ERGONOMICS AND WOMEN'S WORK IN THE CITY OF : A CASE STUDY OF CASHIERS

A thesis subrnitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial eentof the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Graduate Programme in Geography York University , Nationai Library Bibliothèque nationale du Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibiiographic Services seMces bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Oiîawa ON K1A ON4 CMtawaON K1AW Canada Canada

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a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fulfillment of the requirernents for the degree of MASER OF ARTS

O 1998 Permission has been granted to the LISRARY OF YORK UNI- VERSITY to lend or seIl copies of this thesis, to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this thesis and to lend or seIl copies of the film, and to UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this thesis. The author reserves other publication rights. and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be pnnted or other- wise reproduced without the author's written permission. To reduce labour costs, the sector has replaced full-time workers with part-time employees, adopted electronic technology, and reorganized xhedules and tasks. These transformations of the labour process have increases the threat of ergonomic problerns. The increasing Pace of work combined with the physical demands of the new technology all place workers at greater risk of injury. This study examines how changing working conditions are Linked to ferninization of the retd workforce.

Information from questionnaires completed by cashiers in Toronto grocery stores and from semi-structured interviews with store managers are used to explore the social composition of the workforce, workers' and managers' awareness of ergonornic issues, and hiring practices. The majoriv of cashiers are voung women under the age of 25, many of whom still live with their parents.

AIthough many cashiers suffer from musculoskeletal problerns, partidarly in the neck, shoulders, and lower back, most are not aware of ergonomic Nks.

They view their jobs as convenient, temporary employment. Managers reinforce these views by recnilting informdy and through their preferences for a young fernale workforce that is easv to train and less likely to suffer injuries. Young women emerge as the ideal flexible workforce, adaptable and trainable workers willing to work for low wages as needed. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis would not have been possible without the support, assistance, and participation of many people. First and foremost, 1 would like to thank my family for their support and encouragement throughout my life. My parents have alwavs encouraged me to follow my dreams and achieve my goals. My brother taught me that anything cmbe achieved through perseverance and dedication. Thank vou for instilling in me the confidence to reach for the stars.

Family is so very important, and 1 am proud to be apart of mine.

I am extremelv grateful for the continued support, direction and motivation from my supervisor, Dr. Vaierie Preston. She taught me to link concepts, theories and approaches that seemed complex and perplexing. Her patience and understanding is admirable. 1 could not have asked for a better supervisor. 1 would also like to thank my cornmittee- Dr. Glen Norcliffe, Dr.

Judy Fudge, and Dr. Gerry WaIker who provided valuable comments for improving this thesis.

1 wodd like to express my gratitude to Cathie Leahy at No Frills headoffice who provided me access to the stores in the study. With out her this study codd not have been possible and would not even exiçt. Moreover, 1 wodd like to thank the mangers who ailowed me access to their stores and the cashiers who agreed to participate in this study. Thanks also goes out to my fellow colleagues and faculty and st& at York

Universitv. Thankç for making my theat York University a mernorable one. 1 would like to thank aU those people - hiends, fellow employees, relatives- who have emotionallv or hancially supported me throughout the years. You have aiI played a part in helping me achieve my goals, and so 1 thank you.

Fuidv, 1 would like to offer my appreciation to my boyfiend, JoeC.

Tassone who encouraged me to focus when 1 ran out of steam. Thanks for betieving in me. The companionship you have provided has certainly helped ease the stress and lighten the load. LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1: Place of Residence of Cashers Table 3.2: Cashier Job Search In Metropolitan Toronto Table 3.3: Modes Of Trançportation To Work In Metropolitan Toronto By Cashiers Table 3.4: Length Of Employment Of Cashiers At Each No Frills Table 3.5: Part-Time Versus Fdl-Time Employment Of Cashers In Each No Frills Grocery Store Table 3.6: Ages Of Cashiers In Each No Frills Grocery Store Table 3.7: Educational Attainments Of Cashiers In No Frill Stores Table 3.8: Cashiers With Children In No Frills Stores Table 3.9: Ethnic Origin Of Cashiers In No Frills Grocery Stores TabIe 3.10: Ethnic Ongin In Census Areas, 2991 Table 3.11: Share Of Part-time Employment In Retail Trade By Age And Sex, Ontario, 1988 Table 4.1: Musculoskeletd Troubles In The Past Year By Store And By Body Part For Cashiers With More Than One Year Employment. Table 4.2: Length Of Employrnent And Musculoskeletal Troubles In The Neck, Lower Back, Shoulders And Hand/ Wrist area. Table: 43A: Cashier Working Conditions Table: 4.3B: Cashier Working Conditions And Fatigue Table: 4.K: Cashier Working Conditions And The Checkstand Table:4.4: The relationship Between Muçculoskeletal Troubles And Work Attitude For AU Cashiers With One Or More Years Experience Who Had Troubles In The Past 12 Months Table: 4.5: Work Attitudes Of Central And Suburban Cashiers Table: 4.6: Cashier Concerns Over A Repetitive Environment In Central And Suburban Stores Table 4.7: Communication, Work And Training Attitudes Of Central And Suburban Cashiers Table 4.8: Cashier's Open-Ended Responses To Thek Working Conditions In Each Store

vii FIGURES AND PLATES

Figure 2.1 : Conceptual Frarnework Figure 3.1: Locations Of Grocev Stores And urban Forward Sortation Areas Figure 4.1 : Musculoskeletal Symptoms By Length Of Employment Figure 4.2: Work Activities Of Cashiers In Central And Suburban Stores Figure 4.3: Hours Worked By Cashiers In Central And Suburban Stores PIate 4.1: Too Iow A workstation Forces Stooping And Hunching Of The Shoulders PIate 4.2: Fixed height Bag Rack Forces Excessive Bending Depending On Height Of Cashier PIate 4.3: Twisting Or Bending The Body To Lift Products Plate 4.4: Leaning Or Bending The Body To Move koducts Plate 4.5: Twisting Or Bending The Body To Lift Products Plate 4.6: Leaning Or Bending The Body To Move Products Plate 4.7: Cramped Work Area Forces Awkward Body Positions, Twisting And Bending Plate 8.8: Head And Neck Twisted Or Bent While Moving Items Along The Counter TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract iv Acknowledgments v List of Tables vii --* List of Figures and Plates Vlll 1 Ergonomies and Work in nie City of Toronto 1.O Introduction CHAITER 2: An Exploration of Restructuring The Retail Grocery workforce and Ergonomics 20 Introduction 2.1 Restructuring and Retail Grocery 2.1 -1 Economic Restndchnng 2.1.2 Refml GroqMarket Segmentation rmd Franchises 2.2 Ernerging Trends in Work and Workforces 221 Women min Retd Gmcery 2.3 Ergonomie Issues 23.1 Technology, Retnil Grocmy GzsItiers, and Erganomtcs 2.3.2 TRylorism and Ergonomics 24 Conceptual Framework and Research Questions 24.1 TIIp Local Lnborlr Mmket md Lrbuur Mmket Segmentation 2.5 Conclusions CHAPTER 3: Fieldwork Methodology 3.0 Introduction 3.1 The Studv Area 3 -2The Questionnaire/ Survey and Interview Process 3.2.1 Disfnbzition and Collection of Questionnaire/ S~

1.0 Introduction

Repetitive jobs causing Muscuioskeletai disorders have a long history'.

Since the industrial revolution, changes in the organization of workplaces have intensified the repetitive aspects of many production and service jobs in western industrial societies. As simple as many of these jobs may appear, a large bodv of literature demonstrates that workers with repetitive jobs on assemblv lines, in food processing operations, in needle tradeç and in the retail food industry, have high levels of musculoskeletal disorders in their necks, shoulders, arms and ba&, e.g. myalgia (mwle pain), tendinitis, and carpal tunnel svndrome (Oborne, 1995; Canadian Standards Association, 1989;

Barnharts and Rosenstock, 1987; Anon, 1988; Busch, 1978). Recognizing the severity and frequency of these injuries, ergonomic rcsearchers study how to prevent work-related musculo-skeletal disorders, sometimes known as repetitive straui injuries (RSI) or cumulative trauma disorders (Obome, 1995;

Benson, 1994; Wagensas, TC, 1992).

Although elusive, ergonomic research concentrates on interactions and

"fit", often expressed as fitting the job to the worker. In this framework,

' Repetitive taski have always been and continue to be the nom in traditional agrarian societies. ergonomics is the study of the problems of people adjusting to their environment; especidly the science that seeks to adapt work or working conditions to suit the worker (Obome, 1995; Benson, 1994; Wagensas, TC,

1992). There is universal agreement that ergonornics is a multi-disciplinarv field, drawing on physiology, engineering, psychology, biornechanics, some aspects of occupational hygiene and public health, industrial technology, and anatomv, among others. As yet, the ergonomics fiterature has not explored gender issues very much. Much of the Literature is gender neutral, so the occupational health and safety issues of working women have received little attention.

In the sarne way, little attention has been given to geographicai factors.

Labour demand is influenced by geographical context, in that there are different business cycles in metropolitan and non-metropolitan locations.

Moreover, new fomof corporate relationships are emerging in metropolitan areas that stffect labour demand and regdation. Lastly, the relationship between labour supply and labour demand is often local for many female dorninated jobs.

This thesis explores the interrelations among econornic restructuring, market segmentation, and the labour process in order to develop a conceptual framework for examining ergonomie problems among women working in grocery stores. The literature haç tended to treat ergonomics and the issues surrounding local labour markets individually, rather than acknowledge their

COM~C~~O~S.

Most research and ergonornic interventions have concentrated on fitting technology to workers. There are severai "invisible" variables associated with the workplace that have not been extensively addressecl in the ergonomics literature. These invisible aspects include gender, management's role, and the relevant union's position. The generic notion of a gender neutral "worker" is problematic. Who is thk "worker"?How dws management fit the job to the worker? What role does the Union play in the implementation of ergonomics and heaith and safety considerations of their employees?

Classically, ergonomics has been concemed mainly with manual workers on the factory Boor, rather than service workers. In 1996,72 per cent of employed people in Ontario were in service producing industries (Statistics

Canada, 3472-3482). Today, service workers make up a significant proportion of the workforce and more emphasis in the health and safety considerations of these workers is required. However, a general misconception is that the rnajoritv of service workers who work in airconditioned environment and use electronic equipment shodd be cornfortable and efficient (Obome, 19%). A more in depth approach reveals that grocery store cashiers, are mainly women, who are often treated as a reserve army of labour. They are hired as needed, on weekends, during the lunch-hour rush, at Easter and Christmas seasons, and they are let go. The high turnover rate in retail grocery, which includes

workers quitting and employer layoffs (Glazer, 1993) adds to the absence of

attention to heaith and safetv issues and ergonomics of the frontend.

The main purpose of this thesis is to explore local variations in the

incidence and awareness of ergonomie problems among grocery store cashiers

ushg recent theory about labour markets. Labour markets have variable local

outcomes because of different ways in which the factors affecting the labour

process inter- with one another, and with other generic tendencies, such as

those linked to industrial restructuring. This study focuses on the extent of local

variations in the demand, supply and regdation of labour markets in grocery

stores and their links to ergonomics problems. This goal is achieved in three

parts: an examination of women's views of their jobs as cashiers; manager's

perspectives with regards to health and safety and ergonomics issues; and spatial cornparisons of the grocery stores.

This study will add to our understanding of the gendered nature of local labour markets and their implications for workers' health and çafety.

Ergonomie issues wiU be Iinked to gender as a factor in local labour markets.

The centrai purpose of this research is to develop an in-depth understanding of the local intersection of ergonomics, the gendered division of labour, and urban labour markets through four case studies. Case shidies make the scope of the research manageable, yet they saprovide valid empincal data. nie empiricai research is not representative of dl grocery stores and cashiers, rather the case studies illustrate findings for a single point in tirne. A combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods, in the form of self administrated questionnaire survey for cashiers and serni-structured interviews for managers are most appropriate for enabling both perspectives to be heard regarding ergonomicç. Interviews were conducted in four No FriUs grocery stores in the City of Torontd.

