.

1238 hold. So MS, H. BW: bold. BW notes that the h has been altered to form a b in the

manuscript.

1302 An. So MS, H. BW: and.

1311 swerd nevere so. MS: swerd neuere so. BW swerd neuere nere so. H: swerd nere neuere

so.

1323 is. So MS, H. BW: his.

1326 Thi. MS, BW: þi. H: þe.

1331 An. So MS, H. BW: and.

1335 yit. So H. MS, BW: ȝit.

158

1350 Maden. So BW, H. MS: aaden.

1353 night. MS: niȝt. BW, H: miȝt.

1367 asemlen. So MS, H. BW: semblen.

1388 Turkien. So MS, BW. H: turkein.

1404 stonden. So MS, BW. H: stenden.

1416 le. So MS. BW, H: þe.

1433 steede. So MS, BW. H: stede.

1445 donne. So MS. BW, H: doune.

1456 thoughte. MS, BW: þouȝte. H: rouȝte.

1461 witheinne. MS, BW: wiþeinne. H: wiþ inne.

1467 Cousabex. So MS, BW. H: Coursabex.

1472 berd. So MS, BW. H: herd.

1492 leiden. So MS, BW. H: leidon.

1493 nough. MS: nouȝ. BW, H: nouȝt.

1514 Negheden. MS: Neȝeden. BW, H: Neiȝeden.

1523 reneied. So MS, BW. H: reneid.

1536 kans. So MS, H. BW: kanst.

1543 an. So MS. BW, H: and.

1594 tha. MS, H: þa. BW: þat.

1596 And. So MS, BW. H: anon.

1621 thorou. MS, BW: þorou. H: þrou.

1625 swumme. So BW, H. MS: smume.

1628 manie. So BW, H. MS: mananie.

159

1669 gate. So H. So MS, BW: ȝate.

1680 Adden imet with gode Ogger. So H. MS: adden imet wiþ gode. BW: hadden imet wiþ gode

Ogger.

1683 bataile. So MS, BW. H: bataille.

1693 took god. So MS, BW. H toke god.

1713 perlement. So MS, BW. H: parlement.

1721 hon. So MS. BW, H: hond.

1729 schal. So MS, BW. H: schall.

1731 An. So MS, H. BW: and.

160

Explanatory Notes

1 The indentations throughout the poem follow markings in the manuscript noting stanza

breaks. In addition to these breaks noted in the manuscript witness, I have also introduced

a few breaks throughout the poem to highlight transitions in the narrative, either for

major shifts in the plot (such as the one that occurs after Otuel's conversion) or shifts

between different scenes of action (such as when Ogger is imprisoned).

11 Seint Denys. Saint-Denis is a commune in France near Paris that is named for the Basilica

of Saint Denis, which houses the relics and shrine of the martyred first bishop of Paris.

During the Middle Ages, the Basilica of Saint Denis had a strong connection to the royal

line of France, and many kings were buried there.

17 Lumbardie. Lombardy is an Italian region is close to France. Once a rich region with

strong rulers, it was conquered by Charlemagne during his reign, and was key to the

expansion of his empire.

59 duzzeperes. According to legend, Charlemagne recognized twelve knights or “peers,” his

douze pairs, who were his fiercest warriors and held a special place in his court. The two

words were combined into the single term douzepers, spelled a variety of ways in Middle

English.

104 thorte drinke win. The comment that Otuel would drink wine is one example of the

common inaccuracies in medieval English depictions of Muslims. While most Muslims

do not consume alcohol, medieval English writers preferred to depict Muslims as prone

to excess, so they often portrayed Muslims consuming wine.

161

139 Corsouse. Corsouse, or Cursu as it is spelled in other Middle English romances featuring

Otuel, is the name of Otuel’s sword. Meaning curse, the name is appropriate for the

sword of the fearsome Saracen knight.

187- 194 ordre. Otuwel tells the knights to sit down, and uses a pun on “ordre” to threaten them.

He tells them that if any of them are so bold to try to strike him, the only ‘ordres’ they

will take are from his sword, Corsouze, not any bishop. ‘Ordre’ can mean holy orders,

such as becoming a clergyman, but it can also mean a blow to the head.

256-9 That haveth his o doughter to wif. The phrasing of Otuel’s threat is ambiguous, and could

either mean that Garcy plans to give Charlemagne’s land to Olescent, who is the son of

the king of Armenia, and is the father of Garcy’s wife; or that Olescent is married to his

own daughter. Both meanings fit the context of the sentence; Otuel could either be telling

Charlemagne that his lands will be a gift for Garcy’s father-in-law or casually discussing

a Saracen marital practice that would horrifying Christian audiences.

349 Fernagu. Otuel’s reference to his uncle Fernagu, or Vernagu as it is spelled in Roland

and Vernagu, highlights one of his central motivations for coming to Charlemagne’s

court, and reveals his deep-seated enmity for Roland. Vernagu is the giant but well-

mannered Saracen who came as a messenger to Charlemagne in Roland and Vernagu,

which directly precedes Otuel a Knight in the narrative chronology of the Otuel-cycle

romances. Vernagu defeats—but does not kill—several of Charlemagne’s knights before

facing Roland in combat. Roland and Vernagu have a civil discussion of Christian

theology during a break from their duel, but Vernagu still rejects Christianity and is slain

by Roland. Vernagu is Otuel’s uncle, and Otuel would like to avenge his death.

162

645 Bishop Turpin. Archbishop Turpin is mentioned in historical records of Charlemagne’s

life and is an important figure in the Chanson de Roland and the Middle English

Charlemagne romances. Turpin’s role in Roland and Vernagu and the three versions of

the Otuel story is somewhat limited to traditional ecclesiastical duties befitting an

archbishop, such as holding mass and baptizing converts, but Turpin is a central character

in The Siege of Milan.

724 finden in romaunse write. It is common for romance authors to refer to a source or

sources for their works, a trope that is intended to lend credibility to their tales.

891 Sein Martin. Martin of Tours, a fourth-century bishop and martyred saint, died in

modern-day France. His shrine is located in Tours, and he was an important spiritual

figure for European Christians, particularly the French.

1013 overmyghte. The MED defines this term as “beyond endurance,” but Otuel a Knight is the

only text that contains this term.

1276 Apolyn. Middle English romance depictions of Islam falsely present Muslims as

polytheists who worship idols, often naming three or four gods who are central to the

fictional faith of the Saracens: Mahoun, Jupiter, Apolin, and Termagaunt.

1325-1328 When Otuel slices off Clarel’s cheek, Clarel’s teeth are exposed. Otuel mocks him,

asking him why he is showing his teeth, and pointing out that he is clearly not a tooth

puller, because he does not carry a chain, which would be used to pull out teeth. This

somewhat clumsy taunt is different in the other two Middle English versions of Otinel.

1399 Dorendal. According to legend, Durendal was the name of Roland’s sword. The sword

has various mythical or divine origins.

163

1530 Bi Mahoun that yonder stant. It is likely that Arperaunt is referring to an idol located

nearby.

164

Otuel and Roland

Otuel and Roland is a Middle English tail-rhyme romance found in the Fillingham manuscript, which was copied in the second half of the fifteenth century. Otuel and Roland has two halves: the first, which tells the story of the Saracen Otuel’s conversion and deeds of valor; and the second, which covers the plot of the Song of Roland, in which Charlemagne’s ill-fated attempt to conquer Saragossa leads to Roland’s death. Otuel and Roland is notable for not only its inclusion of Roland’s death, but also its emphasis on the familial tie between Otuel and Vernagu, the slain giant of Roland and Vernagu.

Herkenyth lordynges, and gevyth lyst, listen In the worchyp of Jhesu Cryst, Off a conquerour That was yhote Sir Charlemayn, called 5 Howe he wan Galys of Spayne Galicia With ful grete honour, And how that he overcam ...... With full grete vygour, 10 And howe Rowland and othyr knytys to two Ageyn four knytys foughtyn do, Against; then And ever was a grete warryour.

And the Kyng Ebryan Ebrahim Helde werre ageynes ham, them 15 And greved hem ful sore; wounded them And howe Rowlond slowe Vernagu slew Thorugh the myght of Jhesu, That leved in false lore; believed; false beliefs And the caytyf Emon wicked 20 Helde werre agens Charlyon Thrytty wyntyr and more, Thirty winters And magre hym and al hys in spite of Thorugh the myght of Jhesu In the Mount Albene thay wore. were

25 And ther Rouland the gode knyght Overcom Otuell in fyght— Nowe ye schulle yhuyre— hear

165

And was cristenyd withoute fayle, [Otuel] was baptized And helpe Charls in many a batayle, 30 And was hym lef and dere. beloved and dear

And all the dussyperys with hym, twelve peers Bothe Gwynes and Sir Turpyn, Ganelon That was stoute in fyght; strong And howe Charls aftyr than 35 All hys fomen overcam enemies Thorowe the grace of God Almyght; With swerdys dynt, withouten les, lies [i.e., truly] Hys lond he held in grythe and pes, order and peace Withoute warre and fyght. 40 The Ercheboschop Syr Turpyn Alle those dedys wrote in Latyn deeds Whiles he hem saugh in syght. As; witnessed them Off Charls that was so grym, stern Nowe y wolle begynne of hym 45 To tell you aryght.

Nought longe theraftyr yt was, That ther byfel a wondyr cas marvel On Chyldermasse day. Christmas Charlys, thorugh Goddys grace, 50 Out of Parys toke the pas path To Seynd Denys, the ryght way. Saint-Denis Hys dussypers with hym he ladde, And other men, also goode and sadde, trustworthy And knytys stoute and gay. mighty and merry 55 Thenne came there a messynger That was bothe stout and fer, fierce And made grete deray. trouble

Syr Otuell he hyght, was called A man of moche myght, 60 To batayll he was boun. ready To hym he clepyd a knyght called That was curteys and wyght, brave Gawter off Amoun, And sayd, “Syr, Y thee beseke beseech 65 That thou woldyst me teche show To Kyng Charlyon, And to Roulond hys nevewe nephew That hath many a vertu And grete of renon.” renown 70 And tho Gawter answered, then

166

And sayde, “He with the hore berde, white That ys Charlyon.

And the dussipers that sitten hym next, Tho arne the twelf that thou syxt, Those are; see 75 Curteysly, withoute lesyng.” lying [i.e. truly] Otuel yede the kyng nere went And hym myssayde, as ye now here, insulted And bade hym sytte stylle And sayde, “Y am Garcies messanger— 80 In alle thys world nys hys peer. none is He hath me sent thee tylle. to you The wylde fyre, that ys so sterne, wild fire [of battle]; savage Thyn hore lokkys there schulle berne white locks; burn For thyn dedes ylle. wicked 85 And Roulond that Y be thee se, see beside you And alle tho that be wyght thee, those; with Yut Y hope to spylle.” slay

Roulond sayde, “Do nought ylle, But thou haddyst eny skylle, If you have any sense 90 To none that ys hereinne. But yf thou haddyst spylt Unless; cause harm Ere eny thyng more mysgylt, Before; offends Harm schal tou none wynne.” No harm will come to you Charlemayn the conquerour 95 Comaunde to ever dussiper, every What tale that he bygynne, Whatever his message be That no man leye on hym none hond To to the messanger no schond— To do; disgrace Hys wyt hys ful thynne. He has a dim wit

100 “Ye, Charls, ne care thou nought therefore— don’t worry about that That ylke man nys nought ybore No one has yet been born That durst me abyde. dares; fight Though he hadde my deth yswore, Al hys oth schulde be forlore oath; broken 105 Whylys that Y have by my syde Cursins my goode swerde, Corsouse Wherwith Y was fyrst gerde armed Off Kyng Garcy with pride.” By Roulond sayde, “Styfly thou standyst Proudly 110 And ful yelpe wel thou canst, boast And wel canst chyde. insult Yf thou wylt thyn erande bede, Carry on your errand Tel on and wende hom in thy nede— go home

167

No lenger that thou ne abyde!” stay

115 Tho were the Frenche stylle, silent And Otuel gan to carpe grylle speak fiercely To Syre Charlemayn, And sayde, “Garcy sent me thee tylle, And sayde that he wyl thy body spylle kill 120 For the wynnyng off Spayne. Byleve on hys God Mahon, Jubiter, and Syre Platon, Thou mayst be ful fayn.” You must [do so] eagerly Charls sayde, “So mote Y thee, thrive 125 That ylke thay schal thou never se, very day I telle thee for certayn,

That Y schal byleve on Termagaunt, [never] believe Ne on mametrye that yow by stant, idolatry; adhere to Whyle me lastyd my lyf, 130 But by the Kyng in Trinité! Al so sone as Y may Garcé se, Out off londe Y schal hym dryve.” “Ye, so thynketh me,” quod Otuel, “The Frenche konne yelpe wel— boast 135 Ful evyl mote they thryve! Faynte men thay gonne agaste, They frighten cowards And off here dedys thay best unwraste, are worthless Suche maystrye to kythe.” proclaim

Tho sayde Syre Charlyon, 140 “Sarsin, so helpe thee Mahon, Saracen Wyl Garcye with me fyght?” “Ye, syre,” he sayde, “By my croune, Alle the Frenche to fylle adoun, conquer Be thay never so wyght. mighty 145 I wote he haght redy thare know; has commanded An houndred thousand men and mare, By day and be nyght; For nothyng wel he flen, flee Though he wyste yslaw to ben, knows he will be slain 150 For no maner syght.

And yut hath my Lord Garcy recently Has don arered in Lumbardy raised A burgh that ys ryche, city Ful wel hyt ys walled uyterly. completely 155 The bourgh hys hote Utaly— called; Ataly

168

There nys none so ryche! Two wateres rennen there abowte rivers That hym bytrenten, san doute, encircle it With many a dep dyche. 160 Yf thow wylt, Charls, undyrfare, journey [to Utaly] Men schulle se thy sydes bare With many a sory tyche. wound

Thow olde cherl,” Otuel sayde, “Come nought there, Y thee rede, 165 But go and make a flyng start To throwe aboute, in ferhede, dotage Pies and crowes to don to deth, Magpies And other foules, olde and yong! birds For age ys stolen thee uppon, 170 And thy lyf dayes beght ny don, are nearly done And don hys alle thy werryng. warring Thou nart nought wordy at nede worthy Ageynes a knyght to prike a stede, And thynne arn al yong.” your [knights] are all too young

175 “Schrew Sarsin,” Roulond sayde, “Were thow al so doughty in thede as; deed As tou nowe seist with worde, Alle thys lond in lengthe and brede Myght have of thy body drede, 180 Withouten speres orde. point And thou unto Lumbardy fare, If And Y may mete thee there With Dorundale my brond, Durendal I schall wyte howe hyt can byte teach you 185 For thy wordys and thy dyspyte, insults By Jhesu Crist my Lorde.”

“Ye,” sayd Otuel, and lowe, laughed “The brydde that syttyth on the bowe, bird; bough For drede of thee fle he wyl fonde, be tempted to flee 190 And Y schall wete wel ynowe know; enough Why thou makyst hyt sa towe How tough you will make it Yf thou wylt come to honde. to fight The wylde best in the fryth wild beast; forest Ther ne may no man make hys gryth protect him 195 Where thou hom fynde in londe. If you were to find him

Yf thou wylt with me fyght, Do arme thee anoneryght immediately

169

And go we pley in same. together Y am redy, syker Y thee plyght, truly; promise 200 Have Y helme and hauberk bryght To layke with thee a game. play Men schull wyte be lyte know in a short time Wetheres swerde can bettyr byte, Which And that ys levest to grame, which is most eager to harm 205 Wethyr swyrd bettyr byte schall, Of Cursins and of Dorundale, By Mahon swete name!”

Rouland sayd, “Y wyl thee nought spare, And Y wyst to fynde thee thare, Should I happen 210 Forthe with thee wolde Y fyght.” And Otuel sayd, “Have thou no care, Into a medowe we schul fare, By Mahon ful of myght! And wethur of us hym withdrawe, 215 Men schull dene the ryght sawe judge; verdict Longe er hyt be nyght.” before And Rouland sayd with wordys bolde, “That ilke covenaunt Y schall holde very same Thorugh grace of God Almyght.”

220 Gauter of Amoun and Oger, Ogier And Olyver and hys fadyr Reyner, Charls comaunded in fere, together And hys chamberleyn Reyner, And yfynde the messanger supply to 225 All that nede were. All that he needs

Here bygynnyth a batayle snelle fierce Off Rowland and off Otuel, That wondyrlyche was in syght, And howe Otuel ycristened was. 230 Herkenyth nowe a mery pas story And of a stronge fyght!

Amorwe er it were daylyght morning; before And er the sonne schon bryght, Charls to chyrche yede, went 235 To byseche God Almyght For Roulond that noble knyght, To helpe hym at nede, With alle the dussypers, And the abbot of Seynt Omeres, Omer

170

240 In ryme as Y rede. The abbot song the masse With ful moche mekenesse piety And bad Roulond that God schulde hym spede. prayed

Kyng Charls brought a basyn 245 With florens of gold fyn, fine gold coins And yede to the offryng. That he wan of a Sarsin Whatever In the lond of Appolyn, Withoute eny lesyng, lying 250 Charls offrede the basyn al; And Roulond offred Dorundal, ...... n to honouryng, ...n pound of florens, Y undyrstonde. ...Dorundale that good bronde 255 ...... yn gaf Charls the kyng.

...whenne the masse was don everidel, completely ....com the Sarsin Otuel ...... ay al in hyghyng: haste ...ys Roulond he ys nought lel! loyal 260 ...trouth nys neveradel! nothing at all ...... deth of hys endynge...... ale yesterday there he stode, ...... was lete blod, ...... wenyng, 265 ...... ough so byhyd, ...... chal out be kyd, ...... nge dwellyng.

...... kneled in a schapel ...... e Sarsin Otuel, 270 What bost he gan blowe. He yede to hym with hert lel, And sayde, “Dogge, thou lyest by Seynt Mychel, And that schal thou ben knowe! For Y was never pale ne wan, 275 For Sarsin ne for no man, So God my soule owe.” owns Tho Charls the conquerour Then Comandyd to every dussyper To arme Roulond arowe. one by one

280 The dussypers everychone Yede to arme Roulond anone, Came

171

Alle withoute fayle. On hym an haketon thay gonne done padded jacket Over hys hauberk, that bryght schon, coat of mail 285 That ryche was of mayle— And it made, ywys, was made, truly That was whylom Denys prentys— By one who was once an apprentice of Denis Off a trewe entayle. beautiful design Estre of Langares, that was lel, 290 Brought hym an helm off steel Ful strong to assayle.

The helm was grene as glas Tha whylome hit aught Galyas, once was owned by And sythe Kyng Barbatyan. afterwards 295 Hym gert in that plas armed With Dorundale that good was, That he byfore wanne. Duk Reyner hym brought a schyld, A fayrer myght have be non in feld, 300 And that wel many a man telle can, With a lyon thereinne raumpande, reared up That whylome aught a geante was once owned by a giant That was a doughty man.

Tho Olyver hym brought a spere, Then 305 As good as any man myght bere In feld to batayle; Kyng, knyght, ere any ryder or Myght it ful wel were, Hys enymye to assayle. 310 The Duk Terry sette anone The spores that of gold schon, spurs; shone Forsothe withoute fayle.

Oger hym brought hys stede, As good as any man myght lede— 315 Hyt was wonne in Hongery. Hit ne bar never knyght at nede But he schulde wel spede have success And wynne the maystery. The sadyl was wel dere-worth, splendid 320 The beste aboven erthe That eny man myght aspeye. find Roulond into the sodel sprong, And rod hym to Charls the kyng, Hys mercy forto crye. To seek his blessing

172

325 Kyng Charls hef up hys hond held And blessyd hys cosyn Roulond, And at hym leve he tok, he [Roland] took his leave [of Charles] And into the medewe he gan ryde. There ran a water by that syde, 330 That was a wel dep brok. brook That on Leire ycleped ys, Loire And that other Some, ywys, Somme Also sayth sure the bok.

Anone com Otuel to the kyng, 335 And bysought hym in hyyng at once That he hym lente armur: should lend Spere and schyld atte bygynnyng, first Helm, hauberk, and other thyng That myght dyntes endure. blows 340 Kyng Charls called Belysent, Hys doughter, so fayre and gent, Curtayse, cler, and pure. “Doughter, tak to the messanger Into thy chaumber ryght now here, receive 345 And arme hym wel and sure.”

The mayde hym answared with hert lel, “Y schal hym arme swythe wel, very As ye han me bede.” bidden Sche toke Laumbr de Mouble, 350 And mayde Resonet de Rowenele, To fette forthe hys wede. garments Sche went to the kynges cheste And tok armur of the beste That eny knyght myght lede, wear 355 And gan to arme that hethen knyght, That in batayle ne in fyght So that Off no man hym ne drede. He might fear no man

Fyrst an haketon of fyn styl, padded jacket And an hauberk ywrought ful wel, coat of mail 360 She dude on that knyght. Mayde Rosynet de Rowenel An helme brought to Syre Otuel, And on hys heued hyt dyghte. head; placed The helme was riche, for the nonys, 365 Off sylver, gold, and precious stones That schone ful bryghtt.

173

The Belysent hym gyrde Then With Cursins hys gode swerde Corsouse That felon was in fyght. fierce

370 The burde Belysent hym brought lady; shield A schylde, no bettyr myght be wrought, Forsothe withoute fable. Hyt was so wel ywrought That none myght bettyr be thought, 375 With thre Sarisins heuedys of sabyl black In syghte of hys schylde, to lede. on the front of; carry Thay broughten to hym Mygades stede Out of the kyngys stable; Anon the stede wyst wel 380 That hys maystyr Otuel Schuld to batayle. The mayde Rosenet de Rouenel Thoo spores fettyn hym, good and lel, Then Wythouten ony fable. 385 The Sarisin spronge into the sadyl anone, And priked the stede and let hym gone, That was of fayre entayle. appearance Agen to Belysent he rode; The mayde stode and abode, 390 That was of hye parayle. high nobility

“Damysel, gramercy!” sayde Otuel, “Myn armure ys good and lel, trustworthy By that Y se in syght; And that schal Rouland fynde wel, 395 With my swerde yground of stel, That Y am a man of myght.” “Syre Otuel,” quod that mayd smale, “I rede thee that thou kepe fro Dorundale, advise For Rowland ys a man ful wyght; powerful 400 And but thou kepe wel thyne heued, Unless Ellys hyt worthe sone astoned become; smashed Ful longe ere hyt be nyght. before

Ac thyke Lorde, that best may, But; this same Fro schame schylde thee today, 405 Yf yt be Hys wylle.” Otuel went forthe hys way Into the medewe as hyt lay; Rowland he thought to spylle. kill Kyng Charls the conquerour

174

410 Went up into hys toure, An gan to crye schrylle: loudly “Now, lordyngys al!” he sayde, “Gothe nowe fast oute of the mede, meadow That no man come hem tylle!” near them

415 And the knyghtes with sperys tho Smyten her horsys and let hem go, As men of moche myght. In the felde to fyght thay were tho, For eythyr was other foo— 420 That was a sely syght! remarkable The gonne to ryden with grete raundon speed Eyther to bere other adown, With strengthe and fyght. The speres were scharp and gode, 425 And thorugh the schyldes they wode, pierced Into here bryny bryght. coats of mail

Yperced was eyther scheld That the speres al toschyvered, splintered That were so gret and long. 430 Of here stedys they fellyn adoun, Off So dude eyther gomphanon— banners No game was hem among! Tho sone thay wyste that thay were sounde As soon as And neyther of hem hadden wounde, 435 Anone ageyn to hors they sprong; Ful faste they gonne togedyr smyte Ful sterne strokys and stryte, violent The fyr therafter outsprong.

“Now,” quod Belysent, “Y am sure 440 That good and trewe ys Otuels armure; The sothe Y se everydele. To God Y make my prayer, As He hys Lord and brought ous dere, is; bought Leve hym to spede wel.” Allow 445 The knyghtes eft togyder gonne ryde And foughten as they were wode, With good hert and lel; Duk Roulond with Dorundale, He gaf strokys many and fele, 450 And spared neveradel. not a bit

Roulond with Dorundale so fel

175

A sterne stroke gaf Otuel Uppon the helm so schene, bright That god and stonys and crystall god [i.e., depiction of Mahoun] 455 Tobrokyn and into the foeld fel, To wetyn and nought to wene. To know and not to guess Hys honde he withdrowe, aplyght, certainly And smote a dynte of muche myght so much That thay myghten it sene. 460 The hors byfore the knyght in front of By the schuldrys anoneryght, He smote on the grene.

Otuel fyl to grounde And felt hym hole and sounde, himself to be 465 And sayd to Rouland in sede, in his seat “Yut am Y hole and sounde, And thou worse than ony hounde, So Mahon me spede! Thou hast don grete vylonye 470 Wenne thou sparest my bodye And hast slayn my stede. And er we departe atto, Y schall do thee moche wo And do thy sydes to blede.” make

475 Anon Sir Otuel with hys honde A strok gaf Sir Roulande, A ful styrne dynt of myght. He forcarfe, Y understande, sliced off A grete pese with hys honde 480 Of hys hauberk, ful ryght. The stede he carf even ato, Bytwene the schuldrys, anoneryght tho, Even into the erthe ryght. Roulond fel to the grounde, 485 But he ne hadde no wounde, He thonkyth God Almyght.

Tho was Rouland sore agramyd; enraged Was he never so sore aschamed Byfore in no batayle. 490 Eft they foughten in samen, Once again; together Ne was ther no chyldys game, So harde gan eythyr othyr assayle. The medewe quok of her dynt, quaked with their strokes The fyr outsprang as spark of flynt,

176

495 Oute of helme, hauberk, and mayle. Tho Roulond hastylyche anone Dronke to hym wel good wone good fortune Of strokys, withouten fayle.

Quod Belysent to the kyng tho, 500 “Thy batayle worthe sone ydo, will soon be done By that Y se in syght. The swete worchyth hem to wo, sweat stirs; woe That here hertys bothe to two Bene astonyed of fyght.” dazed 505 Kyng Charls felle don on knees tho, And an oryson to God he gan do, prayer That ys in hevyn lyght, That He sende pes hem bytwene, And the Sarisin to be Cristen, 510 As He ys ful of myght.

Roulond to Otuel tho sayd, “Sarisin, do by my rede, advice And leve on God Almyght! believe in And to the kyng Y woll thee lede, 515 And he woll geve thee to mede as a reward Hys doughtyr so bryght. And thou and I and Oliver Mowen wende togedyr in fere May go; as companions Into batayle and into fyght. 520 Ne schulle we fynde in no londe None that schall us withstonde, Neythyr kyng ne knyght.”

Quod Otuel, “So mote Y thee, thrive That ne schaltou never se— 525 To forsake Mahon, Ne Tormegaunt that ys so fre, Ne Jovyn, the goddys thre, That beth goddys of grete renown! By that I have ymen Instead I intend that 530 Erst Y schall geve thee a dynt First With Cursins my fauchon!” sword Efte togedyr they smyten, aplyght, Again Eythyr of hem was so lyght agile And wode as eny lyon. mad

535 Duk Roulond the gode knyght Smote a dynt of moche myght

177

Anone to the paynym. Therof the Sarisin hadde a syght And that strok he flye, aplyght, dodged 540 That hyt fel bysyde hym. The hauberk fro the schuldyr bone, Rouland carf yt down anone— That was a stroke ful grym! “Allas!” he sayde, “unworthy in hape.” luck 545 For ther ne fel out no blodys drepe drops of blood Out there at none lym. any limb

The Frenche cryed anonryght, “Nowe overcome ys thys fyght, Thorughe helpe of God and Marye!” 550 At lyte they knewe that hethyn knyght, Little did they know By God that thys world had dyght, Ne nothyng of hys felonye. Nor anything of his sleight Roulond on the holme he smote With Cursins that bytter bote bitterly struck 555 A strok with grete envye. malice Yf the swerde ne hadde ywenyd, slipped Rouland hys lyf ther hadde lenyd, lost And Otuel wonne the maystrye.