In this introductory chapter, 1 have presented a brief description of the purpose of the study and its scope. Chapter two follows with a more detailed examination of the mentliterature about ergonomics and labour market theory. To address the gendered nature of local labour markets, the second part of the chapter explores reIevant feminist geography literature. The chapter ends with the conceptual framework and research questions that explore the Links among ergonomics and gender in the grocery store sector.

Chapter three outlines the empirical methods used in the study. The benefits of a multi-method approach involving semi-stmctured interviews with store managers and seff-completed questionnaires from store cashiers are discussed with particular reference to the advantages of the case study. This chapter then describes the process used to select the four grocery stores as case

Metroplitan Toronto was oficially changed to "the City of Toronto" in January 1998. Geographicai boundaries of the City of Toronto are the original Metropolitan Toronto limits. studies. Next, the content of the questionnaire surveys and the interview xhedufe are explained. Fhdy, Chapter three presents a description of employees' social characteristics and their place of residence. Cashiers from the four grocery stores are compared with those employed throughout Ontario.

Chapters four and five comprise the main body of the thesis as they analvze the data colleded from the questionnaire sweys and interviews.

Chapter four focuses on the extent and nature of locd variations in ergonomic probiems for grocery store caçhiers. Chapter four also examines the parts of the bodv for which caçhiers report problems and their relations to workplace and job design. The extent to whkh ergonomic concerns and problems differ between central and suburban stores is also explored. Chapter four also explores cashier's attitudes to work and their responses to stressful aspects of their job.

Chapter five continues the investigation of the working conditions of cashiers through detailed interviews with No Frills managers. The ways that employers' gender work and the ways that reavihnent is affected by the locations of work and home are examined. The ergonomic awareness of employers and its effects on cashiers are also investigated. Specifically, attention is paid to the impact of technological advances and the Iack of ergonomic training. Chapter six surnrnarizes the entire work. The thesis is analyzed for possible irnprovements and suggestions are made for future research. CHAPTER 2: AN EXPLORATION OF RESTRUCTURING, THE RETAIL GROCERY WORKFORCE, AND ERGONOMICS

2.0 Introduction

Much has been written about ergonornics since the term was coined in

1950. Ergonornia is a way of thinkulg about people and how they interact with ail aspects of their environmat, their equipment and their working situation. By undestanding how people behave at work, how they interact with their environment and their machines at both physicai and emotional levels, working environments can be created that do not require more of the operator than the operator can give (Roderick and Quintana, 1996; Benson, 1994; Wagenw, T.C.,

1992). Researchers have studied ergonornics in multiple fields, including the biologicd siences, physiological psychology, physics and engineering, however the links among ergonomics, industrial restnicturing and labour markets have been acknowledged rarely .

This chapter explores the interrelations arnong econornic restructuring, market segmentation, and the labour process, to devdop a conceptual framework for examining ergonomie problems among cashiers working in grocery stores.

Each research area is introduced separately More the conceptual hamework for the empiricd study is described. The first section will examine the impact of recent economic restruduring on the retiil grocery sector in metropolitan centres. The retail grocery industry is a classic case of resimcturing (see:Leah and Winson,

1995). In the past few yem, retail grocery workers in Ontano have experienced sigrufïcant declines in wages and deteriorathg working conditions as companies have managed their operations to adjust to heightened competiüon and fragmentation in the industry (Cohen,1994). Since the 1970ç, cornpetitive pressures withh the retail grocery industry have intensifieci as companies have sûiven to irnprove productivify in a changing economy. This section look at the effects of restruduring on the retail grocery sector in mehopolitan centres focuçing on

" flexibilitv", segmentation, bipoolarization and fenunization of the workforce.

To addres emerging trends in labour proces in the rem gocery sector, the second part of the chapter WU examine occupational segregation and segmentation of the labour market in the induçtry. This section will &O examine the relevant feminiçt geography literature that examines the local labour market

(Hanson and Pratt, 1995). Following discussion of the trends in work and workforces, ergonomie issues will be exploreci. The meaning of ergonomies, its development, the impact of cornputer technology on the retail grocery industry and specificaily, the worhgconditions of cashiers and Taylorism will be Finallv, the local labour market d be diçcussed as a concephial hamework for the empiricd study. Here factors that influence the labour market such as labour supply, labour demand and regulation will be discussed and Iinked to the retail grucery Uldustry.

21 Restrumving and Retail Grocerg

Cornpetitive pressures within the retail grocery industry have intensified as

companies have striven to improve productivity in an increasingly cornpetitive

environment. This section takes an in depth look at the efkts of restructuring

on the retail grocery sector in metropoütan areas. Then, it reviews recent

changes in the retail grocery workforce paying specific attention to how labour

relations in this sector have infiuenced the semial division of labour and the

incidence of ergonomic problems for women.

2.1.1 Economic Resfrucfuring

Before examining how restructurhg has affecteci the retail grocery sector in metropolitan centres, it is important to explain the ternis restnicturing and flexibility. Recent studies of global restructuring, best exemplified by the French regulation approach, have pointed to a series of econornic changes in industriahed nations since the mid-seventies. The stable economic arrangements

10 of the post-war period that established a regime of accumulation, referred to as

Fordism, have broken down (Lepietz, 1987; Drache and Glasbeek, 1989; Drache, and Gertier, 1991; Peck 1989). Under Fordism, stable levels of employrnent and high labour productivity were made possible by the extension of Taylorism, a mode of work organization. The application of new technologies and new ways of organiPng production such as the assembly heand microtechnology, redted in high levels of productivity that enabled mostly male workers to extract high wages from employers.

The state played a decisive role in maintmg Fordist production relations.

Kevnesian economic poücy which assigns the state responsibiIity for maintainhg full ernployment leveis (at feast for men) prornoted high levels of consumption and investment (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1988).

Bv the mid seventies breakdowns in the world economy disrupted the stabilitv and profitability of the Fordiçt regime aeating conditions for massive restmcturing. Firrns, concemed about declining rates of profitability, searched for new methods of organization and production designed to improve productivity and maximize &ciency. A central feature of the post-Fordist era is capital's systematic search for "flexibility" to control costs. Labour Bexibility occurs at the level of the firm. It refers to a variety of manageal strategies to duce the costs of labour with important implications for working conditions. Wood (1989) identifies three tvpes of labour flexibility that operate at the Ievel of the workplace: 1) functiondjZe~bility,which is to make better use of the existing labour force through multiskilling; 2) nu-cd jZem'bilify, whidi is the use of part-the labour and temporary workers to meet changing production volumes and; 3) distnncing, whidi reprrsents the displacement of employment contracts by commercial contra&, as exemplified by nib-contracting. To operate flexibly, the workforce is segmented. Typicdy, a "core" workforce is high skiIied and/or multiskilled (Le. functionally flexible), whereas the peripheral workforce that is more disposable, includes workers who are employed part-tirne, or on short-term and temporary contracts (Peck, 1989). The more secure, higher paid and high skilled workers tend to be employed in the "core"goods manufaduring &or, whereas the peripheral workforce is concentrated in lower paid, lessküled, service sector jobs. The divisions between the sectors are referred to sometimes as "market dualism"(Wood, 1989). In Canada, as wdas in other economies, employment in services has been expanding while the manufacturing sectorrwhich haç implemented highly advanced labour saving technologies, has reduced its workforce (Wood, 1989).

Accompanving the breakdown in Fordist reIations of productions was a shift away from Keynesian economics. Over the past fifteen years, the Keynesian welfare state has ken under attack by conservative govemments, which have

12 weakened welfare entitlements and other social security measures. Today, many

governments are fiercely cornmitted to reducing government spending whüe at

the same time reducing taxes. Rather than assuming an active role by the state in

managing the economy, as in Keynesian policy, ii is accepted that the state should

create a climate in which private capital will want to invest Canada has purçued

economic policies such as trade liberalkition, market deregdation, and

pnvatization in order to promote business opportunities in the prÎvate secior. AU

levek of government are reluctant to induce social and economic policies that

inmcosts for business because it is prenuned such measures will inhibit

ùivestment. Implementation, or even maintaining, legislation that helps protect

and improve wages and work conditions is especially controversial in today's

economic climate (Cohen, 1994). The following donexplores the impact of the changing economic climate on the retaiI grocery -or.

2.1.2 Retail Grocery Market Segmentation and Franchises

The market for the rem grocery -or began to change More the 198(Ys,

however, in recent years increasing market segmentation has occurred in the industry. Rising prices and rising unemployrnent broughi about by the recession in the 197û's initially spurred management to develop alternative store formats that offered customers cheaper grocery products than those avaifable in regular

13 supennarkets. Discount retailers provided lower prices by eliminatlig some of the services offered by regular and by reduMg the selection of food items bv 15 to 20 percent (Mayo, 1993). chains have increased niche markets in order to attract certain kinds of shoppers, as weil as expanded their produd lines and services. Uoser integration with food processing and greater emphasis on value-added pre-paid products such as those sold in dekatessens and balceries are &O strategies supermarkets have adopted in order to increase their profits (Fudge, 1998). The growth of alternative store formats has created a two-tier system, with full service supermarkets with higher profits margins on the one hand and discount grocery stores with lower profit margins on the other.

Compared to the post-war era in whkh the retail grocery sector was dominated by a few store types Le. the corner variety store, independents and the supermarket chain, currently the industry is very fragmenteci.

To gain market share, companies have developed new retail arrangements to take advantage of large volumes while limiting overhead, and lowering Labour costç. Franchise organizations in retail grocery are certainly not a new phenornenon. In fact, retail grocery franchises were first estabüçhed at the turn of the century. However, the expansion of franchise grocery stores did not occur untiI the post-war period and it is only very recently that franchise stores of corporate chairs emerged in large numbers. Since the rnid 1980's in Ontario, the

14 number of franchise outlets associatecf with corporate stores has grown

Franchising is a wholesaie/retail distribution system in which the franchiser supplies food products to the franchisee. The franchiçe systern:2

.. Started under the premise that the retailer would agree to buy most of ail his goods from the sponsoring wholesaler. The wholeder in turn could thus ducehis sales force and b~ghis expense ratio in line with that of the chahstore warehouse. In turn, the retailer received lower prices; the right to use the common name; assistance in store lay-out, display, and promotion; and the right to çell the chain's privately branded goods.. .

Esçentially, the franchiser a& as a wholesaler supplier in addition to providing services to the franchisee. Under this system the main advantage for the fmchisee is volume buying. For instance, Companies Limited acts as a central organization for aU its No Frills discount stores in Ontario. Costs are lowered through centralized distribution and administration. Loblaws aiso acts as a central billing agency, so it cmnegotiate volume discounts with national supplies (Gilbert and Jung, 1992).

Large corporate retail grocery chains operating in Ontario tumed to the franchise concept in the 1980's as a way to compete agaiwt independents in the

l "Ten years ago, corporately-owned diain stores had about 60%of the nation's retail food business. Shce than, the independent section of the market has encraacheci into the chah business due substantially to the rise of voluntary or franchised groups. From 1983 to 1993, the totai market increased at a cornpound rate of 6.3% per year, with diains advadng oniy 5.4%on average. Franchised stores rd3%annually during this period." Çee: Grouv Annual Report 1994, P-2)- 2 Çee: Franchising in the British Columbia Food Industry (February 1979, p.%). 15 sectoc For over ten decades, independents were taking market share away from the corporate chahs. EstabIishing franchises was seen as a viable stra tegy to capture some of the lost business. Moreover, corporate stores were not realizing sufficient profits in their srnafier stores.