Tho was Rouland swythe wo very dismayed 560 That he ne myght that Sarisin slo That was so ful of pryde. The Sarisin smote efte so once again Hys hauberk evene ato, evenly in half Evene alonge by the syde. The Frenche seyen that all, saw 565 And to Jhesu Cryst they gonne calle, And alle to God helpe they cryede. With that ther come a colvyr bryght dove That fro hevene tho lyght, alighted 570 In that ilke tyde. very moment

The Holy Gost thorugh here alder prayer of them all Alyght apon that Sarisin there Thorugh Goddys holy myght. Tho sayd the messanger, 575 “Leve Roulond, come me ner. Dear Y have forlorne my fyght. given up Mahon and Jovyn Y wyl forsake, And to Jhesu Crist Y wyl me take To bene Hys knyght.”

178

580 The Sarisin drewe awey hys bronde, threw And so dude Duk Roulond, And kust hem anonryght. they kissed

And Charls went thyder anone, And so dud the barons echon 585 That weren in that cyté. Quod Charls, “How ys thys ydon?” And Rouland sayd to hym anon, “Thys Sarisin Cristen wyl be, But thou most sese in hys hond grant 590 Belysent, with muche londe, Thy doughtyr, fayr and fre.” Tho sayd Charls the kynge, “Y am glad of thys tythyng tiding That Y hem so schal se.”

595 To chyrche they went anonryght, And Turpyn cristened that knyght That couthe Goddys lawe. learned The kyng toke her by the hond; “Doughtyr,” he sayd, “to me thou undyrstond from me 600 Nowe a lyte throwe in a short while Thou schalt be weddyd to thys knyght.” “Syr,” sche sayd, “syker aplyght, very truly Therof Y am ful fawe.” willing Tho sayd Charls to Sir Otuel, 605 “Thou schalt have thys damysel Ryght as for thyn awe.” own

Quod Otuel, “Yf ye love me wel, Ye ne dur drede neveradel need never endure dread at all Off Garcins grete power.” 610 The mayde yaf agen an answere, “Syr,” sche sayd, “Have thou no care, By Goddys moder dere, Y love thee more in hert myn Thanne Y do my fadyr and al my kyn 615 That me to woman bere.” That bore me of a woman

Syr Otuel to the kyng sayde, “Thou most lede with thee thys mayde must take Withouten eny vylonye, With knyghtys gode, doughty in dede, 620 With schyld, and spere, and many a chylde, Ferre into Lumbardye.

179

Whenne thou hast that londe ynome taken And all the Sarisins overcom And yslowe Kynge Garcye, slain 625 Thenne woll we be spousyd, ywys, married And holde fest with joye and blysse In the burugh of Utalye.” city

The kyng with hys knyghtys alle Wenten to Parys into hys halle 630 With moche melodye. He held fest ryche and ryall, feast Forsothe, in the kyngys halle, With myrthe and mynstrelsye. At the fourtenyghtys ende, 635 He asked yf he wolde wende should Forthe into Lumbardye, Or ellys byleve styl thare remain Tyl the wynter passed were And the wethyr were drye.

640 Kyng Charles of Seynt Denys In that same cyté of Parys, Somer he ther gan byde. await And whenne the fowlys songon on the rys, birds; branch The kyng sent aftyr knyghtys of prys; excellence 645 To a mownteyn gan he ryde. Forsothe, the left the kyng, then departed And with hym many a gret lordyng, With ladyes ful gret in pryde. Ther was Rowland and Olyver 650 And Syr Otuel and Oger— In hert ys nought to huyde! hold back

Esteryche of Langares and Sir Turpyn, Archel, Etus, and Syr Geryn, Nemes and Sir Reyner, 655 Tho thay were in the kyngys inne, When; lodgings They say many a paynym saw Comyng with grete power; Lemosyns, Bretons, and Lumbardye, Limousins Bayons, Gaskoynes, and Pycardye, 660 Of londys bothe ferre and ner; Provynciales and Almaynes, That couthen wel fyght on the playnes, Of Normans bothe stoute and fere. And

180

Nowe here bygynnyth a batayle 665 Ful fel to founde, sam fayle, violent to relate; without fail Off thre goode dussypers— Rowlond, Olyver, and Oger. Forsothe, yt were knyghtes sam pyr, without peer Ypreved in many contrés. 670 Howe they slowe undyr a forest Kynges thre that were full prest ready To fyght in mede othyr in felde, And the furthe kynge they toke, captured As hyt ys fownd in the boke, 675 And slowen all that with hym helde.

In Averel the thyrdde thay, April; day Whenne foules synge on the spray, branch Thay wentyn fro Seynt Denys. Syre Otuel with muche pryde 680 Sette Belysent by hys syde Uppon a mule a prys. of worth And sone after thay forlete departed The lond that hem thought swete, And leftyn Parys. 685 Forth to Burgoyne the wente, Burgundy Two ferdales, verement, furlongs That Otuellys was, ywys. belonged to Otuel

And forth they wente into Lumbardye, To that mount swythe hey very high hill 690 That men callyn Poyne. And there the Frensche myghten se The borwgh that men calle Utalé, Bysyde the water of Coyne. In a mede that grene was 695 Charles chese a fayre plas chose To teleen on hys pavylon. set up Sevene dayes he sojourned there, And over the water he dude rere build A fayre brygge, withoute assoyne, bridge; delay

700 That the Frenche men myghten tho Over that brygge come and go, To fleen here enymyes. Uppon a day it byfylle so, The Duk Roulond and knyghtes to two 705 Spokyn wordys unwys; Spoke unwise words [i.e., acted foolishly] And armeden hem in goode wede, clothing

181

And uche of hem tok a gode stede each That was of gret prys; Thay bysaughtyn God Almyght 710 That he schulde hem fynde here fylle of fyght, find for them abundant fighting For the love of Sent Denys.

Kynges foure withouten fayle, Were went out to seche batayle, seek Off hedynesse thay were, heathenness 715 Wel yarmyd, syker sam fayle. Ye mowe yhere grete mervayle. might Lordynges, wyl ye now here? Here names Y wylle that yow wyte, Their As in Frensche it ys ywrete, written 720 Now lesteneth to lere— learn Curables and Askeward And Balsomon strong and hard; Clarel was here fere. companion

The knyghtes seyden as they gonne ryde, 725 Yf thay myght that tyme abyde If it were to happen That thay myght with Roulond mete, Thay wolde hym make blody syde, bloody his sides And Olyver that was so ful of pride, With grymly woundes and grete. 730 Tho sayde Clarel that ryche kyng, “Suche res nyl helpe no thyng, rashness Ne no bale vyl it bote. It won’t cure any misfortune Ye han herd here byfore, That Roulond as a knyght ycore, is; special 735 Curtays be way or strete. everywhere

At wolde my lord Termagaunt, By the will of That Y myght mete with Roulond, With hym wolde Y fyght. Hyt scholde hym rewe, with myn hond, He will regret 740 The doughty eyres of Agelond heirs That he slow with unryght.” The knyghtes undyr the forest were, And herden the kynges alle there, And of hem haddyn a syght. 745 The place was called Forestent, That the knyghtes were in went, That weren of muche myght.

Roulond to hys felawes sayde,

182

“Now we have that we bede— prayed for 750 God ous save hole and sounde— But we ben doughty in dede If And styf syttyng on stede Whenne we hem haven founde.” He smot hys hors and let hym gon, And Kyng Clarel sey hym anone, saw 755 By hys lord Mahound, “Thre knyghtes Cristen Y se! We beth foure, and thay but thre. Go we felle hem to grounde.”

760 Alle foure knyghtes with muche pride Smyten here hors and gonne to ryde Spurred Ageynes the knyghtes kene. fierce And Askeward, nought to hyde, He gaf Roulond a wounde wyde 765 With a spere that was ful kene, sharp That thorugh hys schylde yt wode, penetrate And at hys hauberk hyt withstode, But Wel Y wote, withowtyn wene; lie And Rowland thoughth that strok to yelde, return 770 An karfe ato the kyngys schelde, Anonryght uppon that grene.

The stroke was scharp that Rouland sprong, And thorugh the kynges hert hyt stonge And thorughoute hys syde. 775 Kyng Corable so egre smot eagerly With a spere that bytter bote bit bitterly Bytwene hauberk and hyde. skin Tho was the spere byhynde fast, When; stuck behind The knyght sat the sadyl brast, [on] the broken saddle 780 With yre and muche pryde. anger

Oger Denys hys swerde out brayde, Ogier the Dane; drew And to the kynge fast he leyde— He couthe ful wel hys craft. knew A wownde he made swythe wyde, 785 The armur fyl down by hys syde, The helme conne outbrast. shattered Balsamon, a kyng unhende, ignoble To Olyver he wolde wende And quelle hym with hys craft. overcome; strength 790 Oliver he smot with hys schelde, The launce brast in the felde—

183

That was a wel gode schaft.

Olyver withouten abode delay With that cours to hym rode, war horse 795 And in the schylde hym hytte. The schaft was strong and the heued brod, spearhead And thorugh the kynges body hyt glod, And made a wel brod flytte. wound Doun he fyl dede to grounde, 800 Ne was he never aftereward sonde, Non lenger myght he sytte. Slaw weren the kynges thre, But yet nolde nought the ferthe fle, So wod he was of wytte. maddened

805 Hym thought hys hert brast ato But yf he myght Olyver slo Unless Ere he thennes wende. He smot hys stede and let hym go. gallop In hys herte hym was ful wo, 810 For slawe were al hys kynde. But Roulond tho bytwyne rode And the kynges strok he abode, He kydde that he was hende. showed; noble Ac though the strok weren ful grete, But even though 815 In the schelde he it sette, He nolde no lenger lende. delay

The schaft was bothe gret and long, And the kyng was wondyr strong, And schof as he wolde awede. charged; enraged 820 Theren nas no game hem among, between them The schaft was styf and nought outsprong flexible And overdrew hys stede. extended beyond Hors and man of Roulonde ryght Roland’s horse and body directly The kyng threw doun, aplyght. truly 825 “Mahoun joye!” he gredde. cried That was the maner of the lawe, custom Whenne a knyght were overthrowe That doughty were of dede.

Kyng Clarel wolde awey have rede, ridden 830 Ac Oger com by that other syde And smot hym with a spere. Hys hynder arson gan out glyde, back part of upper saddle Over the sadyl, it nys nought to hyde,

184

There Oger gan hym bere. 835 Oger tok the kynges stede, And to Roulond gan hym lede, And sayd, “Here ys on thee to bare! one for Thys ys an hors good an fyn And moche bettyr thanne was thyn, 840 And with gayer gere!” more colorful

Rowland up stert and nought ne lay, didn’t lie down And into the sadyl that was so gay Smertilyche gan he sprynge. Skillfully Ryght to the place they token the way, 845 Ther that they fought, sothe to say, With Sir Clarell the kyng. The Duk Roulond and Olyver, Wyghthly they wente the kyng ner, Valiantly Withouten more dwellyng, 850 But Kyng Clarel toke that fyght Agens hem thre with al hys myght, the three of them Forsothe withoute lesynge.

Tyl hys swerd was brost atto, When No wondyr thowe hym were wo, if 855 Nedes he most hym yelde. He had to surrender He bysought Rowlond do, then He schulde hym save from hys fo, And from alle harme hym schylde. That broke swerd hym bytok broken 860 The good Rowland, so seyth my boke, Ther he yt fonde in felde. They setten the kyng uppon a stede, And to Charls they thought hym lede, To Mont Paynt that ys teld.

865 Nowe here bygynneth a batayle Off these thre knyghtes, sam fayle, That wondyr it ys to telle! For Cristendom they foughten ful sore With vi milers and vii sckore thousand; score [i.e., 6,140] 870 Off Sarisins stronge and felle.

And as they yendyrward weren, headed in that direction The sey an host hem byforn They saw Of Kyng Garcions knyghtys, 875 With vi milers and vii skore, The strengyst Sarisins that ower were; ever

185

Alle they were redy to fyght. Ther thorugh thay most hym lede, Or ellys lese her manhede Yf that they flowyn, aplyght. Were they to flee 880 He herde trumpes and tabeures, They; drums Hornes, chymbys, and chynoures. chimes; cymbals Somdel they were aflyght. They were quite afraid

The good Oger sayd tho, “Good hyt ys to lete hym go, 885 Clarelle the kene kyng— Yut he may save ous fro wo; Among the Sarisins altho because He ys a grete lordyng.” Where he wolde, thay lat hym passe. Wherever he wished 890 And these knyghtys with Goddys grace Assayle then bothe elthe and yong. old Roulond made a grysly wounde In Kyng Bremer, forsothe, that stounde soon after That he hadde hys endyng.

895 Tho Syre Olyver after thanne Slow a kyng that hyght Blasan, That ful strong was in fyght. Syre Oger, that doughty man, Slow another that hyght Morgan 900 With Cursable so bryght. And Roulond with Dorundale, Deled strokes gret and smale— Forsothe, there was a semly syght! splendid Olyver with Haunchecler [name of sword] 905 Slow many a Sarsin there With swerd that schon ful bryght.

Over alle, where these knyghtes rod There was ymad a way ful brod That waynes myghten mete. carts [i.e., as broad as a two-way street] 910 For there that Dorundale glod, Wherever There was no Sarsin that abod encountered [it] That he ne lese hys swete. lifeblood There come Carmele de Taborye Uppon a stede of Lumbardye, 915 And grymlyche gan to grede. lament “Fyghteth,” he sayde, “better wone, for better luck Or ellys we beyth dede uchone! each one Who schal ouren bale bete? relieve our suffering

186

“Fy, a devlys! How may thys be 920 That these Crysten knyghtes thre Schulle bryng ous alle to grounde? Ryght ful sone ye schullyn se Myn owyn hond schal you sle Wythin a lytyl stounde.” 925 He smot Oger on the schylde That he ffelle into the fylde And in hys body a wounde. Oger do off hys stede ffelle, then And the blod of hys body outwelle— 930 Such hap he hath there ffounde! ill luck

Tho Roulond that syght sey, When For wrath he was wood wel neyghe And priked tho to Carmele. He smot hym on the helm in hye, 935 That in to the sadyl the swerd fley— No leche ne myght hym hele. surgeon Tho come Syre Anfer of Danbery, The strengest with Garcy, He thought with hym to mele. fight 940 With hys spere he smot hys schylde, That the hede at the haubrek feld, spearhead; broke So myche was that steole. strong; armor

Tho Roulond worthy on wede, in armor He dude dere a welle good dede: there 945 That Sarisin there he slow. These knyghtes bothe, for certayn, Ere they wenten out of the playn, Fyghtyng they hadde ynowe. enough As Olyver sat on hys stede, 950 Rowlond tho to hym yede, “Here bygynneth a sory plawe!” plight Therof sayd Olyver, “Thou ne drede! Do not fear My strenghthe ys good and nothyng gnede— not lacking Off hem Y ne yeve nought an hawe!” Of them I care not a bit

955 Tho thay bothe gonne to ryde, And slowe adown ucche syde slew; each Alle that they before hem stode. Off gode Oger in that tyde, That blod ranne oute of hys wounde wyde, 960 And he syked sore unsounde. groaned

187

Tho the Sarisins hym throng Then; bombarded With sperys and swyrdys strong, And made hym many a wounde. So fast hys body gan blede 965 That he forgate hys gode stede— Wel wo was hym that stowunde! moment

With that come ryde an amerel Saracen lord Bysydes the Kyng Clarel That Roulond feld adown; 970 For Oger savede hym that tyde, Because Ogier had saved him once Amonge the Sarisins of muche pryde Dude Oger grete renon. [He] did Ogier a great honor “Come to me!” Clarel seyde, “Off nothyng ne schaltou drede, 975 Ne off no Sarsins treson. Forsothe, there schal no man de drede make you afraid Whyles my body may thee were, guard By my god Mahon.”

The ameraunt sayde, “So mote Y thee, 980 Thou ne schalt nought hys waraunt be, That he ne schal be todrawe.” dismembered The kyng wel wroth tho was he, He hewed the ameraunt in peces thre, And so he hath hym slawe. 985 “Lo,” he sayde, “Syre Ameral, Thus men thee teche schall To sygge wycked sawe, say; statement Now may Oger Denys Ever more have pes peace 990 In ernest and eke in plawe.” play

He dude knyghtes come hym ner, commanded And bytok hem Denys Oger entrusted to them To hys lemman hym to lede. sweetheart Forth they went alle yfere, together 995 And fond that mayde in on erbere, garden And thus to here thay sayde: her “Kyng Clarel, thyn owyn lemman, Swythe wel thee grete can, And for hys love he thee bede 1000 Thou scholdyst kepe thys Cristen knyght. Today he had wonne in fyght Many goode knyghtes in dede.

188

Twey other and thys knyght Thys day haveth slaw in fyght 1005 A thousand of oure mayne.” troops Thenne lowe that mayde so bryght, laughed And sayde to hym anoneryght, them “Why ne hadde ye brought al thre?” Tho sayde to here a knyght doughty, 1010 “Good damysel Enfamy, Ous ne lyketh syker no gle! We really don’t like your mockery Fyrst mote somer come Ere thay tweye wyl be ynome, Before those two And more batayle schal be.”

1015 The damysel do anoneryght then Cleped sevene of here knyght, Called for And bytok hem Syre Oger. Bothe by day and eke by nyght, Hereself hys woundys gan dyght tended to 1020 And gaf hym drynkes der. precious potions Sche made hym salves soft, And as Oger lay in loft He feld hym bothe hole and fer. felt himself grow; strong Whenne he waked, he hadde no wounde, 1025 But felt hys body hole and sounde. To God he made hys prayer.

And ever Roulond and Olyver Ageynes the Sarsins foughte there, That were so ful of pryde. 1030 Tho that they sey that Garcy com there When With helm bryght and many spere Uppon here ryght syde, then Ful loth hem was to ben ytake do. captured They smyten here hors and letten hem go, spurred; gallop 1035 Away gonne thay to ryde. An houndred Sarsins and wel mo Faste redyn after tho To take hem in that tyde.

Otuel aspyede wel there 1040 How Oger, Roulond, and Olyver Weren out yfare, gone away And with hem never a dussyper. Charlys the coquerour Therfor was in care. anxious 1045 Otuel let crye thorow the oste,

189

“In the name of the Holy Gost, As armes, lordynges, yare!” make ready Florys, hys stede, he bestrod, And Samon by hym rode 1050 And hys baner bare.

Toward the batayle he gan ryde With hys knyghtes by hys syde; With Roulond he gan mete. Many a Sarisin in that tyde 1055 Sayden to Roulond, and cryde, “Lese thou schalt thy swete!” lifeblood Syr Otuel gan to chyde, And sayde, “Roulond, for thy pryde Thy lyfe thou wylt forlete! give up 1060 What wenes tou and Olyver alone presume To sle the Sarysyns everichon, And thus to grounde hem bete?

Nay, though thou and Y and Olyver Hadde ben ther al in fer 1065 Ageyns the hedyn lawe— heathen And ek Charls the coquerour, Though he brought alle hys power— Yet schuld they be nought alle slawe. Ac turne ageyn with me anone, 1070 And venge we ous of Godys fone, foes And gynne we a new plawe. let us begin a new strategy Ther schulle a thousand, for thys thyng, Thys day of hem have here enthyng ending Withinne a lytel thrawe.” short time

1075 A knyght there was swythe fre, noble He was cleped Emptybré, In the foward of the batayle. He come dryvyng to Syr Olyvere, Allemost he com hym to ner, 1080 Forsothe without fayle. Olyver with a good spere Thorugh the hert gan hym bere Ryght over at hys hors tayle, That the Sarisin overdrew— fell over 1085 That the soth men wel knewe, That weren at that assayle.

Esterych of Langares, a dussyper,

190

Slow a Sarysin stoute and fer That was of Turkye. 1090 He smot hym thorugh the lyver, That he ne flycted, fer ne ner. died instantly “Mahon, help!” he gan crye. Many an helme was ofwenyde, flew off And many a bassinet al tocleved 1095 Off the Sarsin companye. Many a spere and many a schyld, Were dryven adown into the feld, And many a sadyl made empty.

Olmadas of Aschomoyne 1100 He gaf Charls chamberleyne struck That bar Duk Reyner adoun, And toke the stede by the reyne To wynnen at he was ful fayne eager And lepe into the arson. saddle 1105 But Emoleres, a strong knyght, Hym to sle he dud hys myght With hys gode fawchon. He smote the Sarisin in the schyld, That helm and heued flye into fylde, 1110 And wanne hym grete renoun.

Tho come Galyan, that hethen knyght That erst hadde slayn in fyght previously Many a Crysten man. He smote Emoleres aplyght, 1115 That to grownde he fyl ryght. Hys stede of hym he wan. Wel nyghe he hadde hym slawe And brought hym of lyf dawe, to the end of his life days Ac Sire Artok tho cam But 1120 And savyd hym fro vylonye, That unnethe he myght crye So that scarcely might he have cried out That the Sarisins flowen echon. Before the Saracens had fled

And as the Sarisins flowyn in that tyde, The Cristen suued and gan to ryde, pursued 1125 And tho com Kyng Clarel the kyng, And slowe by every syde. Whoso wolde strokys abyde Hadde there hys endyng. He slewe the Emperour of Almayne— 1130 Sore hyt rwed Charlemayne Sorely did Charlemagne mourn for

191

That heye lordyng. Empater ther come byhynde, A kyng ycome of grete kynde, And oute of many a bekeryng. battle

1135 Syr Bernard of Olrlyaunse, Orléans Empater gaf hym myschawnce injury With dynt of dethys wownde. Among the dussypers of Frawnce, Empater gaf hym myschaunce, 1140 And gan to ryde to Otuel in that stounde. Ac Otuel of hym was ware, And with Cursins he smote hym thare On hys helme that was rownde. He clef hys heued into the teth, 1145 So that all men wel seth might see He grenned as an hownde. grinned

Syr Otuel tho made alle The dukes adown falle, That he myght hytte aryght. 1150 To Mahon they gonne crye and calle, To Jovyn and to her goddys all, That schulde hem help in fyght. Tho thay flowyn with a careful crye, Tyl they com to Kyng Garcy, 1155 As fast as they ever fle myght. Duk Rouland and Syr Otuel And Olyver that was gode and lel loyal The Sarisins slowen down ryght.

Here bygynnyth a batayll felle fierce 1160 Off Kynk Clarell and Otuel, Between And wondurlyche strong; How they fouten for the lawe, faith Lystenyth to my sawe, words And thynketh nought to long. don’t consider it too long

1165 Anone Clarel to Otuel sede, “Sey me, knyght, so God thee spede, Tell What that thy name now be? Thou hast yslaw in length and brede An c knyghtes of oure ferede, hundred; army 1170 Sethe Y fyrst saw thee. Wel fayn Y wolde thyn name bryng To Garcy, the ryche kyng

192

That ys so fayre and fre.” “O, thou coward!” sayde Otuel, 1175 Thou oughtest my name know well, By God that ys in Trinité,

Forsothe, my name Otul ys; Thou hast yknowe or thys. before Now Mahound Y have forsake. 1180 Kyng Charls of Seynt Denys Me hath ygeve hys doughter of prys, And Crystendom Y have take.” “O,” quod Clarel the fayre kyng, “Now Y here a wondour thyng. 1185 Mahound geve thee wrake ruin But thou byleve on Jovyn, Unless Termagaunt, and Appolyn, And hem amendys make.”

“Cursed be,” Otuel seyde, 1190 “Mahound and alle hys felawrede— fellowship Forsothe, thay beyth alle unwrest! wicked Whoso hem loveth, thay mowe drede; Whoever; ought to fear Off goodnesse here lawe ys gnede, lacking And schal be whyle it last.” 1195 Sayde Clarel, “So Mahound thee spede, Were we yend in that mede, Were we to go We selve to alle prest, Ourselves to battle together Y wolde thee teche that Appolyn, Termagaunt, and Jovyn, 1200 Were goddys off the best.” the best gods

“Ye,” sayde Otuel the good gome, man “Tomorwe Y wyl thyder come, My treuthe Y thee plyght.” promise The glove of that kyng he had ynome 1205 Among the knyghtes alle and som, Before With Kyng Clarel to ffyght. Tho the sonne to rest was gonne, When The kyng yede to bedde anone went As sone as it was nyght. 1210 On morwe whanne the larke song And the lyght day it sprong, There rose bothe baron and knyght.

Clarel off hys bedde awoke, And cleped hys knyghtes fotehote, quickly

193

1215 Hys wyll to don in dede. Gamor, Melyn, and Memorok, None of hem hys heste forsok, But duden as he hem bede. An haketon they duden hem uppon padded jacket 1220 And an haberjon that bryght schon coat of armor That lyght was forto lete. reflected light And thereon a corset, san fayle— body armor What man so it bare in batayle, The lasse thrust hym drede.

1225 Men brought hym an helm bryght That Barnard the gode knyght Was went forto be were. Had once worn Thereon an adderes heued, aplyght— snake’s head Forsothe, it was a sely syght marvelous 1230 In eche batayle to bere. And a schyld that was unryde, fearsome Of garlok that sayntes hyde, Of the steel that had imprisoned saints He was a greselyche fere. It was grisly in appearance Ypaynted it was with Mahoun 1235 Off gold, Jubiter and yk Platon, also And yche ymad with a spere. each bearing

Forth they fetten hym a schaft— fetched He that it made couthe hys craft; knew Hyt was of a trew tre. 1240 Hys swerd Melyn was hym betaught; brought to him Therwith he hadde heuedes ykaught Off kynges, two or thre. Hys stede forth was fette, And Kyng Clarel thereon set, 1245 That semely was to se. Twe hethe knyghtes also sket heathen; quickly Two spores off gold duden on hys fet, fastened And eyther sat on hys kne.

Tho thay fette here god Mahound, brought 1250 And alle the Sarsins of renoun, And settyn hym amyd the toun of Utalye. That uppon here knees thay seten adown, kneeled With alle the lordys of that toun, And also Kyng Garcye. 1255 Thay sayden, “Mahound, we thee byseche, Today thou be oure alder leche, healer of us all And on Clarel have mercy.

194

As thou art god ful o muche myght, That he mowe sle Otuel in fyght, 1260 That doyth thee so muche vylonye.”

Over that water Clarel gan to ryde, And tho sey he come, on hys ryght syde, saw Charlys the Kyng of Fraunce. The dussypers comen that tyde, 1265 And alle here ost with muche pride, With schyld, spere, and launce. “Thou, olde Charlys,” Clarel sayde, “Swythe long thou hast ous anyede, annoyed us Kyng Garcy with disturbaunce, 1270 And now thyn dayes ben agoon, And age ys fallyn thee uppon, Thou mayst doute of myschaunce. fear

Old wrecche, what dost thou here? Thou ne art nought worth, fer ne ner, 1275 Schaftys forto schake, Hors to stryde, ne armour to bere, A kyng to assayle with no spere, Crounes forto crake, crack Ne emp no sadyl, ne wynne no stede, empty any 1280 Ne do no knyghtes sydes to blede; Thyn handys gynnen to quake. Fy, a devylys, for vylony, That thou dretest Kyng Garcy dread Suche maystryes to make!”

1285 Tho byspake he that was wys, Charlys of Sent Denys, To the Kyng Clarel ful ryght, “Thrytty kynges of prys Y have yslaw er thys 1290 In hedynesse with fyght. heathenness Thorugh grace of Almyghty God in Trinité, Thys day thou schalt on of hem be Ful longe ere it be nyght. Make thee redy, that thou were dare, if you dare 1295 For myn olde body schal be yare, ready Thorugh grace of God Almyght!”

Duk Roulond stood the kyng by, “Mercy, Lord!” he gan to crye, “Ne com nought in batayle!