Several corporations had built properties in the 19'70's that by today's standards are considered "srnall" to "medium-çized"stores. Rather than selling these properties that were primarily located in metropolitan cenfres, the corporate chains leased them to franchisees. Corporate retailers maintained their real estate in metropolitan areas through franchise retailing. Franchising is pMya method of industry segmentation in metropolitan centres. Less competition in the retail industrv in small towns promotes less industry segmentation %me grocery retailerç in smd towns are independents, others belong to smd chains3.

Given the arrangements between corporate chah stores and their franchisees, how do franchises compete in metropolitan areas? Although there are a host of variables that could affect the competition between the franchisee and corporate-owned stores, analysts have identifiecl two major reaçons as to why franchises have competed successfully. The first identifies franchisees' successfd management practices, as compared to those of the corporations. Franchises are able to respond to the retail needs of a specihc cornmunity. kause the franchise

3 In same bwns ïndependenk exist such as GA. Some hanchises mch as Zehrs is ahevident 16 retailer's livelihood depends on the niccess or fadure of the store's operation, it is

LikeIy managers pay verv ciose attention to customer needs. Lower labour costs are the second reason that franchises can compete against large corporate chahs.

While some franchise stores are unionized, their collective agreements are either not enforced diligently or they are inferior to those at corporate stores.

In metropolitan areas, franchisees are in stiff cornpetition with corporate chahs but thev are able to compete as a resdt of greater efficiency with respect to overhead costs, managerial control, and lower labour costs. The growth of franchises is a metropolitan phenomenon that is an extension of the broader trend to segmentation in the retd grocery sector.

2.2 Emerging Trends in Work and workforces

Economic resmcturing has far reaching effects on women's activities in the

"post-Fordist"economy. There are relatively few studies of the impact of restmcturing on women workers in Western indushialized nations (Hader, 1992;

Cohen, 1994). Analyses of economic restnicturing in non-rnanufacturing sectors where women predominate, such as the service sector, are sparse in Canada. This study, which examines flexibility in retail grocery, begins to fiU an important gap in the iiterature. There is ongoing debate within political econorny as to whether labour fiexibility is new, or is a retum to older forrns of work organization (Leach,

17 1993; McDoweIl, 1992 PoUert, 1988; Wood, 1989). An examination of labour

flexibility in the rem grocery sector suggests that both analyses are correct in that corporations have long relied on Hexible workers, yet the extent of flexibility has

intensifieci in the past decade. Moreover, employment patterns in the retail

grocery sector CO* recent ferninist analyses of gender relations in the global economv which show that women are &ected adverse1y by economic restnicturing with its drive for flexïbiüty (J3akker, 1994; Hader, 1992; Ward, 1990).

Feminiçt political economists argue that the capitaliçt market operates in gender- specific ways to subjugate women in the labour market and in the home. Some of the gender effects of restruduring identified by femùiists indude: a rise in the percentage of women ernployed in low-wage senrice occupations and in part-tirne work; an intensification of the work effort and deterioration of working conditions in female-dominated sectors; and the polarization of wage rates between men employed in goods- production and women employed in services (Bakker, 1994).

Especiaily important to women is the expansion of the service economy and an increase in non-standard forms of empIoyment, such as part-time, seasonal, temporary and contractual work as welI as work at home such as telecommuting.

Growth in the service -or has taken place over the past three decades in Canada.

According to a report by Statistics Canada (WB), more than seven out of ten jobs are in the service sector. The vast majority (approximatdy 85%in 1991) of

18 employed women work in service industries (Statistics Canada, 1993 Cat. No. ïl-

534). Earnings in traditional services where women predominate, are partidarIy

Iow. For example, in service occupations women earned $18,146 on average in

1991, compared to the male average of $29,152 for the same industry (Statiçtics

Canada, 1994 Cat. No.13-217). Women in service occupations eam 622% of men in the same industry. Average eamings of women working full-time in all occupations k $26,842 and $38,567 is the average for men working fuIl-time in all occupations. Women eam 69.6%of men's earnings across d occupations.

Part-the employment has inaeased sigruficantly in recent years in response to the drive for labour ffexibi3iity. in 1953, part-time workers made up just 3.8 per cent of d the Canadian labour force (Ddfy and Pupo, 1992). By 1991, about 16 per cent of aII employed workers in Canada worked part-f5me (Statistics

Canada, 1993). In Ontario, the increase in part-time employment is staggering.

The number of part-time jobs doubled between 1975 and 1993 from 430,000 to

û61,Oûû (Comish and Spink, 1994). Notably, a large proportion of part-time workers are wornen. As Ann Duffy and Norme Pupo remark, "about one in seven

Canadian workers is a part-timer and over 70 percent of these part-time workers are women" (1992). The proliferation of part-time jobs in the Canadian economy rnay be related to the expansion of the service -or. Service sector work, especially in the area of personal services, is reliant on part-tirne labour.

19 Employers achieve numerical flexibility in industries such as retail trade, heaith services, food and beverage, entertainment and accommodation services through the use of part-time work. Often the work perfomed by part-timers is highly labour intensive, physicaiiy demanding and extremely routine. The very nature of part-time work encourages employers to place high dernands on their flexible workforce. "Employed for only short periods of fime, [part-time] women can work at speeds or under conditions which wodd otherwiçe be intolerableff(Pat and Hugh Armstrong, 1988). Although part-tirne workers are more productive than full-tirne employees, part-time workers are the fimt to have work time reduced during da& periods m the Messcycle (Tay, 1992).

The large percentage of women in the part-time category has alerted ferninise to the need to andyze the social construction of gender and part-time work in the labour market (Jenson,1989; Beechey and Perkins, 1987; Wanne,

Lundy and Lundy, 1992). Very often, women are working in service - related jobs as marginai, low-paid workers. Their work is ofien defined as unskilled. At the same the,the tasks women are asked to perfonn are often seen to require

"feminine attributes" which is why women are welcomed by many employers

(Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

In the present phase of economic restructuing there is a widespread proces of feminization of the work force and an inaeasing tendency for

20 bipolarization or bifuraction of the work force. Feminization of the workforce refers to the increasing participation of women in the paid workforce.

Bipolarization refers to the redistribution or bifurcation of the labour force between poorly paid occupations at one pole, where there is a concentration of non- specialized, service and sales occupations and specialized white-collar jobs at the other pole. More women working for pay has intensifiecl the ferninized charader of occupations nich as senrice work (Cohen, 1994).

2.21 Women in Retail Grocery

A verv dear sexual division of labour characterises the labour process in grocery stores. Any shopper frequenting a grocery store will notice that the majority of cashiers are women while the shelvers or stock "boys" are men-

Indeed, the distribution of jobs at the level of the grocery store is segregated rigidly by sex. Women are concen~atedin cashier positions, while men predominate in labour intensive jobs, such as "stock boy". Women and men are unevenly distributed in terrns of both the type and level of work they perform. Many jobs are seen as either men's work or women's work, requiring skills or attributes which are considered gender specific. Men are asigned jobs apparently requiring physical strength or intellectual abilities, while women's jobs require "nimble fingers"(Hanson and Pratt, 1995). Several theorists attribute occupational segregation to relations within the

home, and explain women's Iabour market position in ternis of their household responsibilities. They interpret a women's decision to work in fernale-dorninated occupations as a rational choice, made within househoid obligations. The rationale for thi5 decision hinged on a women's expectations of moving in and out of the labour force in response to the demands of diildbearing and chddcare (Mincer and

Ploachek, 1978; Mincer and Ofek, 1982; Polachek, 1981). Employers are able to exploit gender divisions to their advantage, thereby, playing a part in the perpetuation of the subordination of women and their undesirable working conditions in the Labour market (Peck, 1989).

Other theonçts have pointed out that, for women, nodspatial constraints on job choice that operate through travel cos& and accgsibility are exacerbated by social and occupational constraints on job opporturûties. Put simply, not ail jobs in a metropolitan area are available to women, ço that in a round-about way, residential location can be a more important factor in workforce participation and segregation for women than for men (Hanson and Ratt, 1995; Strong-Boag, 1991;

Mackenzie, 1991). Many ernployers use newspaper advertiMg to fiIl professional jobs and reIy on word of mouth for nIluig other, non-professional ones. Word of mouth is seen as an inexpensive and efficient rhtingmethod. Some ernployers use it as a way of gaining access to a parti& ethnic enclave, recognizing that

22 workers who know each other can share the expenses of a car and commute together to work. Hence, word of mouth hiring tends to reproduce existing gender-and race-based occupational segregation. Partidarly in enterprises where employers rely upon employees' personal contacts to recniit new worken, where on-the-job leamhg is important to upward mobwand where much of this learning takes place informally through personal contacts on the job, segmentation of the labour market is iikely to remain entrenched (Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

Regdation, partidarly in the form of union practices in retail grocery may also contribute to the gendered composition of the workforce, as weU as the gendered structure of union representation. hitially, unions representation in the grocery industry reflected the occupational groups which make up the workforce.

Moreover, these occupational groups were distinctly gendered. Meat cutters were one of the first groups of supermarket workers to urtionize. They were highly skiIIed workers with an apprenticeship system who organized on a craft bais.

These male workers had bargairüng Leverage not only because of their ski11 but also because they dealt with perishables. The Amalgamated Meat Cutters Union represented them The Reid Clerkç International Union organized clerks who worked in grocery stores on a aaft basis. When the chains moved to self-serve and women began to te employed in supermarkets as cashiers, the Retail Clerks International Union wrestled with the problem of organizing women into a male- dominated craft union (Fudge J, 1998).

Many independents and SMchains successfully resisted unionization.

Moreover, when faced with franchise operations, unions were forced to organize and bargain on an individual store basis. [n addition, inter-union competition to represent workers who were employed in supermarkets undennineci the extent of pattern bargaining. Similar to the competition amongst corporations for their share of the grocery dollar, unions have competed to represent supermarket employees. The union which represents the largest number of supermarket workers in Canada is the United Food and Commercial Workers Union. This union was established in 1979 when the Retail Clerks International Union and the

Amalgarnated Union of Meat Cutters merged. Si@cantIy, bargaining uni&and coilective bargaining agreements continued to replicate the original occupational distinctions such that the butchers typically were in a separate bargainhg unit covered by collective agreements distinct from the cashiers and derks even after the two unions merged. While the Retail Ci& Intemational Union had a long history of representing both men and women workers, men and women tended to be confined to separate occupational classifications within the stores and under collective agreements. Moreover, both before and after the merger of the two unions, part-time workers were treated differently £rom full-tirne workers. In

24 many instances, part-tirne workers in supermarkets are in a separate bargainhg unit from both fuiI-time workers and meat cutters and they may be covered by separate collective agreements. Different classifications, wage levels, benefits and job ladderç were bargaineci for these two categories of workers, such that part- berswere treated as second class workers. Since women were most often hired to fil1 the part-time and new service department positions, union representation tended to refiect the repiicated the semai, and unequd, division of labour within supermarkets (Fudge J, 1998; Walsh, 1993).

Occupational segregation and segmentation of the labour market in the retail grocery sector generates jobs with relatively low eamings. A number of factors have been used to explain the lower eamings in the retd grocery sector.

They include the low educational attiinments and the younger age of the workforce as well as the high proportion of part-tirne workers (Gnimbel and

Waker, 1991). Siphcantly, the proportion of women employed in a sector appears consistently in regression analyses as having a negative effect on eafnings even when the other factors are controlled (Grumbel and Walker, 1991). T'hm, the high proportions of part-tirne, fernale workers contribute to the relatively low hourly wage rates in the retail grocery sector.

in retail grocery, women are reauited on a part-time basis to work in service departments to meet intermittent cuçtomer demand because women are

25 seen to possess "taken for-granted" knowIedge and cornpetencies açsociated with

their gender. It needs to be stresseci that women have benviewed traditiondy as

the most desirable workers to perform part-tirne work. in the present phase of restmcturîng in which managers are trying to achieve labour flexibility, women as cashiers in the retail grocery &or are part of a secondary labour market in which

Iow wages, poor working conditions and a la& of job security are typical (see

Kainer, 19%).