195

1300 Thou hast knyghtes ful hardy, Bothe Otuel, Neymes, and Y, Kyng Garcy to assayle. Y wyl fyght with hym, ywys, That hath sayde to thee amys. 1305 Hyt ne schal hym nought avayle!” The dussypers everychon, Profreden thus anone, That weren hye of parayle. noble without peer

Charlys was swythe wroth, 1310 And to Sent Denys made hys oth That to deth he schulde be dyght. “He schall wete the certayn soth learn That he is to Jhesu Crist loth, hateful Yff he wylle kythe hys myght.” show 1315 Otuel gan to Charls crye, And sayde, “For the love of Sent Marye, So leteth me with hym fyght! For yesterday in the medes, For hys falce wordys 1320 My treuthe Y dude hym plyght. troth; promise

Y schall yow telle every word, How it began, ende and ord, beginning to end The stryf betwyn ous to. He sayde that oure God was nought worth a tord, worthless 1325 And that he wold prove with dynt of swerd, To whom that it wolde do, attest And sayde that we were thourgh Hym ylore, lost That of a womman was ybore, And schent forevermore; ruined 1330 For Hys lesyng and for Hys sawe, Uppon a cros He was ydrawe. Alle thus sayde he me to thare. there

Y answered and sayde, ‘Nay, That He was bore of a may, 1335 To save al menkynde, And ros, and to helle toke the way, That byfyl uppon the drydde day, third And Satan brought in bonde; And toke therout Eve and Adam, 1340 And all with Hym tho God nam; then And sythe the Holy Gost sende, afterwards; sent And after Hys rysyng upsty ascended

196

To Hys Fadyr up an hy. Thys we haven in mynde.’

1345 Off my wordys he ne helde no pryse, And cleped me ‘schrew unwys,’ And low me to skorne and game.” laughed Tho sayde Charls of Seynt Denys, “Otuel, as tou sayst it ys, 1350 Go fyght, in Godys name!” The dussyperes weren alle prest To arme Otuel of the best; Thay spedden al in same. Duk Roulond an helm fette, 1355 And on hys heued he hyt sette, That was withowten blame.

The helm was worth muche thyng; Hit aught sumtyme an hethen kyng, belonged once Off Babylone the sawdan. 1360 And Syr Olyver, over hying, hurrying A scharp spere gan hym bryngge, In Spayne hymself it wan. Thenne henged thay aboute hys swyre neck A schyld that was ryche and dere, 1365 That hym gaf hys lemman— sweetheart Thre swerdys of sylver bryght, And thre swerdys with gold ydyght, adorned With many a ryche ston.

Men broughten hym a stede broun, 1370 And two spores that were boun; ready On hys helys thay ham dyght. He lep to hors and nought abode; Over the water Otwel rod, With the grace of God Almyght. 1375 Thanne hym spak Kyng Clarel, “Artou ycome, Syre Otwel, As thou me behyght? promised Thou art welcome to batayle, Thou myghte be fayn, sam fayle, 1380 Agens suche a kene knyght.

Thou schalt wete, er thou gon, know That thou haddyst beter ben at hom, Thanne hedyr come to suche a thyng. come here For thou mayst wel wete, withoute fayle,

197

1385 That Y am ycome of heye parayle, high nobility And am a gret lordyng.” “Ye,” quod Otwel, “Though thow be strong, Alle it is in God long, control That ys alle-weldyng. all-wielding 1390 Yut today schulle we that se, That God ys bettyr in Trinité Thanne Mahon and all hys ospryng.” descendents

No lengyr they wolde abyde, But togedyr thay gonne ryde, against each other 1395 As folke that weren fone. foes With grete sperys and unryde, menacing So that they bothe fyllen in that tyde, Ryght ther to grownd anon; But up thay sprong, so yt ys wrete, written 1400 And aftyr sones togyder thay smyte, That men hyt seyon uchon, That every man spoke of it The schaftys were stronge and gode, The knyghtys scheuyn as they were wode, insane Ne was ther no bettyr wone. course of action

1405 Heyr peytrelys broston atwo, horses’ breastplates And the gerthys also, saddle straps Her scheldes fellen to grownde, The knyghtys weren ful wo, To grounde thay yede bothe two 1410 In that ilke stownde, same moment And eythers stete went forthe, steed That on sowthe, that othyr north, one That weren fayre and rownd. Thanne sayde Roulond to Belysent, 1415 That was the kynges doughtor gent, “Here ys a fayre fyght yfownde.”

Sythe he sayd that he was bore, He said since the time he was born “Ne sey Y never her byfore Suche two men of myghtys. 1420 Though a man sought syxti skore, Ne schulde he fynde none doughtyer, worthier Ne suche othyr to knyghtys.” two Tho sayd Oliver that dussyper, And the abbot of Seynt Omer, 1425 That yt was a fayre fyghtys. Tho sayd Belysent that may, maid “God save Otuell today,

198

For hys moche myghtys!”

The knyghtys eft togedyr yede, once more 1430 To fyght on fote thay most nede; Here stedys weren schent. gone Off helmes, hauberk, in lenthe and brede, The fyr sprange oute as sparcle of glede, burning coal So stronge was others dynt. 1435 Clarel with hys swerd of stel, So harde strokys he smote to Otuel, To sle hym he hadde ment. Kyng Clarell was nygh wood, For that Otuel so longe agen hym stode, 1440 And for harme that he hent. received

He hytte hym on the helme an heye, on top That golde and stonys adown flye, Al of hys helme so rownde. off Though Otuel were of werre sly, crafty 1445 He nas never hys deth so ny, so near death He fylle in swowe on the grownd. swoon Kyng Charls to Jhesu gan speke, “Lord,” he sayd, “Thou me awreke, avenge Uppon thys hethen hounde! 1450 And schyld from schame thys Crystyn knyght, That he be nought slayn in thys fyght, In the worchyp of Thy wownde.”

Syr Otuel that gode knyght Stert up tho anoneryght, 1455 And was nothyng aferd. And thought that hys body wolde brest aplyght burst But he myght be awreke anoneryght Unless With Cursins hys swerde. He smote hym on the helme anone, 1460 That a quarter of hym away gan gone, Bothe hys schelde and hys berde, Forsothe, the boke wytnessed, That men myght sen hys tethe, Bothe lewed and lered. learned and unlearned

1465 Tho lowe Otuel, and sayd, “Y sawe never, so God me rede, Sythe that Y was bore, Never man in knyghtys wede, Al so fer as Y have rede,

199

1470 A berd so clene yschore! shaved So God me save and sent savour, send salvation Now ys Cursins a good rasour! razor Hyt were harm that it were lore, It would be a shame if it were lost Hyt ys scharp, and that ys sene! 1475 Hyt had yschave thy berd ful clene That ther nys laft no more!

“Now be thou syker in alle thyng: Nyl never Garcy the Kyng Byleve on thee after thys, 1480 Neyther Enfamé, that fayrer thyng, Sche nyl namore of thy playyng, Ne ffor no love thee kysse. Now thy behoveth to grenne, grin And to make thee to mowe on menne, grimace 1485 For thy mouth syttyth alle onmys. amiss Now ne helpth ne nought thy god Mahound, Jubiter, ne that breythen Platoun, worthless That thou ne art syker of thys.” be protected from this

Kyng Clarel to hymself sayde, 1490 “Allas, that Y began thys dede Ageynes that Cristen knyght! Though Y sle hym in thys mede, Alle the world in lengthe and brede, Schal me skorne aplyght: 1495 ‘None fayrer knyght myght by founde, And now he grenneth as an hounde, Both day and nyght.’ He schall abye, be Appolyn!” pay for this And with hys swerd Melyn 1500 To deth he wolde hym dyght.

...... Syr Otuel hys dynt wel sye, saw And kept it on hys schylde; deflected it with Kyng Clarel tho fast fly, 1505 And Otuel clef hys targe atouey, cut Otuel’s shield in two That halfe fley in the felde, And thorugh Otuel had be born; would have struck through Otuel Ne hadde ben hys haberjon, Syr Otuel hadde he queld. He would have killed Otuel 1510 Off that strok Clarel was blythe, And sayd “Yf Y thee hytte anothyr syde, again Thy lyf hys adoun feld!” is

200

Thanne sayd Otuel, “Y have ment intend That myn schal be that other dent, 1515 As Y am a trewe knyght! To fyght fast wyl Y nought stent.” That feer flye out as sparkyl of flynt, fire Out of helm and hauberk bryght. With Cursins that byttyr bot bitterly cut 1520 To Kyng Clarel he smote, Thoroweoute the helme aplyght. Kyng Clarell fyl tho adown— Tho men myght se that ys god Mahon his Was but of lytyl myght!

1525 Syr Otuel namore ne gradde, cried out no more And the Sarisins were ful madde dismayed For Clarel the Kyng. The dussypers tho forthe Otuel ladde, And thonkyth God that day hym hadde he had won that day 1530 And had overcome that fytyng. Kyng Garcy and hys knytys To the temple yede anonryghtys, And kneleden, elde and yong; And cryed on Mahon and Appolyn, 1535 Termagaunt and Jovyn, “Why suffur ye all thys thyng, allow

That Clarel had lore the swete, lost his lifeblood So ofte as hym ye hadde hete So often did he pray to you Whenne he wolde bygynne? Whenever he would begin [battle] 1540 And Kyng Charles we schult mete, And with grysly lawnces hym grete, All Cristendom to wynne? Allthough Y make to thee my mone, Ye stondyn stylle as ony stone, 1545 No word nyl ye mynne! speak Y wene that ye ben doume and def; dumb and deaf On yow was all my bylef More thanne to alle my kynne!

For longe ye have forhete, Too long; disregarded [me] 1550 Y wene that ye most be bete, beaten Howe so it ever byfalle.” Bothe hym was longe to threte, Both [i.e., Mahoun and other idols]; he was determined He dud fette stonys grete, Toforn hym in the halle, Before

201

1555 All hys goddys he gaf a cloute, beating He gaf hem strokys styf and stoute; “Harawe!” they ganne to calle. they [the Saracens] He brake bothe legges and swere, necks And kest hem bothe into the fere, cast; fire 1560 Mahon and hem all.

Here bygynneth a batayle, sykerly, Off Charls and of Kyng Garcy, That wondyr yt ys to here, And howe Garcy ycristeneth was. 1565 Herkeneth nowe a mery pas, while I pray yowe nowe all in fere.

Anone bad Kyng Garcy, “Lordynges, doth arme you redy, And every man redy to fyght! 1570 And thus we schulle bete oure mametrye. idolatry For that thay nolde nought ous socurye, aid Thus we schulle hem dyght.” treat them There were in the fyrst warde battalion Syxty thousand stoute and harde, 1575 With helm and breny bryght, mail shirt With pencelys of sykelaton, banners; silk Off grene sendal and of broun— linen Ther was a semely syght!

Syxty thousand in thys maner 1580 Come after with brod baner, Alle thretyng Charls the Kyng, threatening And both Otuel and Olyver, And also eche dussyper, And Rouland, hys gode derlyng. 1585 Kyng Charls that was so fre, Hys ost hath partyd at thre divided into three parts Ryght erlyche in the morownyng. In eche warde there were tho Syxty thousand and wel mo 1590 Off knyghtes eld and young.

Ac couthe no man telle the route But no man could count the number Off folk that were goyng abowte, Speremen and arblasteres, crossbowmen Wel yarmed and stoute; 1595 Off the hethen thay hadde no doute, fear Thow they were cruel and fel and fers.

202

Charls to hys barones sayde, “Lorthynges, ye mote do by rede, Bothe barones, knyghtes, and squyers, 1600 Bowmen, slyngers, withoute fayle, soldiers armed with slings Holdeth yow in youre batayle, Maintain your ranks With youre gode wynteners. commanders of twenty soldiers

Charlys the Duk Neymes hym bythought, chose In that nede, ne fayle hym nought 1605 To bere hys gode baner. And he answerd with word and thought, “By Hym that hath alle thys world ywrought, Y am ful redy now ryght here!” The trompes bygonne fer to blow far 1610 For that the Sarisins schulde knowe That the Cristen men were there. The Sarisins wenten into the feld, With helm and spere and ek with schyld, Off Kyng Garcyons power.

1615 A Torkeyes was pryketh out beforn, Turk ......

And threw hem over the castyll wal, And brak hys cheynes to peces alle, And outward faste hym drow, 1620 So he dude in that yle, came to; island Thorugh hys queyntys and hys gyle, cunning That hym thought game ynow. enough

Hys good stede sone he fond, And in hys hond hys good brond, 1625 And alle hys other gere; He armed hym, Y undyrstande, And into the sadyll anone he wond, sat With good schyld and spere. Oger tho gan to crye, 1630 “Have good day, Dame Enfamye, Y wyll dwelle no lenger. And yf thou, fayre, prayest me, Tomorwe Y schall speke with thee, By Jhesu Crist Y swere!”

1635 Into the ost rod Oger,

203

And fond Roulond and Olyver, With many a doughty knyght. Thay cleptyn and kyssedyn alle in fer, embraced And askedyn yf he hole were; 1640 He sayde, “Ye, anoneryght! Never sythe that Y was bore, In alle my lyf here byfore, Ne felt Y me so lyght! well Go we blyve into batayle, quickly 1645 The hethen houndes to assayle, And sle we hem doun ryght.”

To the Turkeyes thay gonne to ryde, Turks And leyde hem doun in yche syde, Thay schedde here brayn an blode; 1650 There nas none that myght hym hyde, That thay ne lore in that tyde The balles in here hod. heads; helmets Kyng Garcy thereof tok hede, And with hys spore he smot hys stede, 1655 And fley as he were wood. Syr Otuel that gan aspye, And gan a country with Kyng Garcy, battle With welle egre mood. eager

“Yelde, ye traytours!” Otuel gredde, cried 1660 “Thou lyest, by Hym that for ous bledde! Ne bost ne gynne to crake, For neither boast nor attempted trick Tofore Charls thou schalt be ladde, And legge thy lyf there to wedde, answer for; wager But thou Mahoun forsake.” Unless you forsake Mahoun 1665 Garcy hys stede smot, spurred And to Otuel he rod, Hys spere he gan to schake. Hys hors stomblyd at a stone, He felle and brast hys arme anone, 1670 And Olyver gan hym take. overtake

Thenne bede he Olyver, pur charité, That he ne schulde hym nought sle; Hys hondys began wryngge, And he wolde Cristen be. 1675 And Olyver graunted, that was so fre, To court he gan hym bryng. And kneled tofore Charls and tolde [Garcy] kneeled That he hys londys of hym wolde holde hold his lands [as Charles’s vassal]

204

Ryght into hys enthyng. till death 1680 Charlys of hym tok goode hede, And to Parys he dude hym lede, With trumpes and daunsyng.

The Erchebyschop Syre Turpyn, A swythe good clerk off dyvyn, divinity 1685 Crystened hym that day; The soule of that Sarsin Forto save fro helle pyn, He lered hym Goddys lawe. taught Thus Charls and hys dussypers 1690 Lyved in warre many yerys And faughten, the soth to say; For every batayle that he began, Thorugh the grace of God he it wan, As Y yow telle may.

1695 Here bygynneth a batayle grym, Off Charls and of Ebrayn Ebrahim That was wonderlyche strong. At Cordys how thay foughten same, Cordoba; together Alle for the the love of Cristendom, 1700 Herkeneth and thenketh nought long!

Afftyr Garcy, nought longe hyt nas To Kyng Charls told hyt was Until That Ebrayn, the stronge kyng, Wyth strenthe was come to Cordys, 1705 With hym many a Sarisin, ywys, And many a grete lordyng. The Almayns, saum fayle, Germans Tha aschapeden fro the batayle escaped Off Angulaittes werryng. [i.e., those from Anjou] 1710 Tho Charlys thys herde When Off that kyng, how hyt ferde. About; fared He com thydyr anon hying hurrying

With hys knyghtys of pris. And tho he come to Cordys when; Cordoba 1715 And neghhode the cyté, neared The Sarisins com ageyns hym, Syxty thousand stout and grym, Forsothe, in parties thre. Charlys syker nadde no mo 1720 But syxti thousand tho Only

205

Ageynes hem all to be! Tho Charlys made thre batayl: battalions The furst of knytys, saum fayl, That ryght symly hyt was to se;

1725 That other of fotemen tho; The trydde knyghtys also, As the fyrst were. The kyng with grete rawndoun [i.e., Ebrahim]; speed Come agen Syr Charlemon, 1730 As ye mowe here, With batayles stern ten. ten fierce battalions The furst weren fotmen That gryslyche were of chere. gruesome; appearance With her thay war behong, hair; covered 1735 And berdys swyde long, so And hornys on hond bere.

And al so that on batayle in the event that Schulde that othyr assayle, Should the other side attack The bowmen weren byforn, in front 1740 And come ageyne the knyghtys. And tho ther, anonryghtys, then; immediately Everyche blewe hys horn. Tho the stedys gonne here and se, When; heard and saw Fast away thay gonne to fle, 1745 They ne spared thyk ne thorn; avoided; thicket Forsothe, the knyghtys bolde Myghten nought hem withholde, Couldn’t restrain them Though thay hadde ysworn.

Whenne thay that weren on fote, 1750 Ne say no bettyr bote, Didn’t see any better remedy Away that flowyn also; they fled For her knyghtes gode, safety Ageyn hem nought ne stode; nothing protected against them Thay seye wel thay myght nought don. saw; could do nothing 1755 Tho Charls that gan se, When That hys fotemen gonne fle, In hert hym was ful wo. Hys stede he turnyd agayn anon, For he ne seye no bettyr wone, course of action 1760 But faste went aftyr tho.

Tho the Sarisins seyen that cas,

206

They swed aftyr wel gret pas pursued Tylle they comyn to an hylle. Two myle uppon that playn, 1765 The Cristened turnyd manlyche agayn, Christians; courageously As hyt was Goddys wylle. The Sarisins seyen hem come, saw And flewen away, all and somme, Hom to her cyté wel stylle. quietly 1770 Charlys with hys knyghtys Setten her pavylons upryghtys, Set up And all nyght ther gonne dwelle.

Tho on morwe whan hyt was daylyght, Charlys bad anonryght 1775 That all here horsys of the ost With wex to stoppe here ere, wax; their ears That they myght nought yhere Her noyse ne her bost. Their noises nor their boasts Forsothe, hys hest was sone ydone, command 1780 An her eyyen yhudde anon, [the horses’] eyes were blindered Bothe lest and mest And Charls prayed to God Almyght To helpe hym that day in fyght, So wyss hem the Holy Gost. As the Holy Ghost may guide them

1785 Alle they come togederes on morwe, The Sarisins to moche sorowe, Into the felde to fyght; And the Kyng Ebrayn Come ful evyn ageynes hym 1790 With hys ost aplyght. Togedyr thay gonne smyte; Eythyr spared other lyte— very little Ther was a symly syght! seemly Off the hethen lawe, 1795 Many onothyr was yslawe, Well longe or hyt were nyght. before

The Sarisins seyen alle Howe her felawys down gonne falle; Ther rose a rufull crye. 1800 Togyder they gonne hem drawe, gathered themselves That folk of hethen lawe; Forsothe, they were sory. Amyd hem was a char chariot That here banerer that tyme bar their banner then bare

207

1805 Uppon a spere on hye. With twelf oxen yt was ydrawe; That tyme hyt was the lawe That none schulde fle away.

The whyle her syne stood, insignia 1810 Charlys, by the rode, [swore] by the cross That the baner schulde adown. Forsothe, he semyt wood outryght utterly crazed So fast tho he gan to fyght, As soon as As hyt were a wylde lyon. 1815 Ther nas neythyr spere ne schyld, That dury myght in the feld endure A strok of hys faucon. falchion Tho Rouland and Oliver, And everyche of the dussyper, 1820 To batayle were ful boun. eager

All tho that hey mette wyth, All those whom Forsothe to grownd thay yede ryght, So fast they faught thare. Kyng Charls tho, anoneryght, 1825 Thorugh the grace of God Almyght, Evene come into the char, Skillfully And with hys gode fawchon He smote the baner adown That with hymself were; All by himself 1830 He smote the baner adownryght— Tho that hyt sawe, they were aflyght When; took to flight And in sorowe and care.

He smote tho suche a dynt, When he struck That fyre flye out as sparke of flynt, 1835 And tho the Sarisins were in hart sare, sorrowful An gonne to fle in eche syde. They ne durst no lengyr abyde— Of blysse they were alle bare!

Tho Ebrayn the strong kyng 1840 Come wyth spere kervyng slashing To the Kynge Charlemayn, And yaf hym suche a wownde That Charles fylle to grownd Of hys stede adown. Off 1845 Charls, forsothe, that hym yeld, returned that to him That helm and heued fly in the feld,

208

Tho ryght with hys fauchon; And many anothyr paynym, Forsothe, ther was yslawe with hym, 1850 ......

That were yholde of grete renown. To Charls they yeld the gode toun, yielded And cristened wolde he be. they Gret othes they swore thare: 1855 “Of hym wyl we holde evermore Cordys the good cyté.” Therof Charls was glad tho, And all were cristened in a thro, quickly With grete joye and solempnité. ceremony

1860 Welle sone theraftyr come tythyng To Charls the ryche kyng By a well trwe messanger, That the kyng of Naverne Navarre Gan to robbe and to berne 1865 In hys lond bothe fer and nere. Tho Charls hyt wyst afyn, When Charles fully understood it He com to Mount Gardyn, And ther they mette in fere. Eythyr had othyr behyght promised 1870 Togedyr on morowe forto fyght In the same stede ther. place

Tho Charls made an oryson prayer With ryght gode devocion To Jhesu and to Marye, 1875 He sende hem grace, withoute fayle, That they grant him To wete who schulle in bataylle know Wynne the maystrye; And who schull be yslawe Of knyghtys of Cristen lawe Among the knights 1880 In Kyng Charls partye, That everych that schuld be ded So that everyone destined to die Most bere a croys red May On hys schuldyr on hye. High upon his shoulder

On morwe wanne yt was day, 1885 Charlys rose with gret noblay And to hys knyghtys cryed, “To batayle forto fare!” Thenne sey he moche care saw; grief

209

Off ten hundred that tyde. 1890 Then was the kyng in grete dolour, And prayed to ten hundred, par amour, fervently At the chapel to abyde. To remain at the chapel And sayde yf thay with hem went, They schuld be de, verrament, dead 1895 With the Sarisins ful of pride. On account of

Thay answerd, and askeden “Why?” Then sayde Charls, "Sykerly, Y se on you the sygne of deth, withoute drede. for certain Loke nowe echon on othyrs schulder: 1900 Amonge you alle nys none othyr But beryng the croys red; For why Y wote, thorough my prayer, That ye schulle be ded, all in fer, Yf Y yowe with me lede. 1905 Ac dwellyth here withouten stryf, if you remain Today Y schall save your lyfe; To spylle you yt ys no nede.”

Tho to batayl the kyng gan ryde, Hys good dussypers by hys syde, 1910 And faste the ganne to fyght. they Off the Sarisins thay slowyn so yern eagerly That the kyng tho of Naverne Ageyns hem he had no myght. Kyng Charls slowe that day, 1915 He and hys ost, sothe to say, Syxty thousand tho ful ryght. And whenne he come to the mede, returned He fonde hys knyghtys al dede Ther he hem left, aplyght, Where; truly

1920 By the ensampyl who mowe se anyone That no man schall hys deth fle escape For kynnes nede. By any means Tho all Naverne Charls toke Into hys honde, so saythe the boke, 1925 In trewthe, so Y nowe rede, as And gaf hyt hys, saum fayle, [to] his [people] That hadde hym holpe in batayle, That doughty were of dede; And was dapartyd amonge hem uchon, [it] was divided 1930 And were yfeffyd therwith anon enfeoffed To lyve in joye and pryde.

210

And whenne the Kyng Charlemayne Hadde ywonne Naverne and Spayne And yslawe the hethen knyghtys, 1935 Hys catel and hys townys property He gaf to hys barownys, And made hem grete lordynges. Portyngale, Naverne, Portugal To the Brytons he gaf hyt yerne, And thus parteth hys wynnyngys. distributed his winnings 1940 Tandylyf, a strong castel, To the Jercos he gave hyt yche a del, Ryght in grete hyynges, With great honor

And the londe of Galeys Galicia 1945 He gaf the Frenche men, ywys, But thay nolde dwelle nought thare. declined Thay forsokyn that ylke londe Forto have into her honde, For yt was so dere. expensive 1950 In Spayne Charls tok, As Y fynde in my boke, All that hethen were, That lyved in false lawe; He dud hem honge and to drawe 1955 Wel fast by the swere. neck

Charls stabeleth forto be established An archebyschop in that cyté Ther that Sent James lys; lies And alle the bysschopys in Spayne, 1960 By the hest of Charlemayne, And eke in Galys also; Galicia Schulde be undyr hym. Ac the Byschop Syr Turpyn Then Halowed that stede, ywys, 1965 For ther nas arst no cyté, never before Charls hote, that ther schuld be declared Composterne of prys. equal to Compostela

And in the moneth of Yver, April Charlys comaund, fer and nere, 1970 In Galys and ek in Spayne, That eche hous of power religious house Schulde gef twelf penyes a yer, coins By the hest of Charlemayne,

211

To Seynt Jams of Galys, 1975 And be quyt of other servys, freed of other obligations That hous to sustayne. In order to sustain that house And so thay dude withoute lete; hesitation For Charls hyt hade sette, Because; decreed Durst no man be ther agayn.

1980 Here bygynnyth a rewful tale: How Rowlond deyde at Rouncyvale. Roncevaux

Now lete we be of thys, And speke we of Charls, That muche was of myght. 1985 Off hys lengthe and hys brede, As clerk ye doth in boke rede, Y schal yow telle aryght. Twenty fot he was of lengthe, And therto man of gret strength, 1990 And a man of sterne syght; appearance Blake of here, red of face, Ther he come in many place, He was a doughty knyght.

Foure tymes in the yer, Uppon hys heued he wolde ber 1995 The holy croune of thorne: At Ester and at Whytsontyde, At Seynt James Day with pride, And at the tyme that God was borne, 2000 At the mete in the halle, Among hys knyghtes alle, With drawe swerd hym byforn. That ys in the maner ay As ever had been the manner And schal be tyl Domesday 2005 Off emperour that ys corne. divinely chosen

Whereso he slepe a nyght— Wyse he was, as felle to hys ryght, was his right And ever douted treson— suspected An hundred knyghtes schulde hym kepe guard 2010 Were that ever he schuld slepe, Wherever Off knyghtes grete renoun: And everych doughthy knyght, Hold a torche brennyng bryght And a nakyd fachoun. 2015 Thus the Kyng Charls lay

212

With hys ost many a day In the cité of Pampulon. Pamplona

Twey Sarsins tho of Spayne Were ysent to Charlemayne, 2020 With hym forto be; The Sawdan of Babylonye, He sent hem to Paumpylayne Fram Perce, the ryche cité. Persia Mansour hyght that other, 2025 And Beligans hys brother, That was of gret pusté. power Thay dwelleth there long whyle, Kyng Charls to bygyle, Whenne thay myght here tyme se.

2030 Charlys bythought hym tho thought to himself That thay ne scholde nought dwelle so But thay Cristen were. Unless He sent to hem sone A knyght into Aragone— from 2035 Gwynes a dussyper— Ganelon But Charls wyst nought didn’t know about The treson of Gwynes thought, intent The wykked fals messanger.

Forsoth, he hath hys way ynome; taken 2040 To Mansure that he ys come, He arrived before Mansour And sayde that Charls hem grette. He sayde that hys brother and he Scholde, forsothe, ycristened be, Withouten any lette. Mansure was full fel, treacherous 2045 And made a ryche jeuel; produced Forth he lete it fette, he had it brought forth And gaf the messanger, And sette hym to the soper— 2050 Wel fayre, forsothe, thay hym grette,

Mansure tok the Gwynes, then And sayde to hym thus, “I pray thee, Gwynes, lysten to me. Yf thou wylt Charls forsake 2055 And to my consayle take, Full ryche schal tou be. Thrytty somers and yut mo, packhorse loads

213

Bothe of sylver and gold also, Forsothe, Y wyll geve thee.” 2060 Thorugh that ylke tresour, Gwynes bycome traytour— Evyl mote he the! May he thrive in evil

Thenne dyvysed Gwynes plotted That he wolde sey thus 2065 To the Kyng Charlemayn, That Mansour and Belyganns Wolde come into Fraunce; Thereto thay were they boun. ready to go And Mansure therewhyle at that time 2070 Trayeth hys ost with gyle, Would betray; guile To sle hym with treson. Charlys was wel apayede, would be well satisfied And to Gwynes tho sayde, would say “Thow art a good baroun.”

2075 Tho was Mansoure glad That the treson was ymad, And gaf that traytour Thrytty somers and mo Off gold and sylver also, 2080 With swythe gret honour. And thrytté stedes with gold fyn To Charls sent that Sarsin, Alle they were whyt a flour; as flour And an houndred tonne of wyn, 2085 That was bothe good and fyn, And swythe fayre colour.

Gwynes hys leve tok And went hym hom, so sayth the bok, Wyth that presaunt so ryche. 2090 And sayde Syre Charls tho, “Mansure wylle come thee to, Ryght wel blythelyche. joyfully Forsothe, hys brother and ek he Wyllyn bothe ycristened be, 2095 With here folk, lytell and muche.” of low and high station Forsothe, Gwynes tho was A fals traytour, as was Judas, And many mo beyt suche. shall be so

Charlys grethed hym to wende prepared

214

2100 To Fraunce with hys knyghtes hende, By the traytours rede. counsel There he fond fomen fale many foes In the forest off Runcyvale, That wolde hym do to dede. bring to death 2105 The kyng bad Roulond hys cosyn Twenty thousand to take with hym, Stouttelyche forto lede. Boldly Whenne Charls hadde yhote tho, commanded this be done The best bodyes that were tho 2110 With Roulond, forsothe, thay yede. went

Twenty thousand Charls ladde, led And also fele Roulond hadde Into the rere batayle. rear guard Charlys ne tok no dussyper 2115 But Gwynes and Turpyn yfer, Except for That weren of heyghe parayle. high nobility Mansoure lete tho passe Charlys folk, bothe more and lasse, of high and low station Forsothe withouten fayle. 2120 Tho com Roulond with hys ost, Then And Mansoure with muche bost Hard hym gan assayle.

Syxty thousand and ek mo Mansoure with hym brought tho, 2125 Out of the wode aplyght. The Cristen thay gonne assayle; Many deyde in that batayle Or it ever were nyght. Before Togyder thay gonne smyte; 2130 Neyther ne spared other but lyte; There was a wel gryslych syght. Roulond was there yslawe, And good Olyver hys felawe, And wel many a trewe knyght!

2135 Syre Constantyn of gret Rome Ageynes Belyngas, forsothe, come, With a gret spere kervyng, And to hym he it bare; He brast it on peces thare, 2140 Withouten any lesyng. With swerd and with mas, Forsothe, in that plas

215

Togedyr thay hem thryng. pressed Jhesu Crist, Kyng off blys, 2145 Lord withouten mys, Here soules to hevene bryng!

Whenne Oger Denys seye thys, That hys good felaw yslawe ys, In hert hym was full who. sorrowful 2150 He faught as he were wood, That alle ageyne hym stod, To grounde he fylle hem tho. Raynold of Auby d’Espyne Com prikyng on a stede fyn, galloping And faught ful hard also. 2155 Wel sone the Cristen were byset As der that beyth withinne the net, deer With ten thousand and mo.

Thay faughten wel by the lawe, for the faith 2160 But sone thay were alle yslawe, Withinne a lytel stounde. Men seyeth in old sawe, That ten men in a lytel thrawe, in a moment Mowe be brought to grownd. 2165 Though Oger faught fast, Yut sone at the laste, He hadde dethys wounde, And Raynold wyth also, And wel many a gode knyght mo, In boke as hyt ys fownde.

2170 Tho Sir Bertram the baner, When; banner-bearer Bothe Rouland and eke Olyver, And Sir Gaumfres the kyng Gonne tho to fyght ful fast, And also ground tey caste they cast down 2175 Wel many a gret lordyng. Forsoth, Olyver and Rouland do then Cleven men and hors atowo, split So thay faught in that thryng. throng Syre Bertram the baner, 2180 Bothe Roulond and Olyver Ne spared elde ne yong.

Ful sone after in a stounde, Ganfres was brought to grounde

216

With the cursed Sarisins. By 2185 Tho good Olyver was slawe tho, And many a doughty knyght also, With the develes lemes. By; followers A Sarsyn that hyght Langelye, He com witht gret envye, 2190 As Y yow say in rymes. He com and smot Olyver on the croune, That bode hys eyghen fyl adown, both; eyes Fram hym in that tymes.

Whenne that Olyver was blynth, blind 2195 Bothe byforn and ek byhynde He leythen faste aboute; struck And evermore as he rod, He made a way swythe brod very wide path Off the Sarisins that were stoute. 2200 And as he faught wondurlyche fast, Roulond com ate last To helpe hym, saun doute. So hard Olyvere smot Roulond That hys schyld from hym wond fell 2205 Among the hethen route. company

“Allas!” sayde Roulond tho, “Olyver, why faryst thou so? Artou paynym bycome?” “Nay!” sayde Olyver, “God it wot, 2210 Y ne wyst never whom Y smot! did not know My syght ys me bynome!” taken Tho thay bode layden on in fere, both fight together Bothe Roulond and Olyver, And slowyn there many a gom. 2215 With that com l’angelye, an angel The cours have he of Oure Ladye, from That most hath myrthes mone. Who most has inspired mirth

...... And with a spere swythe feloun, dangerous 2220 That dede he fyl to grounde. he [Oliver] Tho Roulond sey that fyght, When With sorow and care he smot a knyght, That same hethen hound; That hors an man, bothe at onys, once 2225 He evene cleved hys body and bonys, evenly Ne myght no man hym hele that wounde.

217

Bothe Ganfer and Ganfres, Ryght besyde Oger Denys, There lay yslaw that stounde.

2230 Anguler and Anastes ther, And Syr Ynory, here gode fer, companion Alle quyk thay were ynome, alive; captured And yhongeth heyghe on a tre, That grete dele it was to se sorrow 2235 Uppon many a Cristen gom. man Therfore Mansoure was ful fawe determined That thay were so alle yslawe, The Cristen, bothe alle and sum. 2240 But Roulond skaped away escaped In a busk of an hegge, forsoth to say, bush; hedge With hys drydde gome. third companion [perhaps Baldwin]

And as Rouland the gooth knyght good Com framward that strong fyght, away from 2245 A Sarsin ther he fond, That resteth hym ther upryght, rested Y say, forsothe aplyght, With foure of hys bond. vassals So upryght by a tre, 2250 He yede forth and let hem be, them Styll for to stonde, And went uppon an heyghe hylle, And hys horn he blew wel schylle, loudly That he held in hys honde.

2255 The Cristen gome it knowe The Christian men who were away That weren away yslowe, [heard it and] knew of the slaying And comyn to hys cry. Wel an hundred on a drowe in a group Ageyneward gonne drawe 2260 To the Sarsins, sykerly. Roulond hys swerd gan drawe, To the Sarsin he sayde in a thrawe, in a moment “Anone thow schalt deye, But thow me telle, ywys, 2265 Where Mansoure thy lord ys— Sey me hastlye!

Thenne wyl Y save thee, My treuth Y thee plyght.” The Sarsin was blythe

218

2270 To askape with hys lyve, And sayde, “Go we anoneryght!” Forth thay went alle prist, swiftly Bothe togederes in that forest, So faste as thay myght. The Sarsin sayde, “He ys thys 2275 That bereth the schylde of prys costly shield With a dragon of gold bryght.”

Roulond mette an hathen hounde; Suche a strok he hym founde 2280 That ded he fyll in that plas. Hard he layde on bothe syde; fought Whome Roulond mette in that tyde, Hym byfyll a sory cas. Mansure he mette, saun fayle, 2285 In that same batayle, As it was Goddys grace. Roulond let tho the Sarsin gone, And to the batayle he went anone, There Mansure in was.

2290 Strong fyght was hem bytwene, They al tohewen the helmes schene, demolished And here schyldes dude also. Thorugh the hauberk the blod was sene, For the strokys weren ful kene, 2295 That theleth were bytwene hem to. dealt Roulond smot a strok with yre On the helm of Syre Mansure, And clef hys body tho. Welle a thousand Sarsins, 2300 Alle of Godys wytherlyngges, enemies Thay flowyn away hym fro.

Whenne Belyngans hys brother Sey that hit was none other, He fleye with hys ost 2305 To Saragous, that ryche cyté, Saragossa Bothe he and eke hys mayné, Wyth bobaunce and with bost. arrogance Roulond had so many a wounde, Wondyr that he ne fyl to grounde, [It is a] 2310 And that was sorw most. “God!” he cryed, “mercy, blyve!” quickly Lord, help hym in hys lyve,

219

As Tou art the Holy Gost!

Roulond com doun anone, fell down 2315 Of febelnesse he hadde gret wone; in full With that come Syre Baudewyne, Baldwin And Terry also, withouten fayle, That weren askaped from that batayle; That on was hys owyn cosyn. That one 2320 He seys hys armur al totore, saw; broken Hys body with speres thorugh-bore, stabbed Hys lyf in poynt to tyne. of death Roulond throw out Dorundale, drew out And sayde there a rewfull tale, 2325 And wroth was in fyn. utterly upset

Tho he bygan to make hys mone, And faste loked there uppon, As he it held in hys hond: “O, swerd of gret myght! 2330 Better bar never no knyght, To wynne with no lond! Thow hast ybe in many batayle, That never Sarsin, saum fayle, Ne myght thy strok withstonde! 2335 Go! Let never no paynym Into batayle bere hym After the deth of Roulond.

O, swerd of gret power! In thys world nys nought thy per, 2340 Of no metal ywrought. Alle Spayne and Gales, Galicia Thorugh grace of God and thee, ywys, To Cristendom ben brought. Thow ert good, withouten blame; 2345 In thee ys gaveth the Holy Name, That alle thyng made of nought.” Roulond smot it on a stone, And he it karf ato anone, it [the stone] To breke it tho was hys thought. it [the sword]

2350 Tho he hadde that ston yschorne, When; carved Wel lowde he blew tho hys horne, To have yhad more socour. Thre note he blew so, That hys horn clef atwo,

220

2355 That was of good yvour, ivory That the temple and hys vayne, his temple and his vein Brost bothe with gret mayne, Burst; powerfully Off Roulond the conquerour. Syxty myle men herde the soun; Sixty thousand 2360 Tho the Kyng Charls of renoun, Made gret dolour. lament

“Gyne, Y can Roulond knowe, Ganelon Ryght now, forsothe, Y herde hym blowe, Y drede lest he mysfare. suffer misfortune 2365 As armes anone, gret and smale, To arms To that forest of Rouncyvale, To loke yf he be dare.” there Gwynes, that wyst of thys dede, To the kyng anone he sayde, 2370 “Syre, have ye no care! Roulond ys so jolyf a man That he hys blewyng bygan For huntyng of an hare.”

Lo, thys falce traytour— 2375 God yeve hym myssauntour misfortune For hys falce lesyng! Rowlond now lyth on the gras, And Baudewyn with hym was, And schulde hym water bryng. 2380 To fecche hym water he gan gon, But he ne myght fynde none, For nones kynnes thyng. By any means Tho he tolde that there none was, When; reported Roulond sayde, “Allas, allas!” 2385 With swythe gret mornyng.

To fecche eft yede Baudewyn. fetch [water] again With that there come a Sarsin There that lay Roulond, Where And tok that swerd Dorundale, 2390 And thus he sayde in hys tale, As he it held on hond: “O, Dorundale, thou art wel founde! Wyth thee hath Roulond ybrought to grounde Many a Sarsin of oure lond! 2395 Now schal may a Cristen berd many Wynne schame here afterward Thorugh help of Mahoundys honde!”

221

Whenne Roulond herd hym speke so, In hys hert hym was ful wo, 2400 And hastylyche up he stert. He yede anon to that paynym, And with hys horn he smot hym, That he felle overthwart. sideways That blod and brayn start up byforn; spewed in front of him 2405 Forsothe, hys lyf there was lorn, That he nas never after quart. healthy Deth he fel, so sayd my tale, For he wolde have stolyn Dorundale; Because He hadde a stroke ful smert.

2410 With that com Baudewyn anone agayn, And fond Roulond on the playn; He leyde hym on hys stede. Swerd and horn he tok also, As man that was in muche wo; 2415 Away he gan hym lede, Out of that forest of Rouncyvale Into another dep dale, And leyde hym a mede, in a meadow And sayde, “Roulond, pur charité! 2420 Thenk our God in Trinté Think upon That for ous wolde blede!”

With that, Roulond Godys knyght Loketh up to hene lyght, heaven’s And sayde on hys maner: 2425 “Jhesu, that syttyth in Trinté, O God and Persones Thre! Now here my prayer! Y com to thys contré, Lord, for the love of Thee, 2430 And Thy moder there, dear The hethen for to slo, That wrought Thee so muche wo Whyle that Thou were here.

“Lord, as Thou art Kyng ycorne, chosen 2435 Let Thou me be nought forlorne, lost But bryng me to blys, There that ys Thy reynyng, reign Jhesu Criste, hene Kyng, heaven’s Therof that Y ne mys,

222

2440 And thylke that ben yslawe those who have been slain For the ryght lawe, faith And for the stedfastnesse.”

Ryght in thys same prayer, Directly after Roulond the very martyr true 2445 Passed out of hys lyve. Angelys comyn fro hevene, By syxty and by sevene— Off hym thay were ful blythe— And broughten hym into blys 2450 That never more schal mysse, be lacking There joye ys ful ryve. Where; plentiful Now Jhesu, Mary Sone, Graunt ous alle therre to wone dwell For Thy woundys fyve.

2455 And as the angel Mychael, Gabriel and Raphael Roulondys soule bare Over Charls chapyll, ywys, As Turpyn messed, ywys, gave mass 2460 A gret crye he gan here, Off fendys that weryn felle That weren towarde helle were headed to With the soule of Mansur. Turpyn bad hym abyde, ordered them to 2465 And axed hem in that tyde asked What thyng that they beryn there.

“On that ys ous ful sure, is very certainly ours Forsothe, the soule of Mansure; He hath yserved ous ay. 2470 He schall have to hys hure reward The pyne of helle sure— None other be it ne may! And Roulondys soule ys Ybrought into paradys, 2475 With joye and with play, Thereinne for to be, And there hyt to se, Forsoth, Y thee say.”

Whenne the masse was don, 2480 The Byschop Turpyn anon To Charls went and sayde,

223

“Charlys Syre, forsothe ywys, Ryght now none other there nys, Roulond ys do to deth. 2485 Forsothe, Y sey now ryght I just now saw Angls of muche myght Hys soule to hevene lede.” Wyth that com Baudewyn, Roulondys owyn cosyn, 2490 Rydyng on hys stede.

The swerd and the horn He brought the kyng beforn, And tolde hym of that cas: How Roulond was yslawe, 2495 And Olyver hys gode felaw, And alle that that ever was; Thorugh Masures rede, plot Alle hys folk were dede And yspylt in that plas. 2500 Tho Charls wust thys, When; knew He was ful sory, ywys, And sayde, “Allas, allas!”

With dwele and muche crye, grief Charls went in hye at once 2505 Roulond for to se; And fond hym there ded, And thus to hym he sayde, As Y schal telle thee: “O, Roulond, the good conquerour 2510 And the noblyst warryour That ever more schal be, How Y have thee forlore? Dey Y wylle thee before I wish to die in your presence But God wyl save!” Unless God prevents it

2515 On swowne he felle to grounde, Anone in that same stounde, As a man that was in care; And whenne he up stood, He cryed as he were wood, 2520 And wep and tor hys here. With a rewful rage, He cracched hys vysage, scratched; face And sayde with sykyng sore, “Roulond now for the love of thee,

224

2525 Dede now wyl Y be; Of blys Y am alle bare!

Thow were strong as Sampson, And bolder thanne any lyon, In batayle and eke in fyght. 2530 I may wepe for thy partyng So dude David the Kyng As For Absolon the whyte! Best me ys myself to sle, For glad ne worthe Y never mo will I nevermore be 2535 After thys ylke syght. Thow were in were good and wys, war As was Judas Machabeus, That was Godys knyght.”

The barouns beden hym let be, 2540 And sayde, “Syre, pur charyté, Lete away thys ylke mornyng. Wel ye seth how it geth— goes There nys no bote of mannys deth. remedy Take to thee confortyng.” 2545 The kyng let that body dyght, be prepared With myrre and baume aryght balm For drede off rotyng; To avoid And sythe went to Rowncyvale, Ther the bodyes lyen be tale, one by one 2550 Of many an heyghe lordyng.

And also Oliver ther they fownde, With foure wythes harde ybownde, willow ropes And ded he lay undyr a tre. On hys body was many a wownde. 2555 Charlys sayd tho in that stownde, “Allas, that yche schulde thys ever se.” Her pavylons ther they pyght, And waketh the bodyes all that nyght, kept vigil With swythe grete solemptnité. 2560 The kyng swore by God Almyght, That ys an heye in hevene lyght, Therof he wolde awreke be. avenged

Anonryght that trewe kyng Made there ryght hys prayng Prayed there directly 2565 To Jhesu ful of myght, That He wolde sende hym grace

225

Ryght ther in that same place, To have the dayes lyght For to sle hys enemys, 2570 And also to wynne the peys peace Or come the next nyght. Before An angel come ther sone, And sayd, “Yherd ys thy bone. Ryse an wende to fyght,

2575 For tylle thou have thy wylle, The sonne schall stonde stylle sun In the firmement.” The kyng was tho glad and blythe, And thonked God fele sythe, 2580 Jhesu Lord Omnipotent. Kyng Charls and Turpyn, Terry and eke Bawdewyn, To batayl sone they went, And sworyn by Goddys mounde, mount [i.e., Calvary] 2585 Thay schulde never stytnt stownde pause for a moment Tylle the Sarisins were schent. defeated

Here bygynnyth a batayle stronge and fyn Off Kyng Charls and of Turpyn That joye ys of to here; 2590 That faughten agens the Sarisins stoute At Saragous, wythoute dowte, As gode men schulde and sure. Charlys hys ost gan oute lede, And comyn to Sadrak, so Y rede, 2595 That ys a fayre watyr and clere, river Two myle from Saragone. Belyngas thay fownde sone, That was wel stoute and fere;

Off Percy the ryche sowdan From Persia 2600 That hyght Syre Perygan— Ne wust nower hys per; nowhere And also many a paynym That were bothe stoute and grym, And of swythe gret power.

2605 Too thowsand of Percyans And also fele Affricans Thay browten to the feld. Off Babyloyn the sowdan

226

He brought with hym many a man 2610 With spere, swerde, and schylde. Syxty thowsand and mo He brought with hym do; there Thus Turpyn had ous told. Two hundred of Percy, 2615 Charlys ne hadde but thyrty Off knyghtes that were bold.

To batayle thay were boune, headed Bothe with spere and gomphanoune, banner And fast thay gonne to fyght. 2520 Syre Turpyn and Charlyon With here gode swerde broun polished swords Hewyn on the helmes bryght. Many a paynym there fyl adoun That weren of wythe gret renoun, wide 2625 Longe er it were nyght. Otuel tho with hys fauchoun, And the gode Duk Hugoun, A man of muche myght,

In the fyrst batayle 2630 The saudan they gonne assayle, Of Percy that hyght Perigon. Syre Otuel smot hym tho, That evene he cleft hym ato, Syker bothe hors and man. 2635 Byschop Turpyn with hys spere To Belyngans he gan it bere, That thorugh hys body it ran. Therewhyle the Kyng Charlyoun Slow with hys fauchoun 2640 Off Babylone the sawdan.

Tho Turpyn was byset As a der in the net There among the paynemes, And neygh yslawe that stounde, was almost slain 2645 And hadde many a wounde Of the falce Sarsins. Of strokes hard and sore Turpyn suffred thare Of Godys wytherlynges. enemies 2650 And Turpyn and Tybaut Made a swythe noble saught attempt

227

To slen the fyndes lemes. devil’s followers

Thay and here ost faughten so That syxty thousand and mo 2655 Suffreth dere dedes wounde. their Grete peple thay gonne sle, And wenten fele into the se, many jumped into For drede of deth that stounde. No Sarsin, syker aplyght, 2660 From that batayle skapyn myght That owther myght be founde. any Alle thay were yslawe, And ybrought of here lyve dawe, There uppon the grounde.

2665 And ever schon the sonne bryght To yeve Kyng Charls lyght In that fayre fyrmement. Thre dayes of mowntans ryght, Exactly the length of three days Tylle he hadde ywonne the fyght 2670 Thorugh grace that God hym sent. And he slowe alle hys enemys, And worschyplyche he wan the pris worshipfully Wyth swythe gode entent. The kyng was do glad and blyde, then; blithe 2675 And thonketh God many sythe For the grace that he hath hym sent.

Anon thereaftyr he toke the way Ther that Rowlandys body lay, And with hym many a knyght. 2680 “Forsothe,” sayd Turpyn and Turry, “Gwynes had made thys, sekerly, caused And thys fals treson had ryght.” has arranged Tho the Kyng Charlyon Commawndyth swythe anone 2685 To brynge hym forthe anonryght. Terry to hym anone forthe wonde, leapt forth And of the deth of Rowlond He hym with clepyth aplyght, accused

And sayde, “Thorugh thy false treson, 2690 Many a gode lorde ys brought adown, And hathe suffryd dedes wownde.” Gwynes sayd, “Nay! Thowe lyxt falsly, by thys day!

228

And that schall be well yfownde, 2695 Thy body anoneryght ys to myn. Your body immediately against mine Arme thee anon wel afyn, completely And Y wyth a spere ygrownde. But Y me defende, Unless Y grawnt, so God me amende, 2700 Byhonged and trawe thys stownde.” drawn

Anone Turry the gode knyght Armed hym wel aplyght, And Gwynes dude also. Thay come bothe into the felde, 2705 Bothe with spere and with schelde, Togedyr thay reden tho. made ready then Gwynes smote Turry That hys schylde sykerly Evene clef atoo. 2710 Turpyn and Charls the kyng Bothe thay say that fyghtyng— saw In hert hem was ful wo.

But Turry with hys half-schylde, To Gwynes rod in the felde 2715 With a grete rawnan. roar He gafe the traytour suche a wownde That down he fel to grownde Wyth Crystys malyson. curse Ther the traytour was ovecome, 2720 And swythe anone he was ynome seized By the hest of Charlyon. And ther he was byknowe, exposed as guilty Byfore heye and eke lowe, Of that ylke false treson:

2725 The Crystyn howe he solde How he had sold the Christians For thrytty somers of golde To her enomys. “Forsothe,” sayd Charls, “hyt ys the lawe That thow be honged an drawe, 2730 By Crst and Sent Denys.” Christ He tolde that Mansure and Belygans, He [Ganelon] confessed How thay schulde have come into Fraunce And have ywone the prys, gained the prize And have yslaw Kyng Charls, 2735 Turpyn, and alle hys barounes Ryght at here Dynys. [at] Saint-Denis

229

Tho by the heste of Charls the kyng command The traytour was don to hongyng, sentenced to And was ydrawe thorugh the toun. 2740 And after yhonged wel faste, Forsothe, tho in haste, then Alle quyk he was leten doun, still living And ybounde to a stake, And hys bowels out ytake, 2745 To brenne hym byforn. To foure stedys he was yknyt horses; tied By the hondys and by the fet, At the heste of Charlyoun.

On eche stede sat a knyght, 2750 And thus he was totwyt, dismembered Gwynes the falce traytour. Forsothe, hit were skele and ryght, wise That everych traytour were so ydyght, And hadde muche myssaunter! misadventure 2755 Charlys tok hys knyghtes And went to Roulond anoneryghtes With swythe gret dolour. Roulondys body he let dyght With murre and baume anoneryght, 2760 With swythe good othour. aroma

Bothe Roulond and Olyver And everych of the dussyper With baune weren ydyght. balm; anointed Off some, withoute fayle, From some [of the dead] 2765 Men duden out the entrayle, And in lede layde hem aryght. lead And tho that weren nought so, Ful wel in salt men dude hem do, preserved them To be swete bothe day and nyght. 2770 Thus thay weren dyght anone, Wel ynoynted everychone, Withouten any unryght. impropriety

Thus Charls doth, that ys so hende, To bryng hys knyghtes to good ende, 2775 Forsothe, as hym thought best. Other lordys that weren there, Men layde hem on hors bere, biers And were rychelyche brought in cheste. caskets

230

Charlys bysyde Runcyvale 2780 Lete rere a chyrche good withalle Built For hem to rede and syng. “Now Jhesu Crist in Trinté, O God and Persones Thre, To joye and blysse ous bryng.” 2785 Here endeth Otuel, Roulond, Olyver, And off the twelf dussypers, That deyden in the batayle off Runcyvale. Jhesu Lord, hevene Kyng, To Hys blysse ous and hem bothe bryng 2790 To leven wythoute bale. suffering

231

Textual Notes

Abbreviations: O’Sullivan: O

2 worchyp. So MS. O: worchype.

11 do. So MS. O: tho.

13 Ebryan. So MS. O: Ebrayn.

16 Rowlond. So MS. O: Rowland.

19 Emon. So MS. O: Emoun.

24 Albene. So MS. O: awbane.

26 Overcom. MS: ouercam. O: ouer-cam.

28 O inserts a blank line here though no line is missing in the manuscript.

30 dere. So MS. O: der.

40 Ercheboschop. So MS. O: Ercheboschope.

42 syght. So MS. O: fyȝt.

58 Otuell. So MS. O: Ottuell.

66 Charlyon. So MS. O: Charlyoun.

69 renon. So MS. O: renoun.

76 yede. MS: ȝede. O: ȝee.

81 tylle. So O. MS: stylle.

92 Ere. So MS. O: Or.

103 yswore. So MS. O: ysore.

116 grylle. So MS. O: yvylle.

121 Mahon. So MS. O: Mahoun.

122 Platon. So MS. O: Platoun.

232

123 fayn. So MS. O: fayne.

125 thay. So MS. O: day.

129 lastyd. So MS. O: lastyth.

138 maystrye. So MS. O: maysterye.

139 Charlyon. So MS. O: Charlyoun.

140 Mahon. So MS. O: Mahoun.

152 Has don. So MS. O: Don.

157 rennen. So MS. O: renne.

172 wordy. So MS. O: worthy.

176 thede. So MS. O: dede.

195 O inserts a blank line here though no line is missing in the manuscript.

207 Mahon. So MS. O: Mahoun.

213 Mahon. So MS. O: Mahoun

215 dene. So MS. O: thone.

222 comaunded. So MS. O: commaunded.

228 syght. MS, O: fyȝt.

253-270: Folio in MS is torn, which has corrupted the text.

293 Tha. So MS. O: Than.

311 schon. So MS. O: schone.

317 wel. So MS. O: we.

333 sayth sure the bok. MS, O: sayth the bok sure.

367 The. So MS. O: tho.

370 The. So MS. O: tho.

233

383 fettyn. So MS. O: settyn.

419 foo. So MS. O: foe.

455 foeld. So MS. O: feeld.

465 sede. So MS. O: dede.

486 thonkyth. So MS. O: thonkyd.

497 Dronke. So MS. O: Drouke.

565 do. So MS. O: tho.

507 lyght. MS: lyȝt. O: hyȝt.

509 Cristen. So MS. O: cristene.

532 Efte. So MS. O: Este.

553 holme. So MS. O: helme.

559 Rouland. So MS. O: Roulond.

560 Sarisin. So MS. O: sarsin.

576 fyght. So O. MS: syȝt.

580 drewe. So MS. O: threwe.

587 Rouland. So MS. O: Roulond.

610 an answere. So MS. O: andswere.

615 woman. So MS. O: womman.

624 yslowe. So MS. O: y-slawe.

640 Charles. MS: Chs. O: Charlys.

646 the. So MS. O: tho.

676 thay. So MS. O: day.

686 Two ferdales. So MS. O: To Verdals.

234

696 teleen. So MS. O: telden.

697 sojourned. MS: sorourned. O: soiourned.

706 goode wede. So O. MS: wys, struck through, is placed between goode and wede.

714 hedynesse. So MS. O: hethynesse.

781 Denys. So MS. O: danys.

794 cours to. So MS. O cours he to.

796 In MS and O, this line is broken into two lines between strong and and. Metrically, it should be a single line, so I have combined it.

801 Non. So MS. O: No.

802. Slaw. So O. MS: Claw.

803 yet. MS, O: ȝyt.