The increaçe in part-time labour, much of it involuntary, at the expense of full-time jobs is of concern to organized labour in the grocery sector. Business likes part-time labour because it allows for short shifts and Lmited hours which reduce costs. It &O allows for more effective scheduling around peak times in the business cycle. The downside of this stafhg policy, however, is that turnover is high (Canadian Cound of Grocery Dishibutors, 1994). The high turnover rates and low profit margins in the retail grocery &or historically have renilted in little employer investment in training or in equipment to enhance working conditions.

The consequences of occupational segregation coupled with labour market segmentation are very clear. In the retail grocery sectort the jobs in which most women are concentrated are poorly paid. The gendered segmentation of the retail grocery workforce and the polarization of wages and working conditions between full-tirne and part-time workers are devices which have long been used by gocefy

26 store managers to lower costs. The drive by grocery managers in corporate and franchise stores to achiwe labour flexibility is also likely to have negative impacts on the working conditions of cashiers.

2.3 Ergonomie Issues

What is ergonomics? Ergonomics began in 1949 when an interdisciplinary group called the "HumanResearch Group" was formed at the British Admiralty.

This group was interested in the problems that people encountered at work

(Franus, 1991). In 1950, the terni ergonomics (£rom the Greek ergon meaning to work and nomos meaning natural laws) was adopted. It should be pointed out, however, that the name ergonomin is not new. Seminara (1979) shows that it was first used in Poland by Professor Wojciech Jastrzebowskiin an article published in

1857 ( in Obome, 1995). However, in North Arnerica it haç been used to describe an approach to workplace design and organisation since World War II, when systems had to be made easier to use for the huge influx of untrained draftees

(Obome,1995; Brooke, 1993).

Although "ergonomicç"and "human factors" often are used interchangeably in North America, they have different histories. Ergonomics has been about designing tasks to meet work capacities, as a result of emphasising how work affects people. Ergonornics is a way of thinking about people and how they

27 interact with dl aspects of their environment, their equipment and their working situation. Bv understanding how people behave at work, how they interact with their environment and their machines at both physicd and emotional levels, working environments can be created that do not require more of the operator than the operator cm give (Roderick and Quintana, 1996)

Human factors has an engineering approach, placing more ernphasis on behaviour, looking at the interface between people and machines, as weiI as size and shape, and tryîng to reduce the potential for human error (Benson, 1994).

There is univerd agreement that ergonomies/ human factors is a mdti- disciplinary fieid, drawing on physiology, engineering, psydiology, biornechanics, some aspects of occupational hygiene and public health, industrial technology and anatomv, amongst others. Ergonomicç and human factors practitioners also tend to agree their work is about interactions and "fit", often expressed as fitting the job to the worker. Ractitioners agree they are trying to prevent work related mdo- skeletal disorders, sometimes known as repetitive strain injuries (RSI) or cumulative trauma disorciers (CTDs). They diverge, depending on their approadi or "sdiool", on definition of "the job" or what aspects of "the job" should be fit to the worker. North American practitioners in recent years have restriaed their attention largely to biomedianical and physicd design issues regarding awkward postures, weight limits in manual materials handling, cornputer work design and

28 comfortable seats for everyone hem crane operators to fanners to office workers.

European practitioners, paxticuiarly in Scandinavia and France, usuaüy take more holistic approaches, including psychological health effects and work organization issues in their analvsis of ergonornics (Singleton W.T. and Dirky J, 1991; Ryan, G.,

1989; Ryan G., Hely K, O'Brian G, Young K., and GdeyP., 1987).

Much of the literahue in ergonomics iç gender neutral and the occupational heaith and safety concems of working women have received little attention. Work performed by women is devaiued in the workforce, and women's occupational hedth issues are considered "less serious" than men's. However, studies have shown that women are paftidarly susceptible to repetitive shah injuries (RSI), in which several areas of the body such as the ne&, upper back and shoulderç, forearm and elbow, eyes, and hand are affkcted. Women are &O disproportionately affected by Carpal Tunnel Syndrome (Wornen's Bureau, 1985).

Typical jobs at high risk of RSI include derical work, data input, textile and electrical assembly work. These are &O occupations dominated by women

(Ontario Women's Directorate, 1992). More hoktic ergonomie studies are needed in fernale dominated work environrnents in order to bring women's occupational health issues to the forefront. 23.1 Technology, Retail Grocey Cashiers, and E~onmics

More cornputers were wideçpread, few studies addressed technology and women's work. Numerous artides addressed the potential of teduiology to create new jobs and eliminate jobs that involved drudgery. In the mid 1970s a variety of computer applications were introduced in the retail industry in an attempt to improve efficiency and productivity. WhiIe some teduiology was rejected, the development of checkout scanners proved especidy advantageous for reducing labour costs of in-store operations At first, stores Ilistalled electronic cash registers that were capable of conversion to scanning. Later when scanning techn010gy was perfecfed, fulIy automated checkouts or frontends becarne the nom

Electronic scanners read bar codes, cailed Universal Roduct Codes 0 that are printed on products, and idene the price on the checkout display

(Toronto Star, 1994). Once the code is read, the information is passed "to the cash register and a computer...Registers equipped with scanners identify each item, check its price, ring up the de,total a atomefsorder, and print-out an item-by- tirne tape of the purchad'. Although considered revolutionary in the late 197(Ys, scanners are now familia to most shopperç. Less familiar are the range of potential functions that can be perfonned by the scanner. One application is the retailers' ability to communicate electronicdy to suppliea (Achabal and McIntyre,

1%4).

The initial cost of instahg the equipment, especiaily in the 1970s, meant

that odv large supemiarket chahs were prepared to introduce automated

frontends (White, 1988). Arnong supennarket chahsr scanning was uneven.

Steinberg's was the first chah in North Amerka to test automated electronic

temünals; Loblaws and were &O aggressive in moving to the new

technology in the swenties, but A@ was far more cautious. Many Franchise

stores did not insW Myautoniateci scanning equipment until the Goods and

Service Tax was introduced in 1990 or until corporate stores were mgto

purchase newer technology and the older equipment could be filter domto

Franchise stores (see Kainer, 1996).

From management's perspective, electronic scanners have a number of advantages. They speed up checkout and reduce errors of the cashier. A cashier,

who cmscan one item per second, dws not have to spend time looking for a price

if a price tag is missing. Another cost saving is that items do not have to be priced

individually. Computer technology may also improve inventory control.

Automated warehouses interface with store computers that cm "direct the fiow of goodç from the receiving of supplier's shipmentç through to the filling of store orders via an on-site cornputer" (Canadian Grocer, 1976 in Kainer, 1996). As goods are sold, new shipments are sent automaticaiiy from suppiiers to stores.

Whüe scanning obviously benefits employers, its impact on retail food workers Ïs mixed. The stock clerk who used to price rnanually now posb prices on gondola shelves and restocks shelves. For cashiers, scanning deskilled the occupation. Electronic cash registers simplified the work of cashiers by reducing the amount of mental effort rquired to perfom the job (Mayo, 1993).

Scanning techn01og-y also had several adverse affects on cashiers.

Monitoring or surveiliance is enhanceci by scanning. When the equipment was introduced, managers monitored individual cashiers' productivity. Roductivity sheets were posted (sometimes in women's washrooms) that indicated the number of errors and whether the speed in which a cashier worked was above or below average, according to Company standards. Eventually, the unions argued that posting productivity sheets caused stress and embarrassrnent for workers. They are no longer posted in unionized stores (Smith, 1988).

Scanning has been blamed for serious health problems among cashiers

(Nachreine.,1995; Grant, Habes and Baron, 1994; US Departmet of Labor, 1991;

Womeds Ontario Directorate, 1992; Ryan, 1989;Hoffman, 1988). Laser scanning inmases the Pace and repetition involved in checking groceries. Poor checkout design requires awkward hand and body movements to perform the work. The new equipment signuicantly altered the arrangement of the checkout counter.

Prior to the development of xanning cashiers hancileci grocenes twice- first they rang the items through the cash register, and then they bagged them. The conventional approach did not require cashiers to do both tasks simultaneously.

Under the new system, cded ring and bag

.. .the cashier packages each item with her left hand while she rings in the price on her register with her right hand.. ..No longer does she ring in d items More bagging them Thiç means that her left side is doing Wtudy aiI the work- stretçhing, reachhg, mgand bending. A typical cashier will hande up to 10,000 items in one ghour shift (UFCW, 1983 in Kainer, 1996).

These changes contribute to repetitive strain injuries @SI), muçculoskeletal dkorders such as tendinitis and carpal tunnel syndrome 4(T'orontoStar, 1994).

According to a survey conducted in 1980,80% of cashiers suffered physical health problemç from the new checkout systems &JFCW8 19û3). Within months of

ùnplernenting ring and bag checkout stands8cashiers suffered neck and back pain, and wrkt and elbow problems.

4 Forcehi contractions repeatedly cmcause tears m the tendons that are so small it takes a microscope to se them. The surrounding tissue becornes inflamed and t)iis problem is caiied tendinitis. Carpal Tunnel Syndrome it ptessure on the nerves. Carpal Tunnel is m front of the wrist joint (carpus=wrist). Jobs that have great deal of movement of the fingers and even the wrist causes bendons to grow stronger and thicker. These tendons now put pressure on the nerve. 33 Another problem of compukrization was that only about half of d items codd be scanneci, eithe.the item did not have a UPC code or scanning was not reliable. Cashiers had to key-in as weil as =an, aeating pressure on the back by constant twisting. While people recognized problems with the ring and bag svstem, it was believed that many of these health hues codd be solved when all items had UPC codes, and when better scannhg equipment allowed cashiers to scan with both hands (White, 1988). Unfominatdy, recent research on computerized checkout stands indicates a high incidence of repetitive strain injuria among cashiers. in fad,studies show the incidence of musdoskeletai smptoms is twice as high for dieckouts as for other deparûnents in food stores

(Ryan, 1989).

Cashier stations are "mini torture chambers". Research indicates that over

50%of all injuries occur in the hont end; often ne& shoulder, back and lower leg injuries (Pocock, 1994). One of the reasons for the high incidence of syrnptoms among cashiers is that dieckout stand operators spend about 90%of their time standing in one place which creates pressure on the Iower back, lower leg, ankle and foot (Ryan, 1989). In one survey, 91%of 392 cashiers suffered mudoskeletal problemç within the pst year. Ne& trouble is a weekly occurrence among 481 cashiers who partiapated in another health study. Most injuries cmbe prevented with ergonornicdy correct design. However, the rnajority of food stores have not invested in new equipment (see Kanier, 19%).

On average, cashiers lift 11,000 pounds or 5,000 kilos of merdiandise in a day (Pocock, 1994). Stress on the body is rnagrufied when workstations are improperly designed. Ergonomicdy designed checkout stands insure the cashier faces the customer as weU as the kevboard and cash drawer, and the desk is adjustable to meet varying body heights and sizes. Conveyor bel& and weigh xales should be within easy reach and a cashier should not have to bend over to bag groceries. Scanning should be done smoothly in one motion, without reaching, twisting or pushing groceries. A very disturbing trend occurring in the

US is the introduction of 'over-the-counter' (OTC) chedcer-unload workstations in which the cashier is required to Mt groceries out of the customer's cart for scanning. Ergonornic analysis of these workstations reveals extensive problerns with work posturef induding awkward trunk and shoulder posture that places

"biomechanical stresses on the cashier" (Grant, Hakand Baron, 1994).