822 overdrew. So MS. O: over threw.

841 stert. So MS. O: start.

843 Smertilyche. So MS. O: Smertelyche.

856 do. So MS. O: tho.

871 yendyrward. So MS. O: ȝenderware.

876 ower. So MS. O: ewer.

880 tabeures. So MS. O: taboures.

881 chynoures. So MS. O: chymours.

891 Assayle then. So MS. O: Assayleden.

891 elthe. So MS. O: elde.

905 Sarsin. So MS. O: sarisin.

913 de. So O. MS: and.

235

928 do. So MS. O: tho.

937 Anfer of Danbery. So MS. O: aubery of daubery.

950 Rowlond. So MS. O: Rowland.

976 de. So MS. O: the.

980 hys. So MS. O: his.

982 wroth. MS, O: vroth.

1001 had. So MS. O: hath.

1015 do. So MS. O: tho.

1033 do. So MS. O: tho.

1052 hys. So MS. O: ys.

1060 Olyver. MS Olyuer. O: Olyuere.

1061 everichon. MS euerichon. O: euerchone.

1065 hedyn. So MS. O: hethyn.

1068 Yet. MS, O: ȝyt.

1070 fone. So MS. O: sone.

1073 enthyng. So MS. O: endyng.

1084 overdrew. So MS. over threw.

1087 Langares. So MS. langars.

1130 rwed. So MS. O: rived.

1164 thynketh. So MS. O: thynkyth.

1176 God. So MS. O: good.

1177 Otul. So MS. O: Otuel.

1219 hem. So MS. O: hym.

236

1237 fetten. So MS. O: fetton.

1246 Twe hethe. So MS. O: Two of þe.

1252 That. So MS. O: Than.

1266 launce. So O. MS: saunce.

1272 of myschaunce. So MS. O of my myschaunce.

1283 dretest. So MS. O: thretest.

1289 er. So MS. O: or.

1290 hedynesse. So MS. O: hethynesse.

1294 dare. So MS. O: þare.

1311 to. So MS. O: he.

1337 drydde. So MS. O: þrydde.

1339 Eve. So MS. O: ous.

1347 low. MS, O: lew.

1360 Syr. So MS. O: Syre.

1360 over. So MS. O: on.

1380 Agens. So MS. O: aȝene.

1411 stete. So MS. O: stede.

1420 sought. So MS. O: fouȝt

1432 helmes, hauberk. So MS. O: helmes and hauberk.

1462 wytnessed. So MS. O: wytnesseth.

1475 had. So MS. O: hath.

1475 yshave. MS: extra minim struck out.

1486 ne. So MS. O: the.

237

1508 hys. So MS. O: his.

1511 syde. So MS. O: sythe.

1527 thonkyth. So MS. O: thonkyd.

1529 day. So MS. O: thay.

1537 had. So MS. hath.

1546 doume. So MS. O: domne.

1564 ycristeneth. So MS. O: ycristened.

1590 eld. So MS. O: old.

1597 barones. So MS. O: borones.

1598 Lorthynges. So MS. O: lordynges.

1609 fer. So MS. O: for.

1615 pryketh. So MS. O: prykyng.

1615 beforn. So MS. O: before.

1616 An unknown number of folios are missing.

1697 enthyng. So MS. O: endyng.

1690 many. So O. MS omits an additional many between Lyved and in.

1699 Alle. So MS. O: All.

1703 the. So O. MS: the the.

1715 neghhode. MS: neȝhode. O: neȝhede.

1735 swyde. So MS. O: swythe.

1751 that. So MS. O: thay.

1784 wyss. So MS. O: wysser.

1804 banerer. So MS. O banere.

238

1810 Charlys, by. So MS. O: Charlys swore by.

1842 tho. So MS. O: thon.

1869 othyr. So MS. O: othyyr.

1875 He sende. So MS. O inserts that at the start of the line.

1894 de. So MS. O: ded.

1926 hys, saum fayle. So MS. O hys barownes saumfayle.

1929 And was. So MS. O And hyt was.

1939 parteth. So MS. O: parted.

1956 stabeleth. So MS. O: stabeled.

1961 Galeys. So MS. O: Galys.

1968 Yver. MS: yuer. O: yuner.

1969 comaund. So MS. O: comaunded.

2007 felle. MS, O: selle.

2011 Off knyghtes grete. So MS. O: knyȝtes off grete.

2027 dwelleth. So MS. O: dwelled.

2083 a. So MS. O: as.

2110 bodyes. So O. MS: bedyes.

2139 peces. So MS. O: peses.

2153 fyn. So MS. O: fyne.

2174 so. So MS. O: to.

2176 do. So MS. O: tho.

2192 bode. So MS. O: bothe.

2194 blynth. So MS. O: blynd.

239

2196 leythen. So MS. O: leyde.

2197 evermore. So O. MS: neuer more.

2198 brod. So O. MS: bred.

2210 whom. So MS. O: when.

2212 bode. So MS. O: bothe.

2231 fer. So MS. O: ser.

2233 yhongeth. So MS. O: y-honged.

2242 drydde. So MS. O: thrydde.

2243 gooth. So MS. O: good.

2245 fond. So MS: fand.

2248 resteth. So MS. O: rested.

2244 of hys. So MS. O: wythys.

2250 hem. So MS. O: hym.

2253 schylle. So MS. O: schrylle.

2255 gome. So MS. O: gonne.

2256 yslowe. So MS. O: yflowe.

2266 Sey. So MS. O: bey.

2295 theleth. So MS. O: deled.

2310 that. So MS. O: than.

2320 seys. So MS. O: seye.

2345 gaveth. MS: gaueth. O: graueth.

2367 dare. So MS. O: thare.

2407 Deth. So MS. O: Ded.

240

2407 sayd. So MS. O: sayth.

2410 com. So MS. O: cam.

2423 Loketh. So MS. O: loked.

2423 hene. So MS. O: heuene.

2430 there. So MS. O: dere.

2464 hym. So MS. O: hem.

2486 Angls. So MS. O: Angels.

2497 Masures. So MS. O: Mansures.

2557 ther. So O. MS: word obscured by a blot of ink.

2558 waketh. So MS. O: waked.

2561 lyght. MS: lyȝt. O: hyȝt.

2612 do. So MS. O: tho.

2613 had. So MS. O: hath.

2647 Of. So MS. O: Off.

2649 Of. So MS. O: Off.

2655 Suffreth dere. So MS. O: Suffred there.

2662 thay. So MS. O: they.

2674 do. So MS. O: tho.

2674 blyde. So MS. O: to blythe.

2675 thonketh. So MS. O: thonked.

2676 hath. So MS. O: had.

2681 had. So MS. O: hath.

2682 had ryght. MS: had ryȝt. O: hath dyȝt.

241

2688 with clepyth. So MS. O: with-clepyd.

2700 Byhonged. So MS. O: Be honged.

2700 trawe. So MS. O: drawe.

2713 schylde. So O. MS: chylde.

2760 othour. So MS. O: odour.

2778 were rychelyche. So MS. O: were they rychelyche.

242

Explanatory Notes

16 Vernagu. Vernagu is the giant but well-mannered Saracen who came as a messenger to

Charlemagne in Roland and Vernagu, which directly precedes Otuel and Roland in the

narrative chronology of the Otuel-cycle romances. Vernagu defeats—but does not kill—

several of Charlemagne’s knights before facing Roland in combat. Roland and Vernagu

have a civil discussion of Christian theology during a break from their duel, but Vernagu

still rejects Christianity and is slain by Roland. Vernagu is Otuel’s uncle, and Otuel

would like to avenge his death.

31 dussyperys. According to legend, Charlemagne recognized twelve knights or “peers,” his

douze pairs, who were his fiercest warriors and held a special place in his court. The two

words were combined into the single term douzepers, spelled a variety of ways in Middle

English.

40 Ercheboschop Syr Turpyn. Archbishop Turpin is mentioned in historical records of

Charlemagne’s life and is an important figure in the Chanson de Roland and the Middle

English Charlemagne romances. Turpin’s role in Roland and Vernagu and the three

versions of the Otuel story is somewhat limited to traditional ecclesiastical duties

befitting an archbishop, such as holding mass and baptizing converts, but Turpin is a

central character in The Siege of Milan.

41 wrote in Latyn. It is common for romance authors to refer to a source or sources for their

works, a trope that is intended to lend credibility to their tales. Such references can be as

general as “so says the book,” but here the Latin most likely refers to the Pseudo-Turpin

Chronicle, an historical record that was composed relatively soon after Charlemagne’s

death and misattributed to Archbishop Turpin.

243

501 Seynd Denys. Saint-Denis is a commune in France near Paris that is named for the

Basilica of Saint Denis, which houses the relics and shrine of the martyred first bishop of

Paris. During the Middle Ages, the Basilica of Saint Denis had a strong connection to the

royal line of France, and many kings were buried there.

106 Cursins. Cursins, or Cursu as it is spelled in other Middle English romances featuring

Otuel, is the name of Otuel’s sword. Meaning curse, the name is appropriate for the

sword of the fearsome Saracen knight.

121-122 Mahon, Jubiter, and Syre Platon. Middle English romance depictions of Islam falsely

present Muslims as polytheists who worship idols, often naming three or four gods who

are central to the fictional faith of the Saracens: Mahoun, Jupiter, Apolin, and

Termagaunt. Platon is another, though less common, name of a fictional Muslim god.

128 mametrye. Depictions of Islam in Middle English romance often contain inaccuracies:

Muslims are frequently depicted as polytheists who worship idols. The term maumets or

maumetry refers to the idols that these fictionalized Muslims worship.

154 uyterly. According to the MED, the use of vyterly to describe the walls of Lumbardy

could mean that it is walled skillfully, that the walls completely surround the city, or that

it is walled outwardly. Each of these definitions fits the sense of Otuel’s description of

the city, but a claim that the city is completely walled in provides context for Ogier’s

difficult escapt from Utaly later in the poem.

155 Utaly. In other Middle English Otuel romances, the city that Garcy has raised in

Lombardy is called Ataly. Historically, the center of the Lombard Empire was Pavia.

Ataly is a fictional city created for the Otuel legends.

244

164-174 Come nought there...And thynne arn al yong. Otuel is taunting Charlemagne, telling him

that he is far too old to attempt a siege on Utaly. He tells him that he should take up bird

hunting, a leisurely activity suited to Charlemagne’s age. At the end of Otuel’s taunting,

he tells Charlemagne that his knights are also ill-equipped to manage a siege of Utaly

because they are too young and inexperienced.

206 Dorundale. According to legend, Durendal was the name of Roland’s sword. The sword

has various mythical or divine origins.

239 Seynt Omeres. Saint-Omer is a commune in northern France named for Saint Audomar,

also called Saint Omer. Audomar was a bishop in France during the reign of Dagobert in

the seventh century. The Saint-Omer Cathedral is the purported resting place of

Audomar’s body.

331-332 Leire...Some. The Loire and the Somme are both rivers in France. The Loire is the

longest river in France, and stretches from the Atlantic Ocean almost all the way to the

French coast on the Mediterranean Sea. The Somme lies northern Freance.

364 for the nonys. The term for the nonce means approximately “for the moment” or “for the

occasion,” though it is primarily used as a meaningless metrical filler.

375 With thre Sarisins heuedys of sabyl. In the Middle Ages, knights were identifiable by the

color, images, and type of material (often fur) that were used on their coat of arms. Otuel

carries a shield with three heads of Saracens rendered in sable fur, which would be dark

brown or black.

454 god and stonys and crystall. Although it is not mentioned earlier in Otuel and Roland,

other versions of Otuel’s story explain that his helmet is encrusted with jewels and topped

245

with a figure of Mahoun. In Otuel and Roland, this elaborate decoration is broken off

when Roland strikes Otuel’s helmet forcefully.

456 To wetyn and nought to wene. The MED explains that this phrase is often used in rime

tags, and the contrast between wetyn, meaning to know for certain, and wene, meaning to

guess or suppose, is used to suggest that the item being described with this phrase is a

matter of certainty.

491 chyldys. In Middle English, child can have the same sense that it does in modern English:

a child below the age of puberty. However, in this case, it is more likely that the poet is

using child to refer to a young man who is aspiring to knighthood.

531 fauchon. A broad sword with a curved blade.

781 Oger Denys. Ogier is often called Ogier the Dane in chanson de geste and Charlemagne

romances. Despite the fact that Ogier is not a native Frank, he becomes one of

Charlemagne’s twelve peers and a close fellow of Roland and Oliver. Nonetheless, the

Dane is often used to identify him, and perhaps recall his non-Frankish origin.

1092 flycted. The verb means “to hover between life and death.” The line implies that the

Saracen died instantly due to the wound Esterych of Langares has given him.

1099-1110 Olmadas of Aschomoyne, a Saracen, unhorses Duke Reyner and takes the steed. The

Christian knight Emoleres attacks Olmadas, striking off the Saracen’s head with a mighty

blow.

1366-1368 Thre swerdys...ryche ston. Belesent has replaced Otuel’s shield bearing three

Saracens' heads with one bearing three silver swords and three golden

1464 lewed and lered. Literally means “the uneducated and the learned,” but is generally used

as a phrase meaning that people of all types are included.

246

1487 breythen. This word means "to rush." It is likely an error for brethel, a worthless person.

1615 A number of folios are missing from the manuscript. Based on the sources and analogues,

in the missing text, there are several one-on-one duels between Saracens and Christians,

and Ogier manages his escape.

1839-1859 Ebrayn attacks Charlemagne and unhorses him. Charlemagne strikes back and kills

Ebrayn, then proceeds to slay many more Saracens. The Saracens surrender, relinquish

their town to Charlemagne, and agree to be converted to Christianity.

1930 yfeffyd. Charlemagne has enfiefed each of the men who helped him in battle; they are

now his vassals, bound to fight for him whenever he requires it, and rewarded for this

service with lands and titles.

1941 Jercos. There is no easily identifiable group of people to which Jercos likely refers.

Based on the passage, Jercos seems to be a group of people in Spain, to whom

Charlemagne rewards the castle Tandylyf.

1981-2017 These lines are also found (with slight variations in wording) in Roland and Vernagu,

lines 425-460.

2356 temple and hys vayne. Roland blows his horn so loudly that his temples burst.

2605 Too thowsand of Percyans. In this line, the poet lists the number of Persians as two

thousand, but in line 2610 says there are two hundred. It is likely an error.

2614 Two hundred of Percy. See note for line 2601.

247

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain

Duke Roland and Sir Otuel of Spain is the latest Middle English version of the French chanson de geste, Otinel, and is found in the London Thornton manuscript, c. 1440-1465. This romance tells the story of the Saracen Otuel’s vicious challenge of Charlemagne and his knights, his mid- duel conversion, and his role in defeating Emperor Garcy after his conversion. Duke Roland deepens the relationship of Otuel and Belesent, Charlemagne's daughter and gives Belesent an active role in the narrative. The Otuel of Duke Roland is notable for his sharp tongue and quick wit, a quality that persists even after his conversion. Duke Roland emphasizes the errors made by French knights, often having Otuel voice sharp criticisms of their shortcomings.

Lordynges that bene hende and free, noble Herkyns alle hedirwardes to mee, toward Gif that it be your will. Now lates alle your noyse be, be quiet And herkyns nowe of gamen and glee merriment 5 That I schall tell yow till. Of doghety men I schall yow telle brave That were full fayre of flesche and fell body[i.e., flesh and skin] And semely appon sille, handsome in the hall And with thaire wapyns wele couthe melle fight 10 And boldly durste in batell duelle endure And doghety proved one hill.

The sone of le Roy Pepyn That was Sir Cherlles gud and fyne, Als the cronykills us gan say, chronicles 15 With his dusperes doghety and dyin twelve peers; dignified That wele couthe feghte with a Sarazene For to felle tham fey; slay them Till Genyone with his traytorye Ganelon Solde tham ille and wikkedly 20 Unto the false ley— faith Fourty thowsande and fyfty Of the flour of chevalrye flower There dyede apon a daye! in one day

Mynstrells in that lande gan duelle, 25 Bot alle the sothe thay couthe noghte tell truth Of this noble chevalrye:

248

How that Cherlles with his swerde gan melle, fought Bot suche a menske hym befell Until; honor That come hym sodeynly. 30 They tentede to thaire daunsynge, attended And also to thaire othir thynge, To make gamen and glee; Burdours into the haulle thay brynge Minstrels That gayly with thaire gle gan synge 35 With wowynges of lady. courting

And forthir in romance als ye mon here, may hear This noble kynge of grete powere Duellede in Pariche, Paris With his lordes and his duspers twelve peers 40 That were holden felle and fers considered strong and fierce And in batelle full wyse. skilled All thay buskede tham for to bere prepared Helme and hawberke, schelde and spere, coat of mail And rapede tham for to ryse hastened 45 Agaynes Kynge Merthill, forto were make war And forto kepe the heythyn here, engage with And struye there Goddes enymys. destroy

Bot now come tham newe note one hande, trouble And wondirfull hasty tythande tidings 50 That grevede tham righte sore; For of the chevallrye of the lande, Ther hade dyede thritty thousande, Gif Goddes helpe ne wore! Were it not for God’s help And owte of Spayne there come in hy in haste 55 A Sarazene that was full doghety With grymly grownden gare, sternly wrought armor Fro the Emperour Sir Garcy To Kyng Charlles full hastilye, That kyndilde alle thaire care. caused; worrying

60 The messangere was mekill of pride. much Thorowte Pareche gan he ryde Paris And at the kynges sale he lighttis, hall; alights And there he metys in that tyde That were faire of hewe and hide, [Those]; complexion 65 Thre full noble knyghtis: Sir Otes and Sir Raynere, Duke Naymes was theire fere, companion That ofte thaire resouns rightes. Who often provided sound judgment He haylsede tham with steryn chere, greeted; stern expression

249

70 Sayd, “Fro the kynge am I sent a messangere, [as] a That moste es provede of myghtis.”

Duke Naymes sayde full curtaysly, “Sir, whate may thi name bee?” He sayde, “I highte Otuell. am called 75 Kyng Cherlles, where es he? Righte to hym byhovede mee Directly; it is required of Mi message forto telle.” Duke Naymes saide, “He sittes his duspers imange, among With white berde large and lange, 80 Faire of flesche and fell, of body With a floreschede thonwange, bearded cheek Oure noble kynge that es so strange, strong His doghety men imelle. among

He sittes in riche meneuere; manner 85 The Duke Rowlande sittys hym nere In rede siclaton, silk And the gentill Erle Sir Olyvere, That es full noble and felle and fere strong and fierce And in batelle ay full bowun.” eager 90 Forthe passede than the messangere Bifore the kynge with steryn chere, stern It was hym grete renoun. He was held in great renown He saide, “Ane evyll flawmande fyre flaming Bryne thi berde, thi breste, and thi swyre, Burn; throat 95 Even to thi fote alle doun!

A messangere ame I sent in hy in haste Fro my lorde the Emperor Sir Garcy That settis yow alle at noghte. deems you worthless In paynym ne es none so doghety; pagandom 100 He hathe the flour of chevallrye Allredy with hym broghte. Charlles, I ne maye noghte honour thee, For thou hase grevede Mahoun and me, That alle this worlde hase wroghte. 105 And Rowlande, if ever I may thee see At batayle or at any semble, combat Thi dedis schall dere be boghte! sorely paid for

And Rowlande, gif ever I maye thee mete, With my swerde I schall thee hete strike 110 To hewe thi body in two, And fulle thee under my horse fete, knock you down

250

Sarazenes myrthe with thee to bete, Gladden Saracens by beating you For thou hase wroghte tham woo!” And Rowlande at those wordes loughe, laughed 115 And said, “Sir, thou arte doghety ynoghe Siche dedis to undirtoo! undertake Thou may jangill and make it toughe, mock; boast For here schall no man do thee woghe harm Till aughte dayes ben agoo." eight; have passed

120 The kyng spekes than the Sarazene till, “Say one, felawe, whatte thou will. Distroube thee schall righte none, No one shall disturb you Ne none of my men, lowde nor still, loud or quiet Touche thee with nonekyns ille May harm you; nothing 125 Till heghte dayes ben gone.” eight The Sarazene at those wordes hadde skorne. “I dowte no man,” he says, “that ever was borne, fear And I my stede hafe tone, If; have mounted Corsu my swerde me biforne, Corsouse 130 That myche Cristen blode hathe schorne spilled And many a body slone.” slain

“Where?” sayde the kynge in hy. “Sir, in the playnes of Lubardy— Lombardy Thou claymes it for thi lande, [Otuel speaks] 135 The powere there of Sir Garcy. [Despite] Appon a daye we garte tham dy, caused Fully ffifty thousande. Nyne monethes es gone arighte months Sen I with Cursu was dobbide knyghte, dubbed 140 My golde brayden brande. ornate sword A thosande there to the dede I dighte, sent to death Of Cristen men mekill of myghte, Righte with myn awenn hande. own

And thus hathe Lubades harmes laughte Lombards; received 145 Bothe by dayes and by naghte, night Ne gladdes tham no glee. Myselfe was then in batelle and faughte; Myn neffes were bolnede dayes aughte fists; swollen; eight That selly was to see.” remarkable 150 Up than stirte ane hardy knyghte, Sir Estut of Logres, forsothe, he highte, A lorde of grete bountee. With the Sarazene wolde he fighte; A staffe in hande he takes hym righte

251

155 Was of sqwarede tree. squared wood

Than Rowlande sayde full sobirly, earnestly “Now, gud Sir Estut, let it be. He es a messangere. He es ensurede to myn eme and mee. in surety; uncle 160 For thi gud, Sir, par charyté, Thyn hert that thou wolde stere.” You should control your anger Bot yit the knyghte ne wolde noghte spare, Bot hent the Sarazene by the hare seized; hair A bakwarde doun hym bere. And 165 The Sarazene stirte up breme as bare, angry as a bear Cursu his swerde he drewe reghte thare— The knyghte hede of he schere. off; sheared

Than saide the baronage with hole sowun, in unison “Lay hande one the traytoure feloun! 170 He hase done velanye!” Bot he rollede his eghne both up and dowun eyes And ferde als a wilde lyoun, behaved Brayde up his browes one hye. Raised his brows quickly He braundescht hir swerde bare, his 175 That trenchande was and wele schare, keen; sharp And sayde full sobirly (And by his grete Mahown he sware), “And any of yow duspers stirre thare, If The beste party schall dy!” better part of you

180 The kyng his men sone sessed he, ordered to cease Sayd, “Sarazene, yelde thi suerde to mee, And late be alle this bere.” commotion And he sayde, “Naye, als mot I thee!” as I may thrive Up than rose Sir Rowlande full sobirly, 185 And with a lagheande chere laughing expression Said, “Yelde to me thi brande brighte. sword I schall thee save, als I ame knyghte, protect Whills that thou arte here. And when thi message es doun and dighte, done and delivered 190 I schall delyver thee thi brande so brighte, return Als I ame trewe duspere.”

“In that covande I yelde it thee. By that promise I nolde gif it for twelve cité, So bittirly will it bite! 195 And, Rowlande, yif ever I may thee see At batayle or at any semble,

252

Thi hede of therwith to smyte!” off Rowlande sayde, “Sir, thou art to outrage! too discourteous Fayrere myghte thou batayll wage 200 Than al daye thus to chide.” The Sarazene spake with stowte vesage, fierce expression “Herkenys now to my message, And I schall tell yow tyte. quickly

Kyng Cherlls, als thou may here, 205 I am sent a messangere Fro hym that es doghty. He weldes paynym ferre and nere: rules pagan lands Alysaundere of grete powere, Alexandria And the londis of Boty, 210 Toures, Sedoyne, ferre and fre, Sidonia; far away and noble Perse, semely one to see, Persia, pleasing to look at And therto Fermorye. Also This noble kynge of grete pousté, power He distruyes bothe londe and see destroys 215 Reghte into Fermorye.

Forthi hathe he sent the worde by mee: For this reason That thou schall uncristen bee, And leve appon oure ley. believe in our faith For we will prove in oure degre victory 220 That the lawes of Cristyanté Ne are noghte worthe ane aye! an egg Giffe thi hert unto Mahoun, That weldis bothe toure and towun rules; tower And alle myghtis maye; has almighty power 225 Hafe done belyfe that thou be bowne Give up the religion that holds you Forto come to oure somoun— summoning Thus am I sent to saye.

Hafe done, sir! Buske thee to oure kynge, Go quickly For he hath ordeynede thi wonnynge, territory 230 For alle thi chevalrye; Despite House and londe, wodde and thynge, forests He grauntes thee over all othir thynge The londes of Normaundy. Inglonde also hathe giffen to thee; 235 And to Rowlande thi nevieu fre noble To be sesede in Russy. in possession of Russia Olyver, that es faire and free, The knyghte es provede of grete bounté, The landes of Scamonye.

253

240 To Sir Florance of Surry, He hathe giffen France in hye, already That wele cane prike a stede— spur a horse The kyng sone of Barbarye, [He is] To hafe it to his bayly rule 245 Therone his life to lede.” Than the kynge sayde, “Nay! Duspers, whate will ye say Of this wonder dede? Schall never Sarazene of heythyn ley law 250 Welde France, by nyghte ne daye. Now Jhesu it forbede!”

Then thay ansuerde sone in hye, “Nay, Sir, we will oure batells guy, prepare our battalions And rape us for to ryde hasten 255 Agayne the Emperor Sir Garcy. Thurgh the myghte of mylde Marye, Hy schall schome betyde.” experience shame The Sarazyn laughes full smothirly, menacingly “What, threte ye now Sir Garcy 260 With your boste and your pryde? Ther es none of yow so hardy, And ye hade sene his chevalrye, That, were you to see Your hedis that ye nolde hyde!” Who wouldn’t hide your heads

The Duke Naymes talkes wordes one highte, loudly 265 Says, “Sir, if that the Emperor will fighte, We schall to hy full even!” leave right away The Sarazene ansuerde with mekill myghte, “He hath a hondreth thousande helmys brighte helmets [i.e. men] And therto hundrethes seven! 270 Ther es no kyng in Cristyanté Dare warne hym huntynge and fischynge fre, prevent him from; freely Ne discrye hym ther with steven! rebuke; voice Bitwix two watirs fayre and fre, lovely He hath bigged a cité hight Attaylé— erected; Ataly 275 Es none siche under the heven!

Cherlles, with thi longe berde, That empoure schall make thee full ferde afraid With his stronge powere! For he hathe men in batell lerede skilled in warfare 280 That wele kon feghte with floresched swerde brandished And hafe lemans full clere. beautiful paramours

254

Lete Duke Naymes lenge at hame rest at home To kepe Pareche walles fro schame, Paris’s That no gledes neghe tham nere, sparks come near 285 Coo ne pye that there come none, Jackdaw; magpie For chevalrye es fro hym gone— An olde nappere als he were!”

The Duke Naymes asschamede was; The blode stert up in his face— 290 Agreved he was full sore. Incensed Than Sir Rowlande full rathely up he rase; quickly “Unconnande Sarazene!” he said, “In this place Foolish Thi wykkednes es yare. excessive By Hym that dyede appon a tree, 295 Thou scholde have a velany of me, disgrace Ensurede nyfe that I ware! If I had not given my oath Bot in batelle if ever I may thee see, Schall never no kyng of Cristyanté Be encombirde with thee mare!” troubled by; again

300 The Sarazene ansueres full stoutly, “Be Mahownn, Rowlande, I ame redy For to fighte with thee! Into yone medowe I rede we hye urge; go And luke that no man bee us by— 305 Grete gamen than schall men see! Whethir so werse es of us twoo, Whichever Lett hewe bothe his spourres hy froo; Let both his spurs be cut off from him He never more honorede bee.” Rowlande was of hert full throo eager 310 Siche dedys to undertoo; deeds His hande upholdes hee.

“Sir Vernague of Barabas, [Otuel speaks] Sertys, myn eme I wote he was, Truly; uncle That Rowlande here hath slayne. 315 I chalange his dethe now in this place. I schalle thee lede a wikkede pase, give you a grievous blow Bothe with myghte and mayne.” The kynge at those wordes loughe, And said, “Sir, thou arte doghty ynoghe! 320 Garte calle a chambirlayne. call forth Garte delyvere hym innes withowtten woghe. Have him taken care of without harm To sue hym, lokes that thee bene toughe aid; diligent Of alle that scholde hym gayne.” assist

255

The kynge garte calle Sir Grauntere, 325 Sir Raynere, and Sir Oggere, Bade take kepe of the knyghte. Ordered [them]; care One the morne thay rose alle in fere. together The abbott of Saynte Thomers St. Omer Songe tham a messe full righte. 330 Elleven coupes fayre to fonde caskets Was offrede at the abbottes honde, Full of golde so brighte. Rowlande offrede Droundale his brande, Durendal Boghte it agayne with golde at hande. Redeemed it with an offering of gold 335 Alle honored thay God Allemyghte.

A ffitt

And unnethes was the messe alle done, barely When that the Sarazene come full sone, And cryed appon highte haughtily To kyng Cherlles with steryn tone, 340 Sayd, “Send owte Rowlande withowtten hone! delay I calle hym recreyande knyghte. cowardly I appelle hym for trouthe broken accuse; of For the wordes that were spoken Yistreven within the nyghte. Yesterday evening 345 In his armes that he be loken; armor; fastened Myn emes dethe I will hafe wroken— be avenged He was a kynge of myghte!”

Elleven duspers stode hym by To arme Sir Rowlande full hastyly, 350 That provede was in batayle. Ane actone they threwe appon hym hye, padded jacket And ane hawberke, sekerly, coat of mail That sekire was of mayle, sturdy Hose of hawberke, gesseraunte; chain mail leggings, jacket of scale armor 355 Broghte hym ane helme of bettant, beaten metal And lacede his aventale. neck covering Iche a knyghte gane tham avante come forward For to sue hym to his avenaunte, help; advantage That no thynge scholde hym fayle.

360 Thay spende hym with his gilte sporres, bind; gilded spurs And dressede hym in his armours, Alle redy to the felde. Broghte hym a schelde of faire coloure; He was a lofely creatoure,

256

365 Whoso hym than bihelde. [To] those who Girde hym with Drondale to the were; Armed; battle Appone a stede he leppes there, That doghety under schelde. And his hande a noble spere, 370 A faire course he rydes there Adeptly [i.e., in a fair manner] Hys wapyns for to welde. weapons

Then sayde Cherlles the kynge, “Loke rekreyande thou hym brynge to conversion That hathe made this derraye! disturbance 375 Late hym noghte skape for nonkynsthynge.” escape; anything He gaffe hym Goddes blyssynge And bade hym wende his waye. Thay broghte tham bytwene two watirs brighte— Sayne and Meryn le Graunte thay highte, Seine; Marne 380 Als the bukes gan us saye— Into a medowe semely to sighte, There als thies doghety men solde fighte Withowtten more delaye.

This while hovede the Sarazene still, awaited 385 And called to the kynge with voyce full schrylle, loud “Ane hawberke aske I thee! coat of mail Spere and schelde garre brynge me till, let be brought to me For I hafe horssynge at my will, an equipped horse None siche in Cristyanté.” 390 The kyng than lokes hym besyde And saughe his dogheter mekill of pryde, Belesent brighte of blee. Than he comandide hir that tyde, “Goo take hym fayre be thi syde, courteously 395 Wele armede that he bee.”

And scho calles Flores of Maundelle, Mayden Roselet of Barelle, And bade tham wende to the knyghte, And haste tham that within awhile, hurry 400 And til a chambire gan thay syle, proceed And gayly gan hym dighte. colorfully To arme hym wele thay were full snelle: eager Out his aktone ane hawberke felle Of colours that were brighte, Above; strong 405 That aughte gud Kynge Ragnell, once belonged to That was bothe ferse and felle, And in felde full faire couthe fighte.

257

Thay armede hym wele withowtten fayle; With golde thay lacede his aventaile 410 For that it solde be trewe; should Broghte hym ane helme of riche entayle design Of precyouse stones, the appayrayle armor That brighteste was of hewe. His helme was bothe harde and holde; dependable 415 Therone was sett a sercle of golde That bett was wonder newe. Freshly and beautifully inlaid Then sayde thies damesels fre one folde, noble on earth A meryere armede knyghte one molde on earth Never yitt thay ne knewe.

420 Thay broghte hym a schelde when he was bowun; attired Thies maydens two thay broghte hym dowun. led him forth He cried aftir his stede. called for He rollede his eghne up and dowun, And sware by his grete Mahoun— 425 His enemy sore myghte drede! Than spake those two maydens smale, “Sir, kepe thee wele fro Drondale, For it will garre thee blede! Entyre thou ones into yone vale, Once you’ve entered; valley 430 Comes thou never aftyr into this sale, chamber And Sir Rowlande righte may rede!” If; is able to deal rightly

He toke his leve and forthe he gose, Lepe one a stede highte Mekredose, leapt onto In his hande a spere. 435 A faire course he rydes close, Adeptly; sturdily Full egerly amonges his fose, And dressede hym in his gere. dressed up When the Sarazene comen was, The kyng garte sone avoyde the place ordered that the place be cleared 440 Of Cristen that there were. To the castelle he wendes a pase, takes a path And appone the kirnells gase to the tower window goes To wayte appon that were. battle

The kynge to Rowlande lowde gan crye, 445 “Feghte one, dere sone, hardely, In the name of Marie of heven!” The Sarazene saide, “I ame redy!” Appon Sir Rowlande he gan defy to taunt With a full hawtayne steven. haughty

258

450 Thies kene knyghtis togedir gan glide, charged The medowe tremlyde one aythir syde, trembling; either In scheldes thay cowped full even. fought Theyre joynynge was so harde that tyde That theyre tymbir in sondire gan ryde lances; broke asunder 455 In mo than sex or seven.

Thurghowte thaire scheldis than thay schare slashed And all the lethirs that thare ware— leather parts Thay assembled soryly. fought fiercely The poyntes appon the hawberke bare, bore down upon 460 Bot the mayles so sekir ware sturdy The spere hedis bigan to plye. bend Rawlande owte his swerde wanne drew And hittes hym on the helme thanne That the nasell floghe full hye. nose guard; flew 465 Thurgh the horse schuldirs the swerde rane— flanks That was a styffe stroke of a man! His noble stede gan dy.

The Sarazene of his horse tublys doun off; tumbles And stert up fers als any lyoun, 470 And Cursu his swerde he drewe. He brasede his schelde and made hym bowun; seized He hitt Sir Rowlande one the crowun, That fore egirnes he loughe. Who eagerly he struck The nasell of his helme of glade fell 475 Dowun bifore hym in the strade— path Hade almoste wroghte hym woghe! Thurgh the horse schuldirs the swerde gan wade, His stede even in sondere he hade— The stroke was stythe ynoghe! fierce

480 Rowlande one the grownde es lighte, has alighted Uppon his fete he sterte uprighte; His swerde in his hande he helde. The Sarazene cryed with mekill myghte, “This was a stythe stroke of a knyghte, 485 And no thynge of a childe!” Charlles herde those wordes wele; Appon his knees dowun gan he knele, And bothe his handes uphelde. “God,” he said, “that alle schall dighte and dele, 490 His modir mylde and Saynt Michael, Fro schame Ye Rowlande schelde!”

259

Rowlande raysede up Drondale; Abown his hede he gane it hale, Above; draw His enemy forto dere. injure 495 He hade almoste wroghte hym bale; harm A quartere of his helme awaye gane vale fall And halfendele his one ere, half of his own earpiece That the Sarazene bygane to helde, fall And up he caste his noble schelde; 500 In the bokells gane he schere. boss of a shield; he [Roland] So thikke thaire dynttys togedir pelyde, struck Thaire armours hewenn laye in the felde hewn pieces of armor Als floures that strewede were.

Belesent sayde full curtaysly, 505 “Mi lorde, thay feghten full gentilly; nobly A grete travayle thay hafe!” hard labor Up to God he caste a crye, And to His moder Saynt Marie: “Fro schame Ye Rowlande save! 510 And coverte us yone gentill knyghte convert [for] us That es so hardy and so wighte, powerful For elles it were grete wathe! pity He es so ferse in armes to fyghte, And a man of mekill myghte. 515 Full doghety are thay bathe!” both

Than Rowlande sayde full curtaysly, “Sarazene, will thou cristenyde be And leve appon oure laye? faith A noble gifte I schall giffe thee: 520 Belesent that es brighte of ble— complexion In the worlde ne es siche a maye! maid And thou and I and Olyver, We schall be felawes all in fere, And travell nyghte and daye. 525 We schall ryde bothe ferre and nere, Wyn citees and towunes dere, fine And gode horses at assaye!” test

The Sarazene ansuers full stoutly, “Thou kan to littill of clergy know; learning 530 To leryn me siche a lare! lesson The wordes that thou hase spoken in hy, in haste Thou schall tham full dere aby dearly pay for With sadde dynttes and sare! sorrow I swere thee, by my grete Mahoun,

260

535 I schall the lere a newe lessoun Or I fro thee fare, Before; go With a bofete appon thi croun That thou schall laye thi wapen doun, Rekreyande als thou were!” Cowardly

540 Than was Sir Rowlande gretly grevede, aggrieved And in his hert full sore amevede; enraged At the Sarazene lete he flye. He hitt hym a bown appon the heuede blow That to the scholdire the swerde wefede; went 545 The fyre floghe owte full hye! sparks; at once Thurgh duble hawberke it hym schare, sheared To the girdilstede it made hym bare. waist Then bigane he forto plye. bend down Drondale felle so sadde and sare 550 That the Sarazene bigane to stare was stunned And fallen he was full nye. nearly

The Sarazene than a lepe he made; A stroke to Rowlande forsothe he glade, And hit hym on the hede 555 That almoste top over tayle he rade, And nere the swerde twynede hade, had not; broken in two His life ther hade he lefede. ended Ane other stroke he to hym bere, And doun byfore hym it strypes there; thrust 560 His schelde awaye revede, was shorn away And alle the skirtys of Rowlandes gere. Otuell says, “My suerde kan schere!” cut And into the erthe it wevede.

Rowlande claghte up his noble schelde, clutched 565 His wapyns wightly for to welde powerfully And helde it one his nefe. fist Thaire dynttis so thikke gan samen helde, so thickly began to come Thaire harnays hewen was in the felde— armor Full littill was tham levede! very little was left to them 570 Thaire dynttis felle so sadde and sare That bothe thaire bodies wexen bare, became Thaire armours all todreves. scattered Tharefore Sir Charlles hade mekill care; Appon his knees he knelys thare 575 And bothe his handes upheves. casts up

And als the kynge thus prayed faste,

261

A dofe come fro the Holy Gaste dove And one the Sarazene lightes. alights And than was he full sore agaste, 580 And unto Sir Rowlande saide he in haste, “Sesse, Sir, of thi fighttes! For I ame broghte in siche a will That I youre lawes will fulfill, 585 And become a Cristyn knyghte.” Than doun thay layde thaire wapyns still, peaceably And aythere wente othire untill; toward A saughtillynge was ther dighte. accord; made

Than wolde the kynge no lengere duelle, delay Bot hyed hym dowun of the castelle, hurried 590 And grete lordes hym by. He askede Sir Rowlande how it bifelle, And he ansuerde with wordes snelle, noble “Mi lorde, full gentilly I hafe foghten with the beste knyghte 595 In alle this werlde—es none so wighte valiant That ever yit provede I! tested And he hase yolden hym to the righte; Belesent I hafe hym highte. promised Gare cristen hym in hy.” Let him be christened at once

600 Unto the grounde than knelide the kynge; He loved God of alle this thynge above And His modir fre. Two gude stedis thay garte forthe brynge, And one thay lepe withowte lettynge on they leapt; delay 605 And went home to the cité. Bischope Turpyn was redy With bukes and with stoles in hy. vestments A fownte sone halowes he baptismal font; blesses To cristen hym that was doghety. 610 Many grete lorde stode thaym by With myche solempnyté.

And when the Sarazene cristenned was, The kynge tuke his doghetir faire of face, And gyffes hir to the noble knyghte. 615 The lovelyeste inwith lace, dressed in And swetteste in armes for to enbrace— In the worlde was siche a wighte. was [never] such a creature Als lely-like was hir coloure, lily Hir rode rede als rose floure, complexion

262

620 In lere that rynnes righte. In an honest face The kyng toke that brighte in boure lovely one in bower With menske and with myche honoure, courtesy And gaffe hym that birde so brighte. lady

He said, “Hafe here my doghetir fre, noble 625 And Rowlande felawe schall thou bee, And gentill Sir Olyver. Powunce and plesaunce I schalle gife thee, Power; delight With two full noble cités With towrres heghe and dere. 630 I make thee Lorde of Lubardye, To hafe it alle to thi bayllye, governance That contreth ferre and nere. country For thi noble chevallrye, Welcome to this companye, 635 Duelle and be a pere.” Stay

The Sarazene knelyde appon his knee, And thankkes the kynge full gentilly Of thies giftes so gude. He sayde, “Damesell, arte thou payed of me?” pleased with 640 And scho sayde, “Yee, als mot I thee.” might I thrive Full frely was that fude. noble; young woman Than he said, “I make a vowe to mylde Marie: Now that I hafe chosen to my lady That es so mylde of mode, temperament 645 That I schall wende to Attalé, go And for thi lufe do chevalrye, love And distruye the heythyn blode.

Sir Kynge, I giff agayne to thee This mayden that es faire and fre, 650 And in clethynge comly clede. beautifully attired And lokes alle that we redy be Into the landes of Lubardye, Righte als we firste redde, Just as we first planned Forto distruye there Goddes enemy 655 That hathe to yowe ther grete envy, malice With folkes one fote wele fedde. With well-nourished foot soldiers When I hafe tane myn eme Garcy And the cité of Attaly, This mayden schall I wedde.”

660 The king said than to his duspers, “Now hafe herde the messangere.

263

Your consell? What es beste? Sir Garcy with his stronge powere Distruyes my landes, both ferre and nere, 665 Mi cités brekes and bristes. breaks and crushes He confoundes so myche of Cristen blode harasses That I for sorowe goo nere wode, And I may hafe no riste.” rest And thay than ansuerde with steryn mode, 670 “To fende of, lorde, us thynke it gude; make a defense To batayle are we priste.” ready

The kynge saide, “We will habyde wait Till it be nerre the somertyde, summertime The colde of Marche be gone. 675 We schalle sende letteres on ilke a syde, in all directions In dyverse contres, brode and wyde, To grete lordes ichone, every one Sqwyers doghety undir schelde That wele kan thaire wapyns welde— 680 Byhynde us leve we none! We won’t leave anyone behind And alle that are within elde, of age Loke that thay to batayle helde, enlist in battle Goddes enemys forto slone.”

Thus the kynge duellys there dwells 685 Till the tyme comen were, The daye neghede neghe. came near With hym Rowlande and Olyvere, And the gentill Grauntere, In batayle that was so sleghe. skilled 690 Sir Oggere and Sir Raynere, Duke Naymes was thaire fere, And Gayryn of kynredyn heghe, noble lineage Sir Estut and Sir Inglere, Sir Otuell the werryeure, 695 His dynttys were full dreghe. destructive

Appon a mornynge thay lokede owte, And saughe there powere stythe and stowtte strong and sturdy Comynge ferre and nere. Thay rode in many a ryalle rowte, company 700 By thowsande tale, withowtten dowte, count Under the Mount Marteres. Montmartre The Almaynes and the Tuskaynes, Germans; Tuscans The Flemynges full fele for the nanes numerous for the occasion With the banereres; banner-bearers

264

705 The Provynce worthily inwith wone, Those who nobly dwell in Provence The Normandes gude of blode and bone— There semlyde faire powere! assembled

There semled owte of Lubardye A full noble chevalrye, And sekir at ilke a nede. trustworthy 710 The Gayscoynes comen sone in hy, Gascons; in haste And the Burgoynes faste tham by, Burgundians That worthily were in wede. splendidly; armor The Bretons come withowtten faile; There semblede a full faire batayle battalion 715 One many a staleworthe stede. With helmys one hedis that walde avayle, protect Full riche was thaire appayraille, And worthily was thaire wede.

One the forthirmaste daye of Averille, first 720 The kyng assemblede appon ane hille Alle his mery menye. company Full faire he offres Saynt Denys till, Saint Denis And appon his knees he knelys still reverently To God and Oure Lady; 725 Sayde to Olyvere, gud at ilke a nede, “My sone, thou schall the vawarde lede, vanguard For thou arte swythe doghety!” The oste remowede and forthe thay yode. advanced Thay stirrede one many a stalworthe stede; rode 730 To thaire journaye thay hye.

Olyvere his stede hathe hent, With hym yode mayden Belesent, That lady of grete renoun. One a muyle then rode that gentyll maid, 735 And in hir company ther were arrayed A thousande bolde barouns. Thay passed forthe than Bretayne by, Brittany Thurgh the landes of the Mandely, By many a ryalle toun. 740 Thay schipped over at Vertely Into the landes of Lubardy, Thay passede bothe dales and dowun. hills and valleys

Under a mountayne thay herberde than took shelter Besyde a rever that highte Soltane, 745 And in a medowe thay lighte.

265

Ther was many a worthy man, Ryalle howssynges thay bygan lodgings Of pavylyons proudly pighte. erected So fortravellede were thay sare, fatigued; sorely 750 That aughte dayes thay duelled thare, eight Thaire harnays forto righte. armor and weapons; adjust Therefore Kyng Cherlles wolde noghte spare, Because; was diligent A noble brigge he garte make thare bridge he ordered to be made Over the watir of Soltane dighte.

755 A wonder poynte now schall ye here: wondrous event To the mete thay wente alle in fere meal; together Iche lorde in thaire lyveré, heraldic clothes Bot Duke Rowlande and Olyvere And the Daynnes Oggere, Ogier the Dane 760 Stode armede undir a tree; And over the brigge than gan thay ryde Full prevaly that ilke a tyde secretly That no mo wiste bot they three. no one knew except Awnters thoghte thay forto byde; Adventures 765 Thay stale awaye by a wodde syde Righte towarde Attalé.

And a mile withowtten Attalé outside of There hovede foure kynges fre rode With speris in thaire hande; 770 And ichone sware in theire degree That thay wolde reghte gladly see Olyver and Rowlande. Thay sware alle by thaire grete Mahowun, “We wolde that thay were nowe here bowun, wish; headed 775 To loke how thay couthe stande! find out; stand [in fight] And so we scholde for juste tham doun, might; joust That thay solde never see Charllyoun, might never [again] The chefe of Cristen lande!”

Now, lordynges, forto rede yow righte, tell 780 Thies kynges names, what thay highte, The sothe I will yow tell. Kynge Balsame, a mane of myghte; Kynge Corsabell, another knyghte That bothe was ferse and felle. 785 Kyng Askuardyne, that teraunt, tyrant Of wikkednes he myghte hym avaunte, boast Was lyke a fende of helle. The ferthe was faire and avenante honorable

266

With a full manly semblande; appearance 790 Men called hym Kyng Claryell.

Kynge Clariell sayde, “Als mot I thee, Rowlande es holden full doghety— Es none siche undir sone! Be Mahoun, I wolde he were here me by. 795 I scholde assaye his body, My dynttes scholde he con!” know Thies knyghttes herde how thay therett were; were threatened With sporres thay brochede thaire stedis there, spurred on Oute of the wodde thay rynn. hastened 800 Than sayd Kynge Clariell, breme als bare, bold as a bear We hafe tham that we spake fare! here of whom we spoke Be Mahoun, alle es wonn!

Bot wendes now forthe, ye kynges three, And slees yone knyghtis of Cristyantee, 805 And I schall hove here styll. Alle als ye done I schall see; There es no mache unto mee, no match [i.e. no fourth knight] And that me lykes ille!” Kyng Askuardyn in his gere 810 Rydes owte a course of were charge Full egerly and with ill will. And Rowlande thurgh his scholdir gan schere; stab His armours ne vaylede noghte a pere; was not worth a pear His hert blode he gan ther spill.

815 Kyng Corsabolyn in armes full clere Rydis owte to Sir Oggere, And hittes hym in the schelde. The Cristen knyghte neghede hym so nere, Thurgh double hawberke he hym bere, 820 Of horse he garte hy helde. he caused him to fall from his horse Kyng Balsamy rode till Sir Olyvere. Thies thre kynges dyede in fere, And lyen gronande in the felde. lay groaning Thaire thretynge boghte thay there full dere; paid for 825 Thaire saules went alle to Lucyfere That hade tham alle towelde. possessed

Then was Kyng Clariell full sory, And flynges owte full fersely advances With hert egire and throo. bold 830 He smyttys Rowlande that was doghety

267

That his noble stede gan dy— His bakke braste even in two. And up he keste ane heghe cry, loud cry “This was a poynte of chevalry!” 835 And busked hym for to goo. prepared to ride away Oggere Dauynes gan aftir hym hye hastened after him And stroke the kynge his sadill bye; His stede he tuke hym fro.

Olyvere anone hath hent the stede, taken 840 And righte to Rowlande he gan hym lede, And sayde, “Hafe this for thyne!” And he stert up bettir spede [Roland]; more quickly And drissede hym in his worthy wede got ready That lofesome under lyne. was handsome under linen 845 Kyng Clariell drawes Melle And faghte agaynes tham all thre; His swerde was gude and fyne. He said, “Gud lordes, slees noghte me! A noble cheke here wonn hafe yee, victory 850 My lyfe wolde I noghte tyne.” lose

And when his vesage was alle bare, face A fayrere knyghte sawe thay never are, before And sett hym one a stede. Thay wende awaye with hym to fare; expected to go away with him 855 A thousande Sarazenes come one tham thare; came upon There bale bygan to brede. Their anxiety began to grow Than saide Rolande to Olyvere, “Yondere I see full brighte banere And worthily undir wede. 860 Tham semys bothe felle and ferse; They seem to be I wolde no worde come to oure peres don’t want any; peers That we fledde tham for drede.”

Ogger Daynes was moste wysse, Sayd, “Sen we hafe getyn this kyng of price, 865 I rede we late tham goo. him [Clarel] For bi God and Saynt Denys, We may noghte skape in nonekynswyse, any way Ne hym will we noghte slo.” Than said Kyng Clariell there he stode, 870 “This was a worde of gentill blode, To speke thus for thi foo!” He tuke his leve and forthe he yode, Thankede tham with mylde mode,

268

And agaynes a thousande was no moo. no more [i.e., only three]

875 Rowlande and Olyvere Dressede tham in armes clere, Alle redy to the fyghte. And the Daynes Oggere And with Cryed “Mountjoy!” all in fere, together 880 Bothe with mayne and myghte. For the Sarazenes thay haden dowte, [Because] of; fear To Jhesus Criste thay crye and lowte, kneel That moste es Man of myghte. Thies paynyms put tham owte, troubled them 885 That were halden full steryn and stoute, And under thaire horses thay lighte. upon

Those thre to the thousande gan ryde, And hewed one faste one iche a syde, every side And brittenede blode and bone. destroyed 890 Thay made thaire wayes wondere wyde; Ther durste no Sarazene thair dynttis byde; To gronde thay garte tham gone. made them fall Then comes girdande Sir Carpé, charging The kynges sone of Aubré, 895 Was halden a noble man. Upone highte he castis a krye: “What schall saye to Sir Garcye? Thre schendis us everichone?” overcome

Sir Carpy come girdande suythe: swiftly 900 To Oggere Daynes gan he dryfe attacked That he swounede als he were wode. swooned; senseless Sir Rowlande gan doghety dedis kythe, perform With Drondale he gan hym ryfe cut Reghte to the girdillstede. waist 905 Ogger Daynes wakkened than, recovered Pulled owte a swerde highte Curtane, Was gude at ilke a nede; Than to fighte Oggere bygane To hewe doun many ane heythyn man— 910 Grete travayle ther thay hade! labor

And the gentill Erle Sir Olyvere Hewes one with Haunkclere— Mighte none his dynttis withstande! He daunge tham doun bothe ferre and nere; beat 915 It was a wonder thynge to here,

269

Thies thre men wroghte with hande. [What] Than comes a Sarazene sone in hye; soon in haste His name was Kyng Alphamanye, Was fayre and wele farande. handsome 920 He smyttes Olyvere that was doghety, That toppe over tayle he garte hym lye Appon a ley lande. meadow

Bot than was Sir Rowlande never so woo; Full swythe that Sarazene gan he sloo, 925 That to the grounde he yede. Olyvere rose with herte full throo; bold Belyfe his stede gan he too Quickly he regained his horse And sterte up in his nede. He sayd, “Rowlande, drede thee noghte! 930 Now I am one horse broghte, I fayle thee at no nede!” With Hankclere many wondirs he wroghte; Fele Sarazenes to the grounde he broghte, And ferde als he wolde wede. fought as if he were a madman

935 This while was Ogger Daynes one fete; During this time; on foot The Sarazenes that he myghte with mete, He wroghte thaire bodyes wo. He gaffe tham woundes wyde and wete, wet Full many one there lefte the swete lifeblood 940 (The boke us telles soo) Till almoste scomfet was he. defeated Than comes Kyng Clariell with hert fre, Als faste als he myghte go, And bade the Sarazenes thay scholde late be: 945 “Oggere, yelde thi suerde to me!” Belyve he sayde hym yoo. Quickly; then

A Sarazene come with steryn ble, countenance Sayd, “This Cristen doge sall not saved be, Bot sle we hym reghte here!” 950 “Yee,” sais Kyng Clariell, “as avenche thee, may you be avenged He schall be savede nowe, pardee!” He heued of sone he schere. He [Clarel]cut off his head quickly He called seven paynyms of mekill myghte, Said, “Gose, ledis hym to my leman brighte Go, lead him; paramour 955 Of colours that es clere. Of beautiful coloring Loke his wondes ben wele dighte, tended And kepe me wele this Cristen knyghte, protect for me For this es gentill of chere.”

270

The Sarazenes toke hym that was hende, 960 And to that lady gan thay wende, Of coloures that was brighte, Tolde hir the tale unto the ende, Sayd, “Madame, this Duke Claryell yow sende To hele hym at your myghte.” 965 “What?” saide that lady, white als fame, pure in reputation “Es this Kynge Charlles that here es tane, His men to dethe alle dighte?” “Nay, by grete Mahoun!” thay sware, “Madame, Thre knyghtes of his hath a thousande slane, 970 That we helde hardy and wighte.

“And Kyng Clariell under schelde Hymselfe was taken in the felde, Thre kynges by hym slayne. near to Ther was nother bute nere belde, neither aid nor support 975 Ne Mahoun that alle schall welde, For hym thay moghte nott gone. succeed And there was none bot glotons three, villains And one of tham here may thou see That Kyng Clariell hathe tane.” captured 980 “What, devyll?” scho said, “How may this be? She Who durste neghe my leman free, attack Es beste of blode and bone?” [Who] is

Scho said, “Comforthe thee, sir. Be noghte abayste. abashed Schall none of my men thee brayste. harm 985 What es the name of thee?” “Madame,” he sayde, “Oggere Daunays.” Than sayde the lady that was curtayse, “I have herde speke of thee.” Belyfe scho garte unarme hym there, Quickly; had him disarmed 990 And to hym comes that lady clere, And greses broghte that fre, salves; noble one That Godd sett in His awenn herbere. Als sone als ever thay dronken were, He was lyghte als lefe one tree.

995 Thus Oggere Daynas duelled there, And heled es of his hurtes sare In the ladise presoun. And of his felawes speke we mare, How that thay full harde handilde ware, handled 1000 Thies two knyghtes of renoun.

271

Ten thousande Sarazenes come girdande charging That hardy were of hert and hande, With helme and haberjoun. coat of scale armor Bot than myghte thay no lengere stande, 1005 Olyver and gud Rowlande— To flye now are thay boun. flee

Otuell that was so wighte Duelles with Belesent the brighte, Was comely one to calle. 1010 Oute of hir chambire he wendis righte, Als faste als ever that he myghte, Into the kynges haulle To seche Olyver and Rowlande, Bot never nother he ther fande 1015 Amonge the lordes alle. Therefore Kynge Charlles his handes wrange, And ever “allas!” was his sange, “What may of this byfalle?”