Although knowledge is available to improve working conditions for cashiers, employers are reluctant to invest in expensive equipment (UCFW, 1984). in 1992-93 the Worker's Compensation Board reported over 3,000 cases related to repetitive stress injuries, an increase of 100% in less than ten years. It is not known how many of these derive from the food retail &or, however, official figures

show 10 percent of the retaü. workforce is disabled by repetitive shahinjuries;

union representatives believe the tnie figure is closer to 30 percent (LIFCW, 1987)j.

For cashiers, greater working speeds and poor workstation design associated with

computerization are thought to be responsible for rnany health problems.

2.3.2 Taylorism and Ergonomies

In the 199û's, employers are supposed to emphasize flexibiiity,

multiskilling, and job rotation. However, the retail grocery industry is grounded

in a Tavlorist approach to work organization. The work of retail grocery store cashien folIows a Taylorist approach with a strict division of labour that leaves cashiers with a Limited nurnber of very spdcjob tasks. The Taylorjst approach is

favoured bv Franchise managers dybecause of narrow profit margins and

their reluctance to incur additional costs of training cashiers for other areas of the store.

Fredrick Tavlor (18564917)introduced a "workload" concept, although it is obvious fkom hiç writings that he understood iittle of work physiology (Bjorkrnan,

1996). Most of TayIorfsp~ciples have had a great impact on the way work is organized in the industrialized world. Few other management docfrines have

j "Sûain injjes: the hidden occupational risk", üFCW Canadian Action (Apd/May/June, 1987)s 36 organized in the industrialized world. Few other management doctrines have

been as influentid during the twentieth century. In the pst-war period, empincal

evidence of Taylorism's shortcomings was weU docurnented. One of the classicd

studies of the era is "Man on the Assemblv Line" by Waker and Guest (1952)

desclibing discontent with repetitive tasks and with lack of control. Other dassical studies during the following years are, in chronological order: Abraham Maslow

(1954)demonstrating a hierarchy of needs from physiological to safety to social to ego to self actualization; Fredrick Herzberg et nl (1959) discriminating hygiene factors from motivators that can be activated best by job redesign, in particular job enrichment; Douglas McGregor (1960)conbx&ng Taylorism and Job Redesign ideas; Remis Likert (l%l) arguing in favour of the socalled "system4 theozy" clairning that work dernocmcy pays; and Chris Argyris (19M) presenting a goal congruence theo. of how to htegrate individual aspirations with the goals of the organizations and claims that Taylorism fails to achieve this aim (in Bjorkrnan,

1994).

In the current context where managers emphasize edarged and enriched jobs, more variation in job tasks may result Theoreticdy, the reforms are anti-

TayIorist in the sense that they lessen the division of labour and divers* work load and the work situation. These organizational changes can help reduce musculoskeletal problems associateci with repetitive and routine tasks. The retail grocery industry has not acknowledged these new organizational trends.

Management's search for labour ff exibility and a Taylorist approach to work organization in an era of econornic restniduring are placing retail grocery cashiers at greater risk of acquiring musculoskeletal problems. To understand the social, physical and technical barriers to the deintegration of cashiers, a maidy fernale workforce, into the workplace, it is necessary to understand first who these women are and the role of labour market forces in the incidence of ergonomic problems.

24 Conceptual Frarnework and Research Questions

Occupational health and safety concerns of women often receive little attention. However, in the retail groc- -or, there is growing evidence that recent xanning technology places cahiers at risk of muscuioskeletd disorders, including repetitive strain injuries (Roderick and Quintana, 1996). This case study examines the working conditions of grocery store cashiers in Metropolitan

Toronto, the extent to which cashiers and their employers are aware of ergonomic issues, and their responses to ergonomic concems. The conceptudization of the local labour market propoçed by Peck (1996) provides a framework for examining the extent to which there are local variations in the awareness of ergonomic problems and their inadence. The notion of a local labour market is sornewhat arnbiguous. Local labour markets obviouslv differ signrficantiy in terms of their composition (i.e. they exhibit different occupational and indushial profiles). Labour markets have variable local outcornes because of different ways in which labour demand and suppIy intersect with one another and with other generic tendencies, such as those linked to indushial restructuring. The purpose of this study is to explore local variations in the incidence and awareness of ergonomie problems.

2.4.1 7ne Local Labour Market and Labour Market Segmentation

Before examining the conceptual kamework it is important to define the local labour market and labour market segmentation. The travel-to-work area, defineci in temof dailv commuting behaviour, is widely accepted as the basis of the notion of the local labour market (Vance, 1960; Hunter and Reid, 1969;

Goodman, 1970; Hail et al., 1973; Smart, 1974; Cheshire, 1979; Norris, 1982; Cooke,

1983). The mobility of labour in thiç study is clearly important, represenüng as it does the range within which labour- power can be exchanged and substituted on a daily bas%(Harvey, 1985). Empiricdy, however, the travel-to-work area iç problematic. Travel to work patterns are cornplex. Not only do they inter- and overlap, but they are in a constant state of flux (Goodman,1970). Many travel to work areas have a tendency either to be very large or to exhibit high rates of

39 crossboundary "leakage" (Coombes et al., 1988). Another probiem with travel-to- work areas is that Jifferent social and labour market groups exhibit different commuting behaviour. Travel-to-work area boundarÏes are deterrnined on the basis of the commuting behaviour of some statisticaily- derived set of "average" workers (Coombes et al., 1988). Such travel-tework areas do not adequately refiect the labour market experiences of women. Joumey-to-work studies reveal that women tend to travel less frequently, over shorter distances, and via different means of travel than do men (Hanson and Ratt, 1995; Tivers 1985; Hanson and

Hanson 1980,1981; Forer and Kivd 1981; Madden 1981; Howe and O'Connor

1982; Pas 19û4). A direct Link between commuting time and distances and occupational segregation has been proposeci on the bisof evidence that women in fernale-domuiated occupations have shorter worktrips than 0thwomen

(Hanson and Johnson 1985; Singe11 and Lillydahl1986).

The travel-to-work area approach also fails to acknowledge the role of labour market segmentation. The notion of the spatially adjacent travel-to-work area reflects an implicit açsumption that spatial proximity has a role in labour market competition. Workers within a labour market area are deemed to be in competition with one another for local jobs, while they do not compete in other local labour markets because their daily time budgets do not permit them to do so

(Peck, 1989). Although spatial proxirnity may permit labour market competition, whether or not such cornpetition actudy takes place will depend on the way in

whidi particular local labour markets are segmented. An appreciation of the role

of labour market segmentation would therefore seen to be a prerequisite for an

adequate theorization of the local labour market (Peck, 19%). Labour market

segmentation is examineci below as a prelude to a reconsideration of the notion of

the local labour market.

Earlv segmentation models were concemed with the merentiation of labour dernand. Segmentation was seen to arise principally from the requirements of the production process, specificdy, the need for stability among the skilied workforce and the need to maintain control over the labour process. In these models, the expImationç of the supply-side of the labour market were not sophisticated. Workers were docated to one segment or another through . .. unspecified processes of employer discnmuiation. While the labour supply is also segmented, it is not segmented Ïn a way that allows a perfed "fit" with the demand side of the labour market (Lever-Tracy, 1984).

Rubery and Wilkinson (1981)note that the bases of labour market segmentation have been traced to the structure of technology, to product market conditions, to labour proces control strategis and to labour çupply factors. A partidarly important aspect of thiç new conception is that the supply- and dernand- sides of the market, are perceived as relatively autonomous from one another. Peck (1989) states, " Labour supply and demand do not interleave

convenientiy in response to wage signais, as the elegant graphs of neo-classical

economics suggest. The point of contact between them is not a frictionles one."

Peck (1989) suggests that the supply - and demand - sides of the labour

market ditfer in temiç of their dynamics as well as their structure. This is an

important point because it brings into question the whole notion of the labour

market as a "market". The Iabour market does not perform like other markets

because labour iblf is not a commodity. The le@ arrangement between the

franchisee and the franchiser exaggerate ail trends in the labour market, in terms of

labour demand, Iabour supply, and regdation.

Figure 2.1, shows the conceptuai fsamework for thiç empincal study (Peck,

19%). In figure 2.1, labour demand is identified as one of the factors that

influences the arnount and tvpe of Iabour that is supplied to the labour market.

The effectsof labour are exaggerated because of the cornpetitive nature of the retail

grocery industry in metropolitan centres. Narrow profit marmarginç force the

franchisee into the position of aisis management with more emphasiç on a part-

time, flexible and poorly paid workforce. 1 expect to find that the hiring practices of the franchise will be inexpensive and infornial. In addition, these hiring practices will contribute to the gendering of employment and ergonomie incidences. The literature suggests that localized recniitment strate-, through

42 newspaper and word of mouth, &dvely build semi-permeable wallç around

locd districts so that the local residents should typicdy have the best access to certain jobs. Employers' reliance on their employees' social networks for Ming job vacanies can lead to geographic segmentation of the labour market at the neighbourhood scale (Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

Based on the notion that retail grocery cashiers are part-tirne and poorly paid I exped a female - dominated workforce. 1expect the composition of the workforce, the supply of Iabour to reflect the social characteristics of the population living close by. In ethnic concentrations, managers will tend to hire people with the same etfuuc background in order to satisfy ethnio - speafic needs.

Employers' reliance on word of mouth may reinforce the socio-ethnic composition of the workforce,

The extension of franchise arrangements through individuai store bargaining has eroded organized labour's bargaining sbength. Narrow profit margins and regdation through franchise agreements affect the technology avaüable to franchisees. Filtered down hom the corporate stores, the technology in franchised stores is usudy second hand and out - dated. Out - dated equipment and lack of knowledge regarding health and safety issues potentially has adverse affects on cashiers' health. Figure 21: Concephid Framework

LABOUR LABOUR REGULATION DEMAND SUPPLY Franchise Part-tirne Marital Status Agreements Local %dent/ TechnoIogy Young non student Attitudes towards Repetitious Dependent/ training and Narrow range independent health and of tasks Ethnicity safety

i Labour Force and Working Conditions

Incidence of Ergonomie Problems The interrelations of labour demand, labour supply and franchise regdation are sources of local variation. Labour demand and labour supply that are Iikelv to Vary from place to place affect who gets hired. By noting how these practices structure local and distinctive labour markets, we begin to understand that the way work is organwd directly influences the incidence of ergonomic problems for retail grocery cashiers.

This case studv wiII attempt to answer the fouowing research questions:

Research Question

1. Mrhat is the nature and extent of local variations in the awareness and incidence of ergonomic problems of grocery store cashiers?

Subsidinry Questions

1. What are the geographical correlates of these ergonomic problems?

2. What are the &al and demographic characteristics of the cashiers and how do these characteristics vaxy from store to store?

3. How do workess' asçessrnents of working conditions and workplace çafety Vary hom store to store?

4. What factors have influenced the inadence of ergonomic injuries in each store?

Variations of labour supply, demand and regdation are expected as follows; part-time, low-wage jobs tend to attrab people living nearby and from the local supply of labour. I scpect central and suburban differences in the local population- Income, family type and ethnicity ail Vary between central and subwban locations. in labour demand, managers will try to hire people living nearbv, partidarly in ternis of ethnicity, for several reasons: service, knowledge of ethnic foods and language, and cuçtomer loyalty. Ethnicity varies between centrai and suburban locations. Fodregdation will Vary since each franchise store bargains separakly. Infody, management practices rnay differ between central and suburban stores. Central stores may practice more local hiring, whiie suburban stores mav practice more distant hiring.

3 Conclusions

Ergonomis, which developed via the interests of a number of different professions, rem- a mdtidisciplinary field of study. To provide information about working behaviour, it crosses the boundaries between scientific and professional disciplines and draws on the data, findings, principles and concepts of eacb Resent-day ergonomics is an arnalgamation of phi siology, anatorny and medicine in one branch; physiology and experimental psychology as another; physics and engineering as a third branch.