Ottuell sayde, “Where it be soo? Why has this happened 1020 Oggere Daynes and tho twoo Are went to Attalee. have gone Now buske we aftir thaym to goo, Or ells the Sarazenes will tham sloo— Forsothe, thay mon alle dy.” 1025 Thay busked tham in armes full clere, Seven hundrethe bolde bacheleres With hym to wende in hy. Belesent sayde to Sir Grauntere, “Gude Sir, ryde my lemmane nere; 1030 The knyghte es full thethey.” rash

Thies seven hundrethe knyghtis Duellede with Belesante the brightes At hir awenn ffyndynge. By her [Belesent’s] own maintenance Sir Otuell that was so wighte 1035 Strykes Florence his stede brighte; Byfore tham forthe gan he flynge. rush He metys Rowlande and Olyvere Faste rydande by a revere And fresche folke aftir tham dynge. charging after them 1040 He hailsede tham with steryn chere, greeted And sayde, “Sirres, whate make ye here? Come ye fro fischeynge?”

272

He reproved tham there full velanslye, mockingly And yit theire bodies were alle blodye 1045 With wondes many one. “Wene ye, for youre chevalrye, For youre boste and youre folye, That the Sarazenes will late yow one? grant you [victory] Charlles with his stronge powere 1050 Schall thynke this a grete gramaungere, foolish undertaking This dede to undertone. Bot this chase schall thay by full dere!” cost them dearly He smote to a knyghte highte Sir Glantere And belyfe he hathe hym slone. quickly

1055 Syr Otuell there righte in that gere, Full faste he dange tham doun there And garte tham go to grounde. And his felawe Sir Ynglere In a Sarazene breke a spere 1060 Within a littill stounde, short time And in his hande lefte a littill troncheoun, cudgel Therwith full faste he dange tham doun, Full many ane heythyn hounde. He crakkede full many a carefull croun, 1065 And criede “Mountjoye!” with heghe sowun. loud voice Fele folke thay there confounde.

Then come a knyghte that highte Sir Galias, A noble Sarazene men saide he was, And in his hande a spere. 1070 For the lufe of his leman fayre of face, A glofe to his pensalle he hase glove on; pennant In sygnance of his were. As a sign of his pledge He rydes to Sir Inglere, And thurghe the schelde he gan hym schere 1075 And unhorssede hym there. Thurghe double hawberke he hym bere, Bot, als Goddes will it were, His fflesche hade nonekyns dere. no injury at all

Appon hym also relevede a Sarazene wighte arose 1080 That hardy was, and Ancole highte, Sir Inglere for to sloo. Bot Sir Ysope come with mekill myghte, And Sir Estut a noble knyghte, And Sir Davide also; 1085 Sir Estut de ronoun, of renown

273

Sir Grauntere de Lyoun, One bakke thay garte tham goo; horseback And broghte hym upe that are was doun, before And horsede hym one a stede browun 1090 With hert egere and throo. brave

Than come rydande Sir Galyadose, Off Sarazenes alle he bare the lose, was the most distinguished Was halden a noble knyghte. Faste he felled dowun of his fose! knocked down his foes 1095 Sir Inglere righte to hym gose, And cleves his hede full righte. Forthe rydes than Sir Grauntere, A Sarazene thurgh the body he bere, Sir Megradyn he highte; 1100 He dange tham doun, bothe ferre and nere, He [Megradyn] had struck Bot appon hym come a stronge powere strong power [i.e., the Christians] With baners brode and brighte.

Then was there no nother crye When grete batells togedir gan hye, rushed together 1105 With mouthe als I yow mene. Full thikke-folde gan Sarazenes dy And thaire horses thaym by, To wete withowtten wene. know and not to guess Be thousandes thay tumblede doun dede, 1110 Thaire saules wente unto the quede to join the wicked That myghte not nombrede be. For braynes and blode in that stede, The brode medowe was waxen rede That ere was growen grene.

1115 Than come a Turke appon a stede To Kynge Clariell better spede, at rapid speed And sayde, “Allas, how do wee! For Cristen men we hafe grete drede, And bot thou helpe us in this nede, And unless 1120 Grete sorowe here may thou see!” Kynge Claryell come with his powere, Oure batells ferre one bakke he bere, He pushed our battalions further back Ane Almayne sone sloghe he. Also he dide the gude Gauntere, 1125 Sir Otes and Sor Raynere, And other grete plentee.

By that it was so nere nyghte Because

274

Thay moghte no lengere see to fighte, Bot stynt one ayther syde. ceased 1130 Sir Otuell that was so wighte Stroke Florence his stede full righte, And byfore tham forthe gan ryde. Spurred Then comes girdande Kynge Clariell, charging And cried to hym with wordes fell, 1135 “To speke thou schalt abyde, Stop talking [until] Thi righte name that thou me tell!” He sayde, “I highte Otuell, For no man will I hyde!

And fro youre Mahoun ame I went, departed 1140 And Cristyndome hafe I hent, accepted And baptiste ame I full righte. baptized My leman es bothe faire and gent, Hir reghte name es Belesent, proper Charlles dogheter the brighte.” 1145 Bot than the Sarazene said, “Allas! Now is this a wikkede case, And thou so noble a knyghte! Whi duelles thou there amonges thi fase? foes Foully there thou wichede was. bewitched 1150 And whi es this dede thus dighte?

I rede that thou coverte the in hye, advise that you convert at once And then sall saughtyll with thyn eme Sir Garcy, next; reconcile And forsake not thy lawe.” faith Unto the Sarazene gon he defye, 1155 “Your lawes are noghte worthe a pye, magpie That dare I savely saye! safely And if thou wilt for Mahoun fighte, Loo, me here, a Cristyn knyghte, Lo, see me here With Hym that myghtes maye 1160 Stalworthely to stande for oure righte!” Kyng Clariell his trouthe hafe plighte At morne to holde his daye. [i.e. challenged him to duel]

Kyng Clariell wendis to the cité That men callede Attalé, 1165 Ther into duelle al nyghte; Sir Otuell to his companye, [returned] to To Kyng Charlles that was fre, And Belesent so brighte. That faire mayden of hewe and hide, 1170 Hirselfe unarmed hym that tide

275

And thris scho kissede that knyghte, thrice And groped hym wele, body and syde, That he ne hade no woundes wyde, And esede hym at hir myghte.

1175 Knyghtis wache was there sett, look-out Faire ffyres was there bett made To ese tham that there ware. comfort Of dede folkes thay hepes fett gathered in heaps To berye tham withowtten lett, continuously 1180 Those that Cristen ware. Leches come that couthe one booke Physicians; knew by book Woundede men for to loke, how to look after To salve tham of thaire sare. wounds And grete lordes riste toke, rest And nyghte wache full worthily wooke, watchmen; stayed awake Blewe and made grete fare. Blew [horn]; fanfare

Kyng Clariell rose at morne, Wiste whate othes that he hade sworne Remembered; oaths And to his chambir went, 1190 Garte kaste armoures hym byforne, Ordered his armor be laid out That riche was and comly korne. handsomely selected Ane actone one he hent, padded jacket One he dide ane hawberke schene, Of the mayster handwerke of Galyene Made by 1195 That never no wapyn rent. had never been torn by When that was armed clene, that one; thoroughly A fayrere knyghte was never sene, For joly ne for gent. jolity; gentility

His creste was of an eddire hede adder’s 1200 With golde abowte it was bywevede interwoven And sett one hym Mahoun beset [with images of] And Appolyne that he one levede. in whom he believed Alle his armouers was overdrevede studded With stones of grete renoun. [i.e. jewels] 1205 He girde hym with a suerde that hate Modlee, They Broghte hym a schelde of faire blee. appearance He buskede and made hym boun, went forth; ready Lepe on a stede semely to see, With mekill myrthe and solempnytee 1210 He rydes thurghowte the toun.

An hundrethe knyghtes of Turkeye

276

Bare his mawmettis hym by, idols And paste over that strande; passed; river And doun thay lighten all in hye. 1215 Thay were halden full doghetye Alle in thaire awenn lande. Thay sett thaire goddes appon a stone And dowun thay knelyde everichonee, And made tham thare offerande. offering 1220 Kyng Clariell his leve hase tone, took his leave Lepe one a stede that highte Browan— That horse was noble at hande.

Charlles come rydande by a revere, With hym Rowlande and Olyvere 1225 Appon the ferrere syde. further Duke Naymes was thaire fere, And Sir Otuell the gude werryere, Full faire of hewe and hyde. Than comes girdande Kynge Clariell, 1230 And cried to tham with wordis felle: “To speke ye schall abyde! I beteche yow to the devell of helle! consign How longe schall I aftir batelle duelle?” do I have to wait for battle Thus bygynnes he forto chide.

1235 “And yitt,” he cried, breme als bore, as savage as a boar “Wiche of yow foure es mayster thore?” Kyng Charlles calles on, “Mee!” “Now cursede worthe thou ever mare, For thou hase wroghte us myche care 1240 In many dyverse contree.” The kyng sayde, “Be Saynt Marie, And hir dere Sone Almyghtye That derely dyede one tree, With dyntt of swerde thou schalte aby, pay 1245 And take your Empoure Sir Garcy, [I shall] capture And distruye alle youre citee.”

The Sarazene ansuerde with wordes full bolde, “Charlles, methynke that thou scholdeste folde, give up And thou were streken sore. Before you are 1250 Thi vesage es crounkilde and waxen olde; crinkled A nobill suerde thee burde not wolde might not; wield Now for thi mellyde hare. white Bot, by righte, methynke thou scholde be founde treated Als those it were an olde grewhounde Like an old greyhound

277

1255 That myghte rynn no mare.” The kynge wex grevede in that stounde became aggrieved And keste his clothes appon the grounde cast clothes “As armes!” he cried thare. To arms

Bot Sir Otuell saide full curtasely, 1260 “Gude Lorde, graunte this batell to me, For trowthes hafe we plighte. He sett the lawes of Cristyantee Nott at a pillynge of a tree At less than the worth of a tree bark Yistereven within the nyghte.” Yesterday evening 1265 Charlles thankkes hym ther he stode, Taughte hym to Godde that diede one rode, Commanded That alle schall deme and dighte. Elleven duspers with hym yode, To dresse hym in his armours gude, To get him attired 1270 Alle redy for to fighte.

When he was armede in his gere That was bothe faire white and clere, Thay girde hym with a brande; sword Broghte hym ane helme was riche and dere 1275 That aughte gud Kynge Galliere— belonged to Was none siche in that lande! The lady lufsome under lyne linen clothes Garte the Bischope Sir Turpyne Assoyle hym with his hande. Bless 1280 Scho kiste hym thryse with herte full fyne, Bytaughte hym unto dere Dryghtyne, Commanded; Lord That mayden faire to fande. behold

Lordes that weren of mekill pride Overe the brigge than gan thay ryde, 1285 With mouthe als I yowe mene. as I tell you Bot then the Sarazene begynnes to chide: “Now schalte thou, fole, lose thi pryde, Bothe with traye and tene! pain and torment To oure goddes I rede thou gone 1290 And knele bifore tham everichone, Of colours that are clene.” [Appearing] in bright colors “Nay!” he sayde, “There es no God bot one That ever made ne blode ne bone. Nowe sone it schall be sene!”

1295 Than bothe thies kene knyghttes there, Togedir thay reden a course of werre commenced a battle

278

With stronge speres in theire hande, That alle in sondre floughe thaire gere; pieces 1300 Tayle over tope bothe doun gon bere— Head over heels The stroke was wele sittande! well aimed Belysent keste up a crye Unto God and milde Marie; Scho wepede and handis wrange. 1305 Bot up thay stert full hastily, And ayther gan to other defye With swerdis large and lange.

This noble kyng this Clariell, Smyttes to Sir Otuell 1310 A dynt that he myghte fele; Bot one his helme it myghte nott duelle, So sadly one his scholdire it felle; grievously The knyghte bygane to knele. Bot up he stirte full hastilye, 1315 “I vowe to God thou schall abye, That alle schalle deme and dele!” Cursu thurghe his helme gan hye carve That alle his one cheke hyngede bye— hung sideways His tethe were schaven wele! well shaven

1320 He said than, “Clariell, als mote thou thee, thrive Whi grynnes thou nowe so one mee, As thofe thou wolde me byte? though Alphayné, thi leman white and fre, Thare never yerne to kysse thee; 1325 Therfore I may nott hir wyte!” I would not blame her The kynge ferde than als he wolde wede; enraged To the knyghte he hyed hym bettir spede, at great speed Full egerly to smyte, And thurgh his schelde he gan hym schrede, 1330 That schulde hafe savede hym at his nede— Almoste he was scomfite! defeated

The kynge woundede Otuell so sore, Hade he nott schounte his stroke thore, Forsothe, he hade bene slayne. 1335 Bot than Cursu that the knyghte bare Thorowowte the kynges herte it schare, sheared Bothe with myghte and mayne. And to the grounde he tubills doun; His saule went unto Mahoun, 1340 Than by those gates gayne. Then; entered

279

And a full blythe man was Charllyoun, And lovede God with full heghe sowun, praised; loud outcry And Belesent was full fayne. elated

For sorowe Sir Garcy went nere wode 1345 For Clariell dede, was stronge of mode, death And sware by Appolyne That mete ne drynke scholde done hym gude That he would neither eat nor drink Are he struyed hade Cristen blode Until he had ruined Christendom And broghte tham alle to pyne. pain 1350 His grete bataylls he garte arayee battalions; gathered And his baners brode displeye With coloures noble and fyne. And Charlles wele thynkes that he maye Forto kepe the heythyn laye Restrain the heathen law 1355 With the helpe of dere Drightyn. [his] dear Lord

Sir Barlott of Perse come girdande swythe Persia; charging Also faste als he myghte dryfe— Was holden a noble knyghte— And doghety dedis gun he kythe; 1360 Ther myghte no wapen his wedys ryfe, tear So savely was he dighte. securely; armored He rydes owte a course of were And in his hande a noble spere, His armours glyssenede full brighte. glistened 1365 He askede leve at Sir Garcy there permission of To juste with Rowlande and Olyvere, Theire bothere dede to dyghte. dead brother to avenge

And one his horse he come rynnande With his spere faste in his hande; 1370 His armour glessened clere. He called firste one Rowlande, One Otuell stalworthe forto stande, And sythen one Olyvere. “Hafe done,” he saide. “Brynge mee forthe your kynge, 1375 Or ells to dethe I schall yow dynge, Forsothe, alle foure ifere.” Rowlande askede the kynges blyssynge; He stroke his stede and forthe gan flynge— spurred His thretynge boghte he dere!

1380 When that thay togedir mett, A sekere stroke was there sett That bothe thay tynte thaire stedys. fell off

280

And up thay rose withowtten lett, delay And ayther harde one othir bett either beat hard against the other 1385 And persed some of thaire wedys. pierced; garments Rowlande doghty dedis gan kythe; display With Drondale he gan hym ryne That reghte to the girdill it yede. waist And Sir Barlot loste his lyfe; 1390 He faughte nothir with foure ne fyve; His lyfe was hym full gnede. lacking [i.e., he is dead]

Then comes a Sarazene girdande there; His name was called Sir Lamagere, Was holden a noble knyghte. 1395 He come als breme als any bore, fierce as any boar And wondede Sir Rowlande wonder sore Thurgh his brenyes brighte. mail shirt And Olyvere saughe his felawe blede, With sporres he touches his noble stede; 1400 The Sarazene garte he lighte. struck down The grete batells by than togedir yede; battalions; clashed together Thay hewede one faste and full gude spede, And now bygynnes thaire fyghte.

Bot other noyse was ther none 1405 When the grete togedir gun gone the great encounter had begun Bot stronge strokes and steryn! Thay hewede one faste and full gud wone, furiously and a long while Brusten bothe bak, blode, and bone— Of wandrethe myghte men leryn! misery; learn 1410 Be thousandes thay doun gan dryfe, For bothe helme and haberjeone thay ryfe— jacket of scale armor Ther myghte no man tham werynn! ward off Kyng and duke there loste thaire lyfe; With dynt of swerde, spere, and knyfe, 1415 Thay brittenede many a beryn. man

Doun thay dange thaire baners brade Bothe in slakkes and in slade, in valley and on hill One bukes as we rede. Full fele Sarazenes feble thay fade, feebly they weakened 1420 And many one to the gronde thay hade— Thaire lyfe was tham full gnede. Full grisely thay grone and grenne; grimace Maisterles thaire horse thay rynne— Riderless Of tham toke no man hede. 1425 The Cristen men gan the maystry wynn, won the upperhand

281

Bot yitt thaire barett ne wolde not blyn. conflict; cease On nowe bygynnes thaire dede. And now their [heroic] deeds begin

Sir Elys come with mekill myghte, With seven hundrethe newe-made knyghtes 1430 Oute of Bretayne. Thise fresche men so freschely fyghte That it was joye to see that sighte, Bothe with myghte and mayne. A Sarazene come with ffelawes fyve, 1435 Thorowte Sir Briane gane he dryfe; That nobill knyghte was slayne. And yitt that paynym loste his lyfe; With a spere thay gan hym ryfe; His saule went unto payne.

1440 Sir Otuell that noble man, To his awenn cosyn he ran Full grymly in his gere. He strikes the Duke Balamé, The kynges sone of Alphané, 1445 Even thurghowte with a spere. Than Kynge Alphané come in hye With twenty thowsande of Barbarye That wele couthe wapyns bere, And the Kynge Cursabolee 1450 With thritty thousande of Turkee, And alle one fote thay were. on foot

Thies futemen so stalworthe were [heathen] footmen That oure batells full ferre one bakke thay bare, They pushed back our battalions very far Ther myghte none stirre thaire schelde. disturb; shield-wall 1455 Thaire dynttes felle so sadde and sare truly and sorely That wele ané alblastire schott and mare, however well a crossbowman could shoot Thay myghte no wapyns welde. He couldn’t wield a weapon Thay were so mekill and so unryde, numerous; savage And so foulle of hewe and hyde, 1460 That thay hade almoste wonn the felde. Thay gafe thaym wondes wete and wyde, And brittenede tham bothe bake and syde; battered Oure batell garte thay helde. They held back our battalion

Than come girdande a gude sqwyere, 1465 Sir Grym sone, the gude duchere, duke That was borne in Pareyche— Paris With hym an hundrethe that hardy ware—

282

His name was hatten Naymere, A man of mekill pryce. 1470 To arme thaym grete hye thay hade, haste Dispoyle the bodyes that laye one brade, By despoiling the bodies that lay broadly Ichone one thaire beste wyse. way Of thaire clothes pensalles thay made; pennants To Kyng Cherlles belyfe thay rade: quickly; rode 1475 “Mountjoye!” was thaire discrye. shout

The grete batell than relyed agayne, rallied Both with myghte and with mayne, And brittenede blode and bone. Kyng Charlles than was full fayne, 1480 And lovede God, es noghte to layne, it is no lie And His Modir allone. Kynge Corsable hoved by Apparoun waited; [the statue of] Apollin And seese hys men alle doungen doun, sees And sone gane he to tham goo. 1485 Bot Aymere hitt hym one the crowun, That that lorde hathe loste alle his renoun, In the felde he hathe hym tone. captured

Aymere hathe the kynge hent, And to Kynge Charlles he hathe hym sent 1490 By foure of his sqwyeres. Bot when that he made hym that ther sent, [Aymere] had sent [Corsable] there He loves Gode that luffe hade lent [Charles] praises; peace And His mylde Modere dere. Thies fresche men so fersely fighte, 1495 It was grete joye to see that syghte, And a wondere thynge to here! This noble man Sir Ottuell, Thilke-folde he gane tham felle Thickly With strengthe and noblitee.

1500 And certis, als the bookes gane telle, Thaire saulles wente unto helle, Those fele that there gun blede. Those many who bled there Thus kynges and dukes to that dede thay dighte; they struck to death A hundrethe dubbide thamselfe to knyghte, were dubbed as knights 1505 That worthy were and welde. powerful And to the banere belyfe thay wanne, banner [i.e., the battle] And foure gude kynges thay sloughe ther thane— Thaire lyfes was tham full gnede. completely lost Thurgheowte the oste are that he blane are those that he delivered 1510 Unto Kynge Charlles als a mane. large group

283

He thankede hym of that dede. He [Charles]thanked him [Otuel]

Than for sorowe Sir Garcy said, “Allas!” To a kynge that highte Sir Abars, That was armede full clere. 1515 “Yone renayede thefe my cosyn was; That recreant thief He ledis us here a wikkide pase, gave us a wicked turn Bothe with traye and tene!” treason and trouble The kyng ansuerde to Sir Garcy, “Loo, where Sir Cherlles comes thee by 1520 And dynges alle doune bydene, completely Now, for Mahomis lufe, that thou thee hye With twenty thousande of Turkye Till that we redy bene!”

The kyng dide als the empour bad: 1525 With those Turkes that he hade He stroke into the stourre. struck; battle There were oure folkes full styffely stadde; thoroughly challenged Thay hewede one faste als thay were madde, And brittenede brighte armour. 1530 The Duke Naymes stede was slayne, And hymselfe in the felde tan— That boughte thay sythen full sourre. They paid for that later quite bitterly Rowlande, gude of blode and bone, And Sir Otuell hase thre kynges slone, 1535 And reschewsede hym with honoour.

Than was there no nother crye, Bot thik-folde gane the Sarazenes dy, And grysely gane thay grone. A sory man was Sir Garcy, 1540 And alle the Sarazenes that hoved hym by— Thaire herttis was fro tham tone! Oggere Daunays laye in presoun, And of that noyse he herde the soun; A heghte men kepede hym one. haughty; guarded him 1545 Bot prevaly he made hym boun; With an astell schide he slewe tham doun; piece of firewood Hys wardens thus hath he slayne.

He armede hymselfe iche a thwnge, at each point And to a stabill gan he gange went 1550 And hent a noble stede. The horse was styffe, thuoghe, and strange, sturdy; tough; strong He kayres forthe a spere, was large and lange, bears

284

And leppe up better spede. at great speed He kayres forthe owte of the cité, 1555 “Nowe hafes alle gude daye!” says he, And to his felawes thus he yede. went And gladdere men there myghte none bee Ne thay were when thay Sir Oggere Daynnes see, As they were That doghety was of dede.

1560 Now Oggere Daynas bygynnes to fighte, And to hew doun many ane heythen knyghte, And brittyne blode and bone. Kynge and duke to the dede he dighte; The empour tooke hym to the flighte— 1565 To the toun he wolde hafe gone. Sir Otuell stroke his stede Floryne With two sporres of golde full fyne, And belyfe he to hym come. “Nay, Sir!” he sayde, “Be Sayne Drightyne, Holy Lord 1570 Thou schall noghte to the toun to dyne, dine Bot here the moste be tone!” taken . Sir Otuell hase there tane the empour; That lorde hath loste there his honour; To Charlles he hathe hym sent. 1575 Knyghtis streghte in ilke a stourre at once in every battle Token up cité, toun, and toure; Captured The Sarazenes are alle schent. overcome When thay had wroghte one swilken wyse, conquered in every way Home thay wente than to Pariche, Paris 1580 Full wightly one thaire waye; boldly And Charlles lovede God of this enpryce, praised; achievement And Sir Otuell that worthy es, Now weddede he Belesent.

And than thay helde a mangery feast 1585 With alle the noble chevalry That semely was to see. Thay made hym Lorde of Lubardy Lombardy To hafe it alle in his bayly, governance That contré faire and free. 1590 And thus he duellys and es a pere, Rowlande felawe and Olyvere, A gud Cristyn man was hee. And Jhesus Criste that boghte us dere, Brynge us to Thi blisses sere. many 1595 Amen, par charité.

285

Here endes the romance Of Duk Rowland and Sir Otuell of Spayne And of Charlles. Explycit Sir Otuell

286

Textual Notes

Abbreviations: H: Herrtage’s edition; MS: British Library MS 31042, the London Thornton.

87 gentill. So MS. H: gentille.

93 flawmande. So MS. H: flawmandre.

120 spekes. So MS. H: spekis.

164 bakwarde. So MS. H: backwarde.

174 hir. So MS. H: his.

200 al. So MS. H: all.

210 fre. MS: nere was initially written and then canceled.

233 Normaundy. So MS. H: Normandy.

243 kyng. So MS. H: kynges.

262 chevalrye. MS: cheualrye. H: cheualry.

263 ȝe. So MS. H: ye.

280 kon. So H. MS couthe was initially written and then canceled.

306 so. MS: nere was initially written and then canceled. H: oo.

313 myn eme I. So H. MS: myn I.

348 Elleven. MS: Elleuen. H: Eleuen.

352 ane. So MS. H: An.

360 sporres. So MS. H: sperres.

371 Hys. So H. MS: Scribe initially copied hes, then canceled the e and wrote a y on top of the

canceled character.

382 thies. So MS. H: these.

462 Rawlande. So MS. H: Rowlande.

287

501 dynttys. So MS. H: dynttis.

522 thou. So MS. H: thow.

558 Ane. So MS. H: And.

560 awaye revede. So H. MS: Two characters are struck out between awaye and revede.

596 yit. MS: ȝit. H: ȝitt.

617 was. So MS. H: nas.

631 bayllye. So MS. H: Bayllyee; Herrtage mistook the curl of the bracket for an additional e.

632 contreth. So MS. H: contrey.

640 scho. So MS. H: sche.

643 Now that I hafe chosen. MS: now inserted in the margin. H: that I hafe now chosen.

656 one. So MS. H: on.

660 The king said. So H. MS: The said.

661 Nowe hafe herde. So MS. H: Now ȝe hafe. Messangere. H: Messangeres.

728 Yode. So MS: ȝode. H: ȝede.

729 one. So MS. H: on.

734 maid. MS: word is obscured. H: mayd.

735 were arrayed. MS: end of word were and following word are obscured. H: were arrayd.

742 Thay. So MS. H: þey.

754 Soltane. MS, H: Roltane.

794 me by. MS: Scribe initially copied by me and canceled it, then copied me by.

796 dynttes. So MS. H: dynttis.

798 sporres. So MS. H: spores.

801 fare. MS: word obscured. H: faire.

288

811 egerly. So MS. H: werly.

827 then. So MS. H: then.

830 smyttys. So MS. H: Smyttis.

860 semys. So MS. H: semes.

864 getyn. So MS. H: gettyn.

897 What schall saye. So MS. H: what we schall.

901 wode. So MS. H: wede.

923 than. So MS. H: þan.

946 yoo. MS: ȝoo. H: þoo.

952 he. So MS. H: his.

965 saide. So MS. H: sayde.

980 said. So MS. H: sayd.

1006 now. So MS. H: nowe.

1041 ye. So H. MS: Scribe initially copies, then cancels, he, then replaces canceled word with ȝe.

1089 one. So MS. H: on.

1111 be. So MS. H: bene.

1112 blode. So MS. So H. MS: bolde.

1124 Gauntere. So MS. H: Grauntere.

1127 that. So MS. H: þat.

1161 hafe. So MS. H: hase.

1166 to his. So H. MS: to his to his.

1177 ware. So MS. H: were.

1216 Alle. So MS. H: All.

289

1218. evrichonee. MS: eurichonee. H: euerichone.

1228 faire. So MS. H: fayre.

1229 Kynge. So MS. H: kyng.

1235. yitt. MS: ȝitt. H: ȝit.

1254 those. MS: þose. H: þofe.

1266 one. So MS. H: on.

1285 yowe. MS: ȝowe. H: ȝow.

1295 Than bothe thies kene knyghttis there. So H. MS: line is copied at the bottom of 91v and

the top of 92r.

1304 handis. So MS. H: handes.

1325 may. So MS. H: maye.

1384 one. So MS. H: on.

1417 and. So MS. H: &.

1427 nowe. So MS. H: Newe.

1428 Elys. So H. MS: Elys Elye.

1452 stalworthe were. So MS. H: staleworthe ware.

1475 thaire. So MS. H: þaire.

1480 and lovede God. So H. MS: god inserted in margin.

1482 hoved by. So H. MS: three characters obscured: the ed in hoved and the b in by.

1490 sqwyeres. So MS. H: Sqwyere.