The biological sciences provide information about the body's structure: the operator's physical capabilities and limitations; bodily dimensions; how much cm be lifted; the physical pressures that can be endured, and so on. Physiological

4 6 psychology de& with ways in which the brain and nervous system function and determine behaviour, while experimental psychologists study the basic ways in which individu& use the body to behave, perceive, lem,remember, control movements. and so on; physics and engineering provide sunilar information about workplace design (Obome, 1995). Human geography and conditions in the local labour market are also important. Labour demand and supply that affect who ge6 hVed are Iikely to Vary from place to place. These interrelatiowhips are sources of local variations that can potentially lead to variations in the local workforce.

Theoretically, variations in the local workforce and working conditions rnay contribute to variations in workers awareness and experiences of ergonomie problems.

The iiterature review has shown that women are recruited to perform the work of cahier, an undemdued job. The perceived 'flexibility' of fernale labour encourages rem management to kewomen exc1usive.l~to operate cash registers.

The work of cashiers remained relatively unchanged until the 1970s when cornputerkation entered the supemiarket Computerization deskilled the work of cashiers, making their jobs more stressfui and arduous as compared to operating rnanual cash regiçters.

1argue that retail grocery workers have suffered deduiing working conditions, but the dedine is gendered. As many feminist scholars have argued,

47 the capitalist market is not neutral when it cornes to gender relations (Hanson and

Pratt, 1995; Messing, 1995; Bakker, 1994). The case of the grocery -or illustrates how industrial restnicturing has had partidarly adverse effectson women There are verv few studies of the impact of restructunng on women workers in Western industrailized nations (Harder, 1992; Cohen, 1994). Analyses of economic restructuring, women's occupationai health, and the service sector are sparse in

Canada. This study, which examines how regdation and the dnve for labour flexibilitv in the retail grocery sector has affected the working conditions of cashiers ad& to the contemporq literature. The study ahprovides some preluninary evidence about local variations in working conditions that may affect the nature and extent of ergonornic problems suffered by cashiers. CHAPTER 3: FIELWORK METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

There is little research linking ergonomics and local labour markets.

Independent studies have developed in each field; researchers have not acknowledged the inter-relatiowhip between the local labour market and ergonomic conditions. This thesis examines the working conditions of grocery store cashiers in Metropolitan Toronto using the concephiaiization of the local labour market proposed by Peck (1996). It will explore the nature and extent of local variations in the awareness and incidence of ergonomic issues relevant to grocery store cashiers and their employers through a multi-method approach.

The case study employs semi-stmctured interviews with store managers and questio~airescompleted by store cashiers.

To answer the research questions outlined in the previous chapter, 1 interviewed four grocery store managers in the City of Toronto to determine the nature of their labour practices and to learn their views concerning workplace ergonomics. In addition, questionnaires were completed by 87 cashiers in four grocery stores within The City of Toronto. This was essential to determine what cashiers think about working conditions, workplace ergonomics, and safety.

This chapter will diçcuss the methods used to select the four grocery stores in the case study. The content of the questionnaire sweys and the interview schedule are also explained. This chapter will discuss cashiers' social characteristics including their residential locations relative to the four store locations. Finally, this chapter 41compare the characteristics of the workforce in the four grocery stores with those of the retail workforce and the grocery retail workforce in

Ontario.

3.1 The Study Area

To understand the links between labour market segmentation and space, the present shidy adopts Peck's (1996) perspective on the different ways that regdation, labour supply and labour demand corne together in different places, so as to create locally variable patterns of labour market segmentation. Thus, it was decided to select two stores that were located in the inner city and two stores that were located in the suburbs since residential characteristics and labour supply in the two areas are different. To understand the nature and extent of local variations in the ergonomie aspects of grocery store cashiers' work, it was important to gain acces to grocery stores at various locations within the City

Toronto.

Although definitions of the "inner city" are vague and its boundaries are changing constantly, the inner city indudes the Central Business District (CBD) and the older neighborhoods surrounding it (Ley, 1991). Government studies have identified "proximity to downtown and/ or a substantial share of housing built before 1946 as key indicators" of inner city neighborhoods (Ley, 1992).

Whereas Warde (1982) defines proximity to downtown as king within two or

three miles of the Central Business District, the present study adopts Ley's (1992)

interpretation.

Focusing on Ontario, we find that Loblaws Companies Ltd., which owns

Loblaws, Supercentre, Zehrs, No Frills, and Valu-Mart arnong others, is a key

player in the province's food rem market. According to the 1994 Directory of

Retail Chainç in Canada*,National Grocers and Loblaws Companies Ltd. have seventy Company owned or corporate stores and 318 franchises in Ontario. No

Frills, a franchise chah operated by Loblaws, was chosen because of the large number of stores across Metropolitan Toronto and managers'/owners' enthusiasm about the study. The City of Toronto was chosen as the study site for two reasons. First, the owner/managers of the No Frills stores located in

Metropolitan Toronto welcomed the study. Second, head office personnel at No

Frik partiaIly directed the selection of stores in Metropolitan Toronto.

Gaining access to the No Frill's stores was essential for gathering the primary data and successM1y compIeting the study. The United Food and

Commercial Union was contacted by the researcher and their cooperation was enlisted. The store owners/managers were ail contacted initiaily by staff from

No Frills head office who told them about the research. The four stores where the manager/owners2 agreed to participate in the

study are as foff ows:

Two suburban stores:

1. Warden Avenue and Huntingwood Avenue, at the south east corner and

2 Keele Sbeet, north of Sheppard Avenue.

And two centrai stores:

3. Gerrard Street and Eastwood Avenue, and

4, Dufferin Street and Bloor Street,

3.2 The Questionnairq/ Survey and Inte~ewProcess

Suweys of the musculoskeletal health of grocery store cashiers have

appeared since the mid 1960's. A number of countries, includuig Japan,England,

Australia and Canada adopted surveys with different methodologies ranging

from injury statistics, and questionnaire sweys to medical examinations (Anon,

1988). Each method is subject to criticism. Company medical records (when

availabk) and compensation claims can be misleadhg due to changing

compensation criteria and the willingnesç or resistance of workers to daim

compensation or visit medical practitioners. Questionnaires have problerns with

- 1 Çee: 1994 DUectory of Retail Chahs in Canada, in Maclean Hunter Publishg Ltd., 1994 tNo Fiils stores are independentiy owned franchised stores, thus the ownen also manage their stores. response bias since response rates are typicdy low. Low response rates mean the swevs indicate that a certain number of individuais have problerns but they fail to reveal the prevalence of injuries arnong the entire cashier workforce

(Wells, 1990; Anon, 1988; Baxter, 1987; Busch, 1978).

A questionnaire cornpleted by each respondent is a widely used tool that is verv efficient in terms of researcher time and effort. Self - administered survevs are also appropriate in deaiing with especiaily sensitive issues if the survevs offer complete anonymity. Respondent. are çometimes reluctant to report controversial or deviant attitudes or behaviors in interviews but are willing to respond to an anonyrnous self-adminiçtered questionnaire. There are problems, though. The data can be superficial, there is Little or no check on the honesty or seriousnes of responses, and responses have to be squeezed into predetermined boxes which may or rnay not be appropriate (Robson, l993,Bab bie, 1992; Wagenas, 1992).

To ensure comparability of findings, the organization of the survey and specific questions used in this study were as similar as possible to previous questionnaires used by Wells (1990)' Ryan et d. (1987) and Kouinka et al. (1987).

The complete questionnaire can be found in Appendix A . Six sections in the questionnaire covered work history and job satisfaction, details of the respondent's job, general hedth, the presence or absence of musdoskeletal troubles, personal data and opinions. To explore musculoskeletal troubles the questions included anatomical drawings highüghting specific areas such as the lower back, the neck, the shoulders and the hand and wrist. The cashiers in this case study provided self reported symptoms. This method of reporting is useful for detefinining the prevdence of musculoskeletal symptoms. It should be noted that this process does not record clinicdy diagnosed conditions but rather the presence of target problern areas within a workplace (Buckle et al., 1986). There are advantages and disadvantages to this type of method. In a recent British survey it was found that as the response rate (the proportion of cashiers who returned completed questionnaires) went up, the prevalence of musculoskeletal problem declined (HÇE,1988). Cashiers who have musculoskeletal troubles are more likely to complete these questionnaires. The prevalence measures must therefore be treated cautiously, especidy if the response rate is low to moderate.

Questions about generd hedth and previous injuries were based on those proposed by Buckle et al., (l986). The determination of muscdoskeletal symptoms was based on the "Nordic"questionnaire system (Kourinka et al.,

1987). General MuxuloskeIetal Troubles, Lower Back Troubles, Neck Troubles,

Shodder Troubles and Hand WNt Troubles and Cashier Input, were based on

Wells (1990). To examine local variations in ergonomic problems and awareness of them, 1 ahincorporated sections on job description, work histov and personal characteristics. The questions used to assess exposure to possible occupational risk factors focused on previous jobs and personal activities. Other questions addressed working conditions during the last six monthç, such as hours per day and week, main work activities etc.

To gain insight into what cashiers know about ergonornics and working conditions, an attitude measurement scale in the fonn of a summated rating or

Likert %ale is used in the questionnaire. While there are several scaling techniques which have ken used in attitude measurement, the summated rating approach is very widely used, and has the added advantage of king relatively easv to develop. It was originally devised by Likert in the 1930's. Items in a

Likert sale look interesting to respondents and people often enjoy complethg this kind of scale. This can be of importance, not only because if they are interested they are likely to give considered rather than perfunctory answers, but also because in many situations people may, not unreasonably, just not be prepared to cwperate to do something that appears boring (Robsin, 1993).

3.2.1 Distribution and Collection of Questionnaird Sun>eys

No Frills head office acted as the laison between the grocery store managers/owners and the researcher. Meetings were scheduled with the researcher and each store manager/owner- The researcher conducted presentations dedbing the study and the advantages of participation, such as no cost research. Next, notices were posted on information and bulletin boards describing the projed and the questionnaire and urging participation in the project. A total of 87 cashiers in al1 four stores were chosen randody to complete the questionnaire survey. Since No FrUs stores are independently owned franchise stores that are relatively smd by industry standards, their workforce of cashiers is smaiI, with a mean of 22 cashiers per store.

Approximately 95%of al1 cashiers who where scheduled to work in the four grocery stores cornpleted the questionnaire survey. Babbie (1995) suggests that a response rate of 70%is "very good". However, this is only a rough guideline with no statistical basis. Distribution of the questionmires to 100%of the cashiers was not possible due to scheduled off days or weeks. The objective of the research waç for 25 cashiers to complete the questionnaire survey in each of the selected stores. The research was conducted h-om July to Auguçt 1997. It took anwhere from two to four days in each grocery store depending on the volume of business and cashiers' schedules.

The questionnaire survey was designed for anonymity to encourage more honest responses. The introductory letter that asked cashiers to complete the questionnaire açsured anonymity. The questionnaires were distributed to the cashiers individudy or in groups under my supervision and were collected immediately after completion. I provided instructions on how to complete the surveys and answered questions. This method decreased the number of non- responses. It also guarded agauist confusion regarding individual questions (Babbie, 1995). Each questionnaire required approxirnatel y 30 minutes for completion. With management's cooperation, the cashiers compIeted the questionnaires during their scheduled shifts.

3.2.2 Analysis of Questionnaire/ Sumey

Upon receipt, all questionmires were numerically coded. The quantification of data is necessarv to permit subsequent statisticai manipulation and analysis. Moreover, coding reduces wide varieties of information and provides a limited set of attributes composing a variable (Babbie, 1995).

Anajsis was performed on a microcornputer using the statîsticd package SPSS.

An investigation of simüarities and dissimilarities among the four grocery stores was achieved through the use of descriptive çtatistics. It is a method for presenting quantitative descriptions in a manageable form and involves the reduction of data. More specifically, measures of association were used to summarize the relationships between variables in the questionnaire. Clearly a disadvantage of descriptive statistics is that they are case specific. They are not an effective tool to make inferences about the larger population (Babbie, 1995).

Inferential statistics, on the other hand, which are comrnonly used in drawing condusions about a population could only be used cautiouçly because of the smd sample size (Babbie,1995). 3.2.3 The Inferoiew Process

Semi-structureci interviews were designed to elicit information about management's hiring practices, knowledge of workplace ergonomies, heath and safeîy issues, and the factors that have iduenced the adoption of ergonornic measures in each store. Opened-ended interviews create a comlortable, conversation-like setting (Herod, 1993). The participant is more at ease with the interviewer and is more dingto offer a response. The researcher always referred to the interview as a conversation with the participant. Aithough self- administered questionnaire surveys may be more effective in dealing with sensitive issues, interviews are definitely more effective in dealing with compiicated bues (Babbie, 1992). Moreover, an interviewer decreases the number of "don't knows" and "no answers" by probing for answers. Interviews can also guard against confusing questionnaire item. If the respondent clearly misunderstands the intent of the question or indicats that he or she does not understand, the interviewer cmcl- matters (Babbie, 1995).

The interviews were conducted from July to August 1997. With the participants' consent, each interview was recorded and transcribed. The interviews ranged from ihirty minutes to one hour. The inte~iewswere conducted during the day at a time convenient to the participants.

The interview schedule was grouped into thematic sections (Appendix B).

Questions were formulated to allow managers to share their perspectives. The &t section discusses each managers' work experience. The second sedion includes specific questions about the cashiers and their working conditions, a description of the cashiers currentiy working in the store, and huuig practices.

This sedion reveds "who the cashiers are in each store", how management rdtsa distinctive labour market with specific social characteristics. The third section explores training policies. The final section examines general health and safetv store policies and repetitive strain injuries of cashiers. The goal of the interviews was to explore the linkages arnong empioyers' labour force strategies, and the impact of these strategies on ergonornic issues.

Mer the interviews were transcribed, the transcripts were summarized according to themes introduced in the interview schedule. The themes were based on general topics covered by the interview schedule, such as hiring practices and health and safety issues.

3.3 The Geographical Distribution of Labour SuppIy

This section will describe the participants and the supply of labour at each store. The labour market does not exhibit a single, overarching logic. In this section segmentation arising from labour supply is explored for the four grocery stores in the study. A combination of 1991 Census data and survey data about place of residence are

examined-3

The supply of labour around the grocery stores is not a relevant factor in

the make up of the retail grocery labour force. Table 3.1, shows the residential

postal codes of 78 of the cashiers who responded to question on place of

residence. The majority of cashiers at Coxwell(75%)and Warden (61 %) 1'Ive near

their place of work in the same postai code area or in an adjacent postal code

area. However, the rnajorïty of the cashiers at Dufferin (66%)and Keeie (73%)

live in other parts of the western immigrant comdor of Toronto.

Table 3.1: Place of Residence of Cashiers

Store Store Postd Adjacent Postal miter Total N=78 Code Code Coxwell 12 50% 6 25% 6 25 % 100% N=24 (M4L) Dufferin 5 24% 2 10% 14 66% 100% N=21 (M6H) Keele 4 27% O 0% Il 73% 100% N=15 (M3J) Warden 5 28% 6 33% 7 39% 100% N=18 (MIT) a X2 - NS @> 0.05) Source: CaIcuIations by author.

3 The local supply of labour is described on the basis of 199 1 Census data and place of residence date from the questionnaires. Residential postal code information and census tracts adjacent to or abuning the census tract in which each store was located were includd in the analysis of the labour supply (figure 3. t ). The Warden location included a total of ten census tracts, Coxwell included a total of eight census tracts, Duffcrin included a totai of eight census tracts and Keele inciuded a total of four census tracts. The Kele location contains the least number of census tracts because, the cennis tract in which the store is geographically located is extremely large. This is rnainly due to the large industriai area in the census tract Finding jobs informally, rather than through formal avenues like newspaper ads or empIoyment agencies, was the nom for aII stores except

Dufferin. Table 3.2 reveals that the majorify of cashers at CoxweLI (71 %), Keele

(71 %) and Warden (55%) acquired their jobs through friends/ relatives at the grocery store. A Mer33 % of the cashiers at Dufferin and 24% of the cashiers at Keele found their jobs through signs on the front doors of each store.

Table 3.2: Cashier Job Search in Metropolitan Toronto

1 Coxwell 1 Dufferin 1 Keele 1 Warden FriendsJ Relatives O/o Inquired at 2 6 Personnel Office O/o 8% 25 % Help wanted 3 8 sign in store "/O 13% 33% Newspaper O 2 Ad O/o O 8%

X2 - NS (~10.05) Source: Calculations by author.

Dufferin's hiring strategies differ from those in other stores since 33%of the cashiers asked at the store's personnel office, and it was the only store that used newspaper advertking to recruît cashiers.

Infornial, local recfuiting strategies may restnct the employment possibilities of people who do not Live in close prowmity to the store. These hiring practices tend to reinforce the localization of distinctive labour markets

(Hanson and Pratt, 1995). Arnong the cashiers, who hdtheK jobs through (Hanson and Pratt, 1995). Among the cashiers, who find their jobs through persond contacts or inquiries at the store have shorter travel times to work.

Cashiers who find their jobs through more fodmeans tend to have longer travel &es. On average cahiers at Merin have longer travel times (27 minutes) than the cashiers at Coxwell(15 minutes), Keele (16 minutes) and

Warden (15 minutes). Travel ümes for cashiers at Duffe~tend to be considerably longer than at the other stores. Table 3.1 shows that the Dufferin manager is recruiting from outside his local area.

Table 3.3 shows the hansportation modes that cashiers use to commute to work at ail four locations. At Coxwell the main forms of transportation are public transit (29%)and wallcing and biking (46%). Public transit is also used often by Warden cashiers (33%). Not surprisingly, large proportions of cashiers at suburban stores drive to work. Table 3.3 shows that 59%of the cashiers at

Keele and 48%of the cashiers at Warden use the automobile as their prirnary method of transportation. Moreover, 42%of cashiers at Dufferin, an inner city store, dso drive to work This finding is consistent with the place of residence data that show cashiers do not Iive near the Dufferin store. Table 3.3: Cashier Commuting Methods to Work in Metropolitan Toronto. - 1 Coxwell 1 Dufferin 1 Keele 1 Warden Automobile 6 10 10 10

Public Transit 7 7 4 4 O/o 29% 29% 24% 19% Walk, Bike, 11 7 3 7 other O/o 46% 29% 18% 33 % Total 24 24 17 21 O/o 100% 100% 100% 100% X* - NS (pè 0.05) Source: Caldations by author.

Jobs in retail grocery are temporary short termed positions. The cashiers employed at all four grocery stores have not been on the pay roll for long, on average, less than three years. The median lengths of tirne working as a casher at the Keele and Warden stores are the same, 2.5 yearç. Coxwell's median length of employment is fairly close, 2.25 years, however, at the Duffe~store, the median length of employment is Lower, 1.37 years. Table 3.4 shows the length of employment for cashiers at each location. Management at Coxwell has hired recently, so that 25%of cashies have worked les than 6 months and 37.5%of the cashiers have been employed between 12-36 months (1-3 years). OnIy 4.2%of cashiers have been employed for more than 10 years. At Dufferin, 62.5%of cashiers have been employed between 12-36 months (1-3years). Table 3.4: Length of Employment of Cashiers at each No Früls Store

Coxwell Merin Keele Warden

I Less than 6 6 O 2 1 1 months 70 25% O 11.8% 4.8 % 6-12 rnonths 1 5 2 5 O/o 4.2% 20.8 % 11.8% 23.8% 12-36 months 9 15 8 10 "/O 37.5% 625% 47.1 % 47.6% l 36-72 months 5 O 1 4 Yo 20.8 % O 5.9% 19% 72-120 months 2 3 4 1 70 8.3 % 12.5% 23.5% 4.8% Greater than 1 1 O O 120 months O/o 4.2% 4.2% O O Total 24 24 17 21 %O 100% 100% 100% 100% X2 - NS (pS.05) Source: Caldations by author.

This location haç not had any new recniits in the last 6 months. However, 20.8%

of its cashiers were hired between 6 and 12 months ago. At Dufferin and

Coxwell, only 4.2% of cashiers have worked for more than 10 years. At Keele

47.1 % of cashiers had worked between 12-36 months (1-3 years), however, 23.5%

of ifs cashiers have been there between 6-10 years. Warden like Keele, Dufferin

and CoxweII has employed the majonty of its cashiers for 12-36 months (13

years). However, Warden like Merin has hired several new cashiers in the

pst6 to 12 months (23.8%). Overall, most cashiers at the four grocery stores

have been employed for less than three years 3.3.1 Demographic characteristics of cashiers

This section examines the demographic characteristics of the grocery store

cashies. The majority of cashiers in aiI four locations are young and female

temporary workers employed part-time. Table 3.5 provides evidence of an

overwheimingiy part-tirne workforce.

The majority of the cashiers at CoxweIl, Keele ,Warden and Dufferin are

between the ages of 16 and 25 (Table 3.6). The proportions of older workers

varies slightly between 23 percent at Keele to 33 percent at Warden. Overall, the

workforce is young with the majority of cashiers under the age of 25.

Table: 3.5 Part-Time verses Full-The Employment of Cashiers in each No Frills Grocery Store

L Coxwell Merin Keele Warden

Part-time 22 23 17 19 O/o 91.7% 95.8 % 100% 90.5 % Fd-tirne 2 1 O 2 O/o 8.3% 4.2% O 9.5% , Total 24 24 17 21 940 200% 100% 100% 100% A x2- NS (pS.05) Source: Calculations by author Table 3.6: Age of Cashiers in each No FriLls Grocery Store

Age CoxweU Duff erin Keele Warden 16-20 years 11 7 8 8 Yo 50% 29% 47% 38 % 21-25 years 4 10 5 6 O/o 18% 41% 29% 28 % z 25 years 7 7 4 7 O/o 31 % 29% 23% 33% N= 22 24 17 21 O/o 100% 100% 100% 100%

X* - NS (pM.05) Source: Cdculationç by author.

The educational attainments of cashiers (Table 3.7 below) varied among the locations. A large proportion (45.5%) of cashiers at CoxweU have sorne high school education, while only 13.6%have completed university. On the other hand at Dufferin, equal proportions of cashiers (29.2 %) have some high school and some university education (29.2%). At Keele, approximately equal shares of the workforce had some high school, cornpleted high school and completed college (23.5%).At Warden an equal proportion of cashier completed high xhool as attended high school without receiving dipIoma (31.5%).The relatively

Iarge proportions of cashiers with Limited education, only some high school education, suggests the job of cashier requires few skills. Moreover, the relatively high educational attainments of cashiers at the Dufferin store suggests a large proportion of cashiers may be post secondary students employed part

Table 3.2 Educ ational Attainments of Cashiers in No Erills Sta DClFFFERIN KEELE I 1 Some Eiigh School Y0

Completed Higb Schwl Y0

Some Commanity College Y0

Completed Community College Y0

Some University (No 1 Dep-) Y0

-- - Completed University Oh

Total

Source: &dations by author.

In all four locations, single, never married students and women with

children comprise the workforce. Table 3.8 shows that at Warden, 40 % of

cashiers have children. At Merin, 29.2% of cashiers also have children. On the

other hand only 16.6% of the cashiers at Kede and CoxweIi respectively have children. Overall, wornen with children were more iikely to work in Dufferin and Warden stores. At Dufferin and Warden, managers employ more women with children than the managers at the Keele and Coxweil stores.

Table: 3.8 Presence of Children by Cashiers in No Frills Stores

- Coxwell Dufferin Keele Warden With Children 3 7 3 8

Total 24 24 17 20 O/o 100% 100% 100% 100% -. X2 - NS @> 0.05) Source: Caicdatiom by author

The ethnic ongins (Table 3.9) of cashiers vqby store location. At

CoxwelI 36.4%of the cashiers are Chinese, 9.1% are East Indian and 27.3% are

Italian. At Dufferin 26.1%of the cashers are Italian, 17.4% are Portuguese and

13.0% are East Indian. Keele employs a large majority of ItaLians (82.4%) and

5.9% British. Warden employs 33.3%Canadian, only 5.6%Qùnese and 16.7%

Greek. Table: 3.9 Ethnic OrÎgh of Cashiers in No Früls Grocety Stores l 1 Coxwell 1 1 Dufferin 1 1 Keele 1 1 Warden 1 n= 22 23 17 ,Black Orïgins 5.9% 1 4.3% 1 1 4.5% 1 4.3% i l 2 9.1 % 2 8.7% Chinese 8 36.4% East lndian 2 9.1% 3 13Oh Filipino 2 9.1% Greek 1 4.3% italian 6 27.3% 6 26.1% 14 Polish 1 4.30% Portuguese 1 4.5% 4 17.4% Ukrainian Vietnameae 2 8.7% other 2 8.7% 1 total 1OOOh 1WOh

Managers/ owners who start their own businesses tend to employ workers from the2 own ethnic group. Census tract data by ethnic origin, below

(Table 3.10) shows that the population living around Coxwell includes a significant proportion of British (23%), and Chinese (13%)residents. However, few British cashiers are employed. At Dufferin, 35% of the nearby residents are

Portuguese, however, ody 13% of the cashiers are Portuguese. In addition, even though only 8%of residents are Italian, the Dufferin store employs a substantid proportion of Italian cashiers (26.1%). The disparities behveen ethnic origin of residents and those of cashiers refIects hiring practices at the Duffe~that are driven by perçon ethnic bias from its rnanager/owner. On the other hand, a large proportion of residents living near the Keele store are ltalian (25%).

Consistently, the Keele store employs a large proportion of Italian cashiers

(82.4%), partidy because the suppiy of labour is Italian and the manager/owner is Italian. The census profiles for ethnic ongin for Warden suggest its residents are mainly British (19%), and Chinese (17%). However, the store employs a large proportion of Canadian cashiers (33.3%),and only 5.6% of cashiers are Chinese.

This is not consistent with the supply of labour encompassing the Warden store, however, it is consistent with the manager/ownerts ethnicity. It seerns that ethnic origin of the manger/owner is more influentid than the ethnic origins of nearby populations.

Table: 3.10 Ethnie Orïgin in Census Areas, 1991

Warden Coxwell DMerin Keele

I w Total Population, n= 39,035 39,625 39,680 21,125 Black origins 2,130 5% 955 2% 745 2% 1,285 5% British 7,325 19% 9,125 23% 2,655 7% 2,845 10% Canadian 2,085 5% 3,045 8% 695 2% 1,430 5% Chinese 6,445 17% 5,070 13% 2,170 5% 1,200 4% East lndian 1,590 4% 560 1% f ,185 3% 990 4% Filipino 705 2% 370 0.93% 245 0.62% 165 0.61% Greek 1,130 3% 1,040 3% 720 2% 255 0.94% blian 1,120 3% 1,055 3% 3,275 8% 6,860 25% Lebaneuse 110 0.28% 50 0.13% 30 0.08% 85 0.31% Polish 245 0.63% 250 0.63% 600 2% 530 2% Portuguese 370 0.95% 240 0.61% 14,070 35% 315 1% Ukrainian 220 0.55% 255 0.64% 600 2% 175 0.65% Vietnamese 90 0.23% 220 0.56% 835 2% 540 2% Source: Statistics Canada, 1991 3.4 The RetaiI Workforce in Ontario

The sociai characteristics of cashiers correspond with those of the flexible workforce traditiondy associated with this sector. The retail workforce is rigidy sex divided between full-time and part-time employees. While a sigruficant proportion (over-one-third) of Ontario retail employees work part- time, the incidence of part-time employment among women, is particuiarly high in retd trade (Marilyn Evens and Associates, 1988).

Although there is no industrial censuç, which can give an exact portrait of the workforce in a particuiar industrial sector, the relative distribution of the retail labour force in Ontario cmbe derived £rom the Labour Market Activity

Swey (LMAS). A high percentage of sales and service workers in Ontario are women. In 19%. approximately 56 percent of the totd sales and service workforce is fernale, compared with a figure of about 46 percent for dl occupations in Ontario. In addition, in 1996 85 percent of cashiers in Ontario are women (Staüstics Canada. Catalogue No. 93F0027XDB96007).

Moreover, Table 3.11 shows that approximately 70%of the total part-time workforce in retail trade are women- about the same percentage for the

Canadian female part-the workforce as a whole. The data establishes the important fact that part-time work in retaiI trade is female - dominated. Table 3.1 1 Percentage of Part-the Employment in Retaü Trade by Age and Sex, Ontario, 1988

-AGE MALE FEMALE BOTH SEXES

AI1 ages 3 1 .O% 68.5% 100.0%

Source: Unpublished Tabulation fkom Labour Force Survey Division of Statistics Canada in Kainer, J, 1996. *Part-Tirne employment is defmed as les than 30 hours of work per week

It is aIso important to acknowledge the high proportion of younger workers in retailing. About 60 percent of dl part-time workers in retail trade are in the 15-24 year age group (seTable 3.11). There are slightly more female part- time employees, than men, in this age category. The percentage difference between men and women part-tirne employees in the 25 to 44 age group is particularly glaring, with only 1.5 percent of males employed part-the, compared to 20.2 percent of women. The &op off in the part-time male participation rate may indicate that men work part-time while attending high school, university, or coilege. They may quit following completion of their studies, while women continue to be employed in retail jobs. 3Am1The Retail Grocery Workforce

While the above anaivsis is important in examining the Ontario retaiI workforce, it is aiso usefui to describe the labour force in retail grocery stores. In many respects, the portrait of the total retail workforce mirrors the organkation and distribution of the retail grocery Labour force. in grocery stores, women predominate as part-time workers rnainly in female-dominated jobs such as that of cashier. The distribution of jobs in grocery stores iç segregated fairly rigidly by sex. Women are concentrated in service positions, while men predominate in production jobs. Cashiers in a unionized settuig are 96% female, while 92% of ail rneat wrappers represented by the collective agreement are male (Ontario

Women's Directorate, 1992). Women were recmited to work in service departments because it was assurned they possessed the proper interpersond and homemaking related skills that are needed to perform service retail work.

Men, on the other hand, work in production jobs in meat, grocery and bakery departments as weU as king employed as production or stock clerks. Men were hired in production departments because they were assumed to had the necessary cornpetencies, such as lifting heavy obi&, that are required in production work (in Kainer J., 1996).

The vast majority of workers in the retail grocery sector are employed part-tirne. Grocery retail analysts and union representatives estimate that about

70% of workers in grocery retail work part-time (in Kainer J., 1996). Data from Zehrs stores in Ontario shows that the gender breakdown by job classification within the part-time workforce is highiy skewed. Of the 1,649 part-time employees working at Zehrs, 1,013 are women - only four are clerks while the remaining 1,009 are cashiers/ wrappers?

Although the age distribution of part-time workers is not available, Kainer

J. (1996) suggests that it is likely that the higher percentage of women in the part- theclassification reflects the concentration of mature women with family responsibilities who work part-tirne. The part-time workforce in grocery stores has been increasing. When we consider historically the position of part-tirners in grocery retail, it becomes obvious the demand for flexible labour has inaeased significantly. For example, in 1967, the Canadian ratio of part-time to hill-time employers ranged from one for one to approximately one to three, with an average of about 1.5 part-timers for every M-time employeej. The ratio today is about four or five part-time employees for every fuil-time employer in grocery stores. One reason for the declining ratio is that grocery store managers are not replacing full-tirne employees who quit, retire or go on disability pension, with bill-tirne position&. Rather, grocery store managers are increasingly relying on

Table 1: Bteakdown of Members by Sex in Two RetdStores in Ontario (Zehrs Stores, owned by Loblaws) By the U.F.C.W Union, March 29%- This part-the table shows 32 meat cutters, aii male. Of the totd 2009 cashiers/ Wra ppers, ail are women, 5 Employment data taken from 11 grocery stores in Ontario with a sample of 236 hil-time and 397 part- time workers. See, Part-Time Employment in Retail Trade. 6 A&P (Miracle Food Mart, Doaiinion Stores) and Loblaws have implemented Company poiicy in which full-time positions are not rephced with full-tirne workers (see mer,19%). part-tirne workers to perfonn most of the labour in their stores. The increase in part-timer work is associated with the feminization of the retail grocery labour market.

3.5 Suxnmary and Conclusions

The labour market does not exhibit a single, overarching logic, but is a composite of many. 1 have discussed the segmentation of the labour supply for the four gocery stores in the study. The literature suggests that local and informa1 job se& practices reinforce the Iocalization of distinctive labour markets. On the contrary, in this empirical case study, cashiers did not corne from nearby residential areas. However, cashiers found their jobs through infodrneans such as word of mouth and networking through fiends and family. Moreover, 1 found that manager/owners tended to employ cashiers who had the sarne ethnic backgrounds. Indeed, employers in these four stores create their own distinctive workforces.

Cashiers who find theK jobs through personal contacts or through daily activitv patterns have shorter travel tirnes to work than the cashiers who find their jobs through more fodmeans. Cashiers at subwban stores use the automobile to get to work while cashiers at central stores use public transit or walk and bike to work. The cashiers at Dufferin (a central store) stands out kausethey had different travel patterns, relying mainly on the automobile to get to work. The commuting patterns at Dufferin contradict previous findings

(see Hanson and Pratt, 1995). However, local circumstances rnay account for the disparity. Recentiy, management at the Dufferui store has changed and the current manger inherited ail his staff. The hiring practices that led to the current workforce can not be examined fdy. However, the mentmanager My bdieves in local recnriûnent, which he abto implement in future recruitrnent.

The Duffe~store was sigruficantly different from the other stores. Fust, it was the only store that used newspaper advertising to reauit cashiers. On average, cashiers at Dufferin had Longer have1 times (27 minutes) to get to work than cashiers at the otkr stores. Even though Merin is an inner city store, a large proportion of cashiers drive to work. The cashiers at Duffe~have the shortest employrnent tintes (1-3years). The majority of cashiers were also slightly older, between the ages of 21 and 25. Moreover, the relatively high educational attainments of cashiers at the Dufferin store suggests a larger proportion of cashiers rnay be post-secondary students ernployed part-time.

Lastly, 35%of the residents surrounding Dufferin were Portuguese, however, ody 13% of the cashiers were Pomiguese. Meanwhile, only 8% of residents are

Itaüan, a large share of cashiers, 26.1%are Italian. Hiring practices at the

Dufferin store have created a workforce with social characteristics different from those of nearby residents, but refiects the ethnicity of the manager/ owner. In addition, ùiis chapter showed that the majority of cashiers were young single fernales. They work part-tinte, mainly for temporary short periods, les

than thevears. Ço then, how do the workuig conditions in retail grocery affect voung transient workers?

In this chapter I showed that a large proportion of post-secondary studentç make up the retail grocery workforce. %me of the literature suggests that the retail workforce is composed mainly of mature women who need to rotate their work xheddes around theïr household obligations (biner J., 1996

Galinsky et al. 1993; Hartmann, 1987). The young post- secondary students now employed in grocery retailing are a new group who warrant more attention £rom researchers.

Contrary to expectatiow, local supply of labour is not necesçarily an important factor in this studyfs conceptual framework. Labour