1501 saulles. So MS. H:Saules.

1506 to the banere. So H. MS: þe inserted in margin to left of line.

1521 Mahomis. So MS. H: Mahonns.

290

1538 thay. MS: þay . H: þey.

1548 thwnge. So MS. H: thynge. .

1598 And of Charlles. MS: Charles is written in the margin next to the explicit and linked to it

with a bracket. I have emended to and of Charles and placed it below the title line.

291

Explanatory Notes

12 le Roy Pepyn. Pepin was one of the kings who preceded Charlmagne in ruling the Franks.

Pepin could refer to either Charlemagne’s father or grandfather. Charlemagne’s

grandfather was the Mayor of the Palace during the Merovingian dynasty, and he

assumed de facto rule when their command disintegrated due to their complicated rules

of inheritance. Pepin the Short was the first Carolingian to be king of the Franks, and

greatly expanded and strengthened the kingdom before Charlemagne assumed the throne.

14 Als the cronykills us gan say. It is common for romance authors to refer to a source or

sources for their works, a trope that is intended to lend credibility to their tales. Such

references can be as general as “so says the book,” but here the Latin most likely refers to

the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, an historical record that was composed relatively soon

after Charlemagne’s death and misattributed to Archbishop Turpin.

15 dusperes. According to legend, Charlemagne recognized twelve knights or “peers,” his

douze pairs, who were his fiercest warriors and held a special place in his court. The two

words were combined into the single term douzepers, spelled a variety of ways, in Middle

English.

16 Sarazene. Thornton typically spells Sarazen as Saraȝen. I have replaced the yogh with a z

because it is unlikely that Thornton intended the term to be pronounced Sarayen or

Saragen. It is more likely that Thornton mistook z for ȝ in the manuscript he was using as

an exemplar.

38 Pariche. Though the poet identifies Paris as the location of Charlemagne’s court, this is

historically inaccurate. Paris did not develop into a major city or the administrative center

292

of France until well after Charlemagne’s reign. During the Carolingian age, Aix-la-

Chapelle, also called Aachen, was where Charlemagne lived and ruled.

129 Corsu. Corsu, Cursu as it is spelled in other Middle English romances featuring Otuel, is

the name of Otuel’s sword. Meaning curse, the name is appropriate for the sword of the

fearsome Saracen knight.

171-173 rollede his eghne. In Middle English romances, eye rolling and dramatic facial

expressions are behaviors that distinguish Saracens from Christians. Phillipa Hardman

discusses this scene in “Dear Enemies: the Motif of the Converted Saracen and Sir

Gawain and the Green Knight,” Reading Medieval Studies 25 (1999). Hardman

comments: “The comparison with a wild lion is of course a commonplace figure for

fierce martial prowess, but the details of Otuell’s facial gestures are interesting. He seems

to be contorting his face into an image of terrifying hostility, and by exaggeratedly

raising his brows, gives even greater prominence to the strange motion of his eyes, rolling

up and down in his head...Roland does nothing comparable, nor do any of the other

French knights, nor does Otuell himself once he is converted...This detail, then, may

express something of Otuell’s bloodthirsty fierceness as champion of Mahoun, overlaid

with the disturbing appearance of real madness. Rolling eyes are clearly cause for alarm

and may signal specifically alien hostility” (69-70). Emily Lavin Leverett also addresses

this moment in Holy Bloodshed: Violence and Christian Piety in the Romances of the

London Thornton Manuscript. Dissertation Abstracts International. 2007. Leverett adds

that Otuel’s emotive response is also used to distinguish between the Saracen and the

French Christians of Charlemagne’s court: “the bestial nature displayed by Otuel is a

mark of his excess; in thi case, his inability to control his emotions. Though he professes

293

to know and understand chivalry, his excess emotion spills out after he is forced to

derend himself and contained violence rapidly shifts to uncontained savagery” (154).

212-215 Fermorye, Fermonye. There is no clearly identifiable location to which this reference

refers, but the many other city names listed in this sentence suggest that this is likely a

place. In the manuscript, the second use of the word is spelled Fermonye rather than

Fermorye, so it is possible that this word is intended to mean something along the lines of

“utter destruction.” However, there is no such word in the MED, so it is more likely that

the poet simply used the same word twice to achieve rhyme scheme, though somewhat

clumsily.

239 landes of Scamonye. There is no known place named Scamonye. This is likely a fictional

place named for the scammony plant, which grows in Mediterranean lands and northern

Africa.

274 Attaylé. Historically, the center of the Lombard's Empire was a city called Pavia. Ataly is

a fictional city created for the Otuel legends.

282-287 Lete Duke Naymes...als he were! Otuel suggests that Naymes should be left at home to

protect the city walls from birds, implying that Naymes is too old and feeble to engage in

hand-to-hand combat, or be entrusted with important tasks.

328 Saynte Thomers. Saint Omer was a bishop in France during the seventh century.

Centuries after his death, the community in northern France where he had established

monasteries was named after him.

475 strade. The MED defines this word as either "a skirmish" or "a pathway in a battlefield,"

but neither definition is certain because Duke Roland is the only known text that uses this

word.

294

701 Mount Marteres. Montmartre is a hill near Paris, and the location where Saint Denis was

purportedly beheaded by Romans. According to legends, after he was decapitated, he

picked up his head and carried it some distance away before he died.

703 for the nanes. The term for the nonce means approximately “for the moment” or “for the

occasion,” though it is primarily used as a meaningless metrical filler.

722 Saynt Denys. Saint-Denis is a commune in France near Paris that is named for the

Basilica of Saint Denis, which houses the relics and shrine of the martyred first bishop of

Paris. During the Middle Ages, the Basilica of Saint Denis had a strong connection to the

royal line of France, and many kings were buried there.

845 Melle. This is the name of Clariel’s sword.

912 Haunkclere. Haunkclere or Hauncheclere, meaning magnificant haunches or thighs, is

the name of Oliver’s sword.

1212 mawmettis. Depictions of Islam in Middle English romance often contain inaccuracies:

Muslims are frequently depicted as polytheists who worship idols. The term maumets

refers to the idols that these fictionalized Muslims worship.

1488-1493 Aymere...dere. Aymere seizes Corsable and sends him as prisoner to Charlemagne.

Aymere praises God and Mary for this capture.

295

Glossary abien to pay for; to pay a penalty for an offense ac but, yet, however, nonetheless acquellen to slay, kill agramen to get angry, annoyed, or provoked agrisen tremble with fear algate in all ways, in every manner entirely alswa also amorwe in the morning, the next morning anour dignity, honor apaien to be satisfied or pleased aplight in faith, truly appayrayle clothing; armor or martial equipment arblaster crossbowman arere build, raise up arowe one by one, in succession arso(u)n saddle asleped sleepy, tired, drowsy aspien find, discover, seek out astonen stun, stupefy

296

at(w)o in half, in pieces aught(e) a possession, a belonging aventale a piece of chain mail used to cover the neck and upper chest bacinet type of helmet beden request, ask for, pray, proclaim bihesten to promise, make a pledge bilien, bilai(y) besiege, attack binimen take away, deprive; take hold of bithinken to reflect, ponder bitoknen symbolizes, means ble countenance, expression; hue blith(v)e joyful, quickly blo discolored, bruised, bloody bon(e) prayer, request, petition bote relief, healing, salvation, redemption boun ready, prepared, eager burdour minstrel, story-teller, entertainer busken to prepare, make ready, clothe braisten harm, injure bra(o)nd torch, firebrand; sword bre(a)i(y)d a sudden movement, like a jerk; a blow burde a shield cas event, occurrence, incident

297

caytyf wretch, wicked man, coward certes certainly chaumberlein king’s personal attendant c(h)ano(u)n clergyman clepen to call, to name clerk clergyman co(u)lver dove coupen to fight, exchange blows, engage in battle couthe known, familiar with craft strength, power; ingenuity, cleverness delen to have dealings with; to rule or reign over deray trouble, suffering, harm deren to hurt, damage, injure; to dare, have the courage to do something deserd(t) barren area, either uninhabitable or sparsely inhabited, a wasteland de(i)scrien rebuke, criticize, condemn dighten condemn, arrange, prepare for dingen to beat, strike; overcome, defeat dint sword stroke, blow dolour pain, suffering; grief, lamenting doth acts against, fights dou(g)hti valiant, brave, strong dounright(es) downward d(th)urren to dare to

298

ei(y)e fear, respect, reverence eke also eme uncle, family member entayle shape, cut, form, or character entent(e) purpose, will erd region, area of land everidel completely, utterly fa(e)l(le) wicked, cruel; strong, bold faren travel, depart, journey fauchoun type of sword fayn(e) eager, joyful, glad felon hostile, wicked; fierce, dangerous fend(e) demon, fiend, evil spirit fer fierce, bold, proud ferd army, military force fere companion; together fetten to retrieve something, bring something out firmament the heavens, the sky flytte the passage of a weapon through a body, a wound follaut baptism fomen enemies, foes fonden to test one’s strength forleten yeild, give up, desert

299

for the nones for the occasion forto in order to forsothe truly fothot quickly, speedily, suddenly game(n) amusement, merriment gerth a strap passing below a horse’s belly to secure a saddle or harness gesseraunte jacket or coat of scale armor gin talent, ingenuity, skill gi(e)nge, gines group of people, warriors ginne siege machine gilden glorious, blessed; made of gold or overlaid with gold leaf girden to strike, blow; to rush, charge girdilstede waist, midsection gnede lacking, scarce gome man, warrior gonfa(y)noun battle standard, banner gramaungere overambitious undertaking gredden to cry out, shout greven to wound, injure, cause physical damage grot part, bit, fragment grym stern, fierce grythe governance, control, counsel; shelter, refuge haberion coat or jacket of scale armor

300

(h)aketon padded jacket worn under armor hap(e) a person’s lot, luck, or fate hauberk coat of mail heigheing exaltation, praise hem them hend(e) noble and courtly; (of God and the Virgin Mary) graciousness, mercy henten to sieze, capture her their, her herberwen to take shelter, lodge, dwell herken listen, pay attention heued head hi(e)ghten to call someone, to name someone hien to go quickly ho(a)re(e) grayish white hair holt(e) wood, grove hone delay, hesitation hynder arson back part of a saddle ich I; each, every i(y)fere each other, together ilke those same imelle among, amid, between i(y)nowe enough, an abundance iwis truly, certainly

301

juels jewels kene fierce, sharp kennen to know, be aware of kerve cut, trim ki(y)then to perform, do; make known kydd(th)en to know or learn something; to proclaim something la(o)ugh(w)en to laugh lel loyal leman lover, paramour lend(e) loin, hip, buttocks, lower back leren to know; to teach; to learn lesing(e) lying; losing; destroying lett delay leuedi lady leve religious beliefs, faith leven to believe, trust, rely on louerd lord, master loth hateful, unwilling, reluctant lyst hearing, listening mai(y)n physical strength, vigor, force maugré shame, blame, culpability maumete idols meden to reward or bribe

302

mei(y)ne power, authority, military might menestrausie minstrelsy, musical performance, merriment menske honor mervail marvel, astonishing act meten to measure, as in distance; to measure out, as to dispense misseien insult, slander mi(u)chel many, much mode temperament, character, emotion mone complaint, cry morwen morning moten must, compelled; speak, talk mo(u)n might, may; must mounde power, strength, prowess nevenen tell, explain, call upon nimen to take, sieze noblay(e) of high rank; worthy of respect, honorable; of good quality, pleasing oftaken overtake, apprehend, capture ord point of a spear ordenaunce battle array, arrangement of troops orisoun prayer, petition, request ost host, military force, army overhien overtake paien to please

303

pa(i)nim pagan, Saracen pan(i)er basket pas way, path, passageway passen to go, leave pei(y)trel a breastplate for a horse pousté power, strength, control pover poor priken to urge a horse with spurs, gallop priour head of monastery pusesoun poison quede sin, wicked act rapen to hurry, hasten, rush rappen to strike, hit rathely quickly, hastily, immediately raumpen (of an animal, like a lion or bear) to stand up on hind legs in a threatening manner recreyande cowardly, defeated reden read; advise, counsel; command reven steal, rob, take roum room, chamber route a company or troop ro(u)t(e)n to bellow, cry out, roar sadde mighty, powerful, strong sale a great hall

304

saughtillynge reconciliation sau(w)e number, tally saunfayl without fail, assuredly sauter psalm s(c)henden to injure, harm, overcome s(c)hene bright, splendid, beautiful s(c)hiveren splintered, broke to pieces s(c)hond disgrace s(c)hrive administer the sacrament, hear confession, absolve of sin scomfit defeated in battle, overcome segge to besiege, to attack seightnesse reconciliation sely remarkable, unusual, strange semely splendid, pleasant, worthy siker true, trustworthy; secure, safe slo(ugh) kill, slay skil(le) intelligence, knowledge smiten to hit, strike, deal a blow smothirly menacingly, grimly snel(le) quick, valiant, fierce sond(e) a message, a mission; divine intervention soth(e) truth, facts soun sound, music made by an instrument

305

spillen to die s(sc)henden harm, injure, ruin stede place, area, location steven voice stiren to move oneself, to set into motion, move about stounde short period of time, a particular moment stoute valiant, bold, stern speden to fare, prosper, thrive, succeed spillen to kill stripen to strike with a weapon, thrust stro(u)i(y)en to overcome, conquer, slaughter su(w)i(y)the swiftly, vigorously swein(e) knight’s attendant, squire sweven dream vision swi(y)re neck, throat swith(e) such, so much, an excessive amount targe shield tene suffering, injury, wrath thennes thence, from there ther(e)of because of, as a result of thider to that place, there thilke this, that, those; pointing to a particular person or thing tho then

306

thonwange cheeks, temples thro bold, valiant, fearless tinen suffer a loss, lose footing in stirrup while riding tite quickly, soon, immediately ti(y)d(th)ing(nd)e message, news, information todreven to scatter, disperse tofore before, in front of toteren to break into fragments tour tower, tall building, fortress or stronghold travayle toil, effort, exertion; suffering; knightly competition treu(w)the promise, oath unconnande foolish, imprudent, unwise underfongen host, accept, provide hospitality for unwrest wicked, immoral venou onslaught, attack verrai(y) true, legitimate verrament truly vestement liturgical garment warde-cors attendant, squire, bodyguard wede clothing, garments, armor; madness or a state of insanity wem sin, guilt, moral impurity wenen to believe, to suppose, to conclude wenden to leave, to pass through or from; fall

307

werken make, cause wight brave, valiant; unnatural creature, demon wi(y)ssen to instruct, teach witen to know, be certain about witherling enemy, foe wonen to be present in a location; to remain wonnynge territory, country, habitation wowynges courting, seducing wroth(e) angry, irate wrotherhele have an evil or misfortunate outcome yare ready, prepared yede walk, travel, depart yeven to give ywis truly, certainly

308

Bibliography

Manuscripts

Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland MS Advocates 19.2.1 (Auchinleck).

London, British Library MS Additional 31042 (London Thornton).

London, British Library MS Additional 37492 (Fillingham).

Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Reg. Lat. 1616.

Cologny Geneva, Bodmer Library MS 168.

Facsimiles

Burnley, David, and Alison Wiggins, eds. The Auchinleck Manuscript. Web. auchinleck.nls.uk.

Pearsall, Derek, and I. C. Cunningham, eds. The Auchinleck Manuscript: National Library of

Scotland Advocates MS 19.2.1. London: Scolar Press, 1977.

Editions

Herrtage, Sidney J. H., ed. The English Charlemagne Romances Part II: The Sege off Melayne

and The Romance of Duke Rowland and Sir Otuell of Spayne, and a Fragment of the

Song of Roland. EETS e.s. 35. London: Oxford University Press, 1880. Reprinted 2008.

309

---. The English Charlemagne Romances Part VI: The Taill of Rauf Coilyear with the Fragments

of Roland and Vernagu and Otuel. EETS e.s. 39. London: Oxford University Press, 1882.

Reprinted 1969.

O’Sullivan, Mary I., ed. Firumbras and Otuel and Roland. EETS o.s 198. London: Oxford

University Press, 1935. Reprinted 2007.

Related Primary Texts

Benson, Larry Dean, ed., King Arthur’s Death: The Middle English Stanzaic Morte Arthur and

Alliterative Morte Arthure. Revised by Edward E. Foster. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval

Institute Publications, 1994.

Brault, Gerald J., ed. and trans. The Song of Roland: An Analytical Edition. 2 vols. University

Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 1978.

Chandler, John H., ed., The King of Tars. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2015.

Ganz, David, ed. Einhard and Notker the Stammerer: Two Lives of Charlemagne. London:

Penguin, 2008.

Guessard, M. M. F., and H. Michelant, eds. Otinel, Chanson de Geste. Paris: Nendeln,

Liechtenstein, 1859. Reprinted by Kraus, 1966.

Herrtage, Sidney J. H., ed. The English Charlemagne Romances. Part 1: Sir Ferumbras. EETS

e.s. 34. London: Oxford University Press, 1879. Reprinted 1966.

Hudson, Harriet., ed. Four Middle English Romances: Sir Isumbras, Octavian, Sir Eglamour of

Artois, Sir Tryamour. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1996.

Kohanski, Tamarah, and C. David Benson, eds. The Book of John Mandeville. Kalamazoo, MI:

Medieval Institute Publications, 2007.

310

Lupack, Alan, ed. Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval

Institute Publications, 1990.

Poole, Kevin R. The Chronicle of Pseudo-Turpin. New York: Ithaca Press, 2014.

Shepherd, Stephen H. A., ed. Turpines Story: A Middle English Translation of the Pseudo-

Turpin Chronicle. EETS o.s. 322. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Walpole, Ronald N. An Anonymous Old French Translation fo the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle.

Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1979.

Secondary Texts

“About TEAMS Middle English Text Series (METS).” TEAMS Middle English Text Series.

http://d.lib.rochester.edu/teams/about.

Aebischer, Paul. Études sur Otinel de la Chanson de Geste á la Saga Norroise et aux Origines

de la Légende. Bern, Switzerland: Francke, 1960.

Ailes, Marianne. “What’s in a Name? Anglo-Norman Romances or Chansons de geste?” In

Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, edited by Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon.

Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011. 61-75.

---. “Chivalry and Conversion: The Chivalrous Saracen in the Old French Epics Fierabras and

Otinel,” Al-Masiq 9 (1996-1997): 1-21.

--- and Phillipa Hardman. "Repurposing the Narrative: The Insular Otinel Tradition." In The

Legend of Charlemagne in Medieval England. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2017.

Akbari, Suzanne Conklin. Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient,

1100-1450. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009.

311

---. “Incorporation in the Siege of Melayne.” In Pulp Fiction of Medieval England: Essays in

Popular Romance, edited by Nicola McDonald. Manchester: Manchester University

Press, 2004.

Armstrong, Dorsey. “The Non-Christian Knight in Malory: A Contradiction in Terms,”

Arthuriana 16, no. 2 (2006): 30-34.

---. “Postcolonial Palomides: Malory’s Saracen Knight and the Unmaking of Arthurian

Community” Exemplaria 18, no. 1 (2006): 175-203.

Barbero, Alessandro. Charlemagne: Father of a Continent. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 2004.

Beal, Rebecca S. “Arthur as the Bearer of Civilization: The Alliterative Morte Arthure, II. 901-

19.” Arthuriana 5 (1995): 32-44.

Best, Debra “Monstrous Alterity and Christian Conversion in the Middle English The Sowdone

of Babylone.” Medieval Perspectives 19 (2004): 42-63.

Calkin, Siobhain Bly. “The Anxieties of Encounter and Exchange: Saracens and Christians

Heroism in Sir Beves of Hamtoun.” Florilegium 21 (2004): 135-158.

---. “The Man of Law’s Tale and Crusade.” In Medieval Latin and Middle English Literature:

Essays in Honour of Jill Mann, edited by Christopher Cannon and Maura Nolan.

Woodbridge, Suffolk and Rochester: Boydell and Brewer, 2011.

---. “Marking Religion on the Body: Saracens, Categorization, and The King of Tars.” Journal of

English and Germanic Philology 104, no. 2 (2005): 219-38.

---. “Romance Baptisms and Theological Contexts in The King of Tars and Sir Ferumbras.” In

Medieval Romance, Medieval Contexts, edited by Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon.

Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 2011. 105-119.

312

---. “Saracens.” In Heroes and Anti-Heroes in Medieval Romance, edited by Neil Cartlidge.

Cambridge: Brewer, 2012. 185-200.

---. Saracens and the Making of English Identity: The Auchinleck Manuscript. New York:

Routledge, 2005.

---. “Violence, Saracens, and English Identity in Of Arthour and Merlin.” Arthuriana 14, no. 2

(2004): 17-36.

Cannon, Christopher. “Chaucer and the Auchinleck Manuscript Revisited,” Chaucer Review 46,

no. 1-2 (2011): 131-146.

Cawsey, Kathy. “Disorienting Orientalism: Finding Saracens in Strange Places in Late Medieval

English Manuscripts.” Exemplaria 21 no. 4 (2009); 380-397.

Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome. Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages. Minneapolis: U of

Minnesota P, 1999.

---. “Green Children from Another World, or the Archipelago in England.” In Cultural Diversity

in the British Middle Ages: Archipelago, Island, England, edited by Jeffrey Jerome

Cohen. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. 75-94.

Connolly, Margaret and A. S. G. Edwards. “Evidence for the History of the Auchinleck

Manuscript.” Library: The Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 18, no. 3 (2017):

292-304.

Czarnowus, Anna. Fantasies of the Other’s Body in Middle English Oriental Romance. New

York: Frankfurt am Main, 2013.

Daniel, Norman. Heroes and Saracens: An Interpretation of the Chansons de Geste. Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press, 1984.

313

Dinshaw, Carolyn. “Pale Faces: Race, Religion, and Affect in Chaucer’s Texts and Their

Readers,” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 23 (2001): 19-41.

Edwards, A. S. G. “Editing and Teaching of Alliterative Verse.” In A Guide to Editing Middle

English, edited by Vincent McCarren and Douglas Moffat. Ann Arbor: University of

Michigan Press, 1998.

--. “Middle English Literature.” In Scholarly Editing: A Guide to Research, edited by D. C.

Greetham. New York: MLA, 1995.

Ellis, George. Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1848.

Fein, Susanna, ed. The Auchinleck Manuscript: New Perspectives. Woodbridge, Suffolk: York

Medieval Press, 2016.

--- and Michael Johnston, eds. Robert Thornton and His Books: Essays on the Lincoln and

London Manuscripts. Woodbridge, Suffolk: York Medieval Press, 2014.

---. “Twelve-Line Stanza Forms in Middle English and the Date of Pearl.” Speculum 72, no. 2

(1997): 367-398.

Greg, W. W. “The Rationale of Copy-Text.” Studies in Bibliography 3 (1950-51): 19-36.

Haidu, Peter. “The Subsystem of the Professional Warrior: Courage, Contradiction, Irascibility”

in The Song of Roland and the Birth of the State, (Bloomington: Indiana Univerity Press,

1993): 66-69.

Hanna III, Ralph. Pursuing History: Middle English Manuscripts and Their Texts. Stanford:

Stanford University Press, 1996.

Hardman, Phillipa. “Dear Enemies: the Motif of the Converted Saracen and Sir Gawain and the

Green Knight.” Reading Medieval Studies 25 (1999), 59-74.

314

---. “Roland in England: Contextualising the Middle English Song of Roland.” In Medieval

Romance, Medieval Contexts, edited by Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon. Suffolk:

D.S. Brewer, 2011. 91-104.

Heng, Geraldine. Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy.

New York: Columbia University Press, 2003.

---. “Jews, Saracens, ‘Black Men,’ Tartars: England in a World of Racial Difference.” In A

Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture, c. 1350-1500, edited by Peter

Brown. Malden, Oxford, and Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2007.

Higgins, Iain Macleod. Writing East: The “Travels” of Sir John Mandeville. Philadelphia:

University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.

Houlik-Ritchey, Emily. “Rewriting Difference: ‘Saracens’ in John Gower and Juan de Cuenca.”

ES Revista de Filología Inglesa 33, no. 1 (2012): 171-189.

Kelly, Kathleen Ann “‘Blue’ Indians, Ethiopians, and Saracens in Middle English Narrative

Texts.” Parergon 11, no. 1 (1993): 35-52.

Kinoshita, Sharon. “‘Pagans are Wrong and Christians are Right’: Alterity, Gender, and Nation

in the Chanson de Roland.” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31, no. 1

(2001): 79-111.

Klein, Andrew William. Romancing Islam: Reclaiming Christian Unity in the Middle English

Romances ‘Otuel’ and ‘Ferumbras. Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2009.

Leitch, Megan G. “Thinking Twice about Treason in Caxton’s Prose Romances: Proper

Chivalric Conduct and the English Printing Press.” In Romancing Treason: The

Literature of the Wars of the Roses. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.

315

Leverett, Emily Lavin. Holy Bloodshed: Violence and Christian Piety in the Romances of the

London Thornton Manuscript. Dissertation Abstracts International. 2007.

Loomis, Laura. “The Auchinleck Manuscript and a Possible London Bookshop of 1330-1340.”

PMLA 57 (1942): 595-627.

Lupack, Alan, ed. Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval

Institute Publications, 1990.

Machan, Tim. Textual Criticism and Middle English Texts. Charlottesville: University of

Virginia Press, 1994.

Manion, Lee. Narrating the Crusades: Loss and Recovery in Medieval and Early Modern

English Literature. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.

McGann, Jerome J. A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism. Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1983. Repr. Charlottesville: UP of Virginia, 1992.

Mehl, Dieter. The Middle English Romances of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries.

London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1968.

Metlitzki, Dorothee. The Matter of Araby in Medieval England. New Haven: Yale UP, 1977.

Mickel, Emmanuel. Ganelon, Treason, and the ‘Chanson de Roland.’ University Park and

London, The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989.

Porcheddu, Fred. “Edited Text and Medieval Artifact: The Auchinleck Bookshop and

Charlemagne and Roland Theories, Fifty Years Later.” Philological Quarterly 80 (2001):

464-500.

Purdie, Rhiannon. Anglicising Romance: Tail-Rhyme and Genre in Medieval English Literature.

Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 2008.

316

Ramey, Lynne Tarte. Black Legacites: Race and the European Middle Ages. Gainesville:

University Press of Florida, 2014.

--. “Forging Relationships: Law, ‘History,’ and National Identity.” In Christian, Saracen, and

Genre in Medieval French Literature. New York and London: Routledge, 2001.

Raybin, David. “The Song of Roland,” in Oxford Bibliographies Online (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 2016).

Rouse, Robert. “Walking (between) the lines: Romance as Itinerary/Map.” In Medieval

Romance, Medieval Contexts edited by Rhiannon Purdie and Michael Cichon. Suffolk: D.S.

Brewer, 2011, 135-147.

Smyser, Hamilton M. “Charlemagne Legends.” In A Manual of the Writings in Middle English,

1050-1500, vol. 1. Ed. J. Burke Severs. New Haven: Connecticut Academy of Arts and

Sciences, 1967, 80-100.

Speed, Diane. “Translation and Conversion in The Romance of Duke Rowlande and Sir Ottuell of

Spayne.” Medieval Translator 8 (2003): 235-244.

Tanselle, G. Thomas. “The Editorial Problem of Final Authorial Intention.” Studies in

Bibliography 29 (1976): 167-211.

Thorpe, James. Principles of Textual Criticism. San Marino: Huntington Library, 1972.

Tschann, Judith. “The Layout of Sir Thopas in the Ellesmere, Hengwrt, Cambridge Dd 4.24, and

Cambridge Gg.4.27 Manuscripts.” Chaucer Review 20 (1985): 1-13.

Vinaver, Eugene. “Principles of Textual Emendation,” in Studies in French Language and

Medieval Literature, Presented to Professor Mildred K. Pope by Pupils, Colleagues, and

Friends. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1939.

317

Wilcox, Rebecca. “Romancing the East: Greeks and Saracens in Guy of Warwick.” In Pulp

Fictions of Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance, edited by Nicola McDonald.

Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.

Williamsen, Elizabeth. The Quest for Collective Identity in the Charlemagne Romances.

Dissertation Abstracts International. 2010.

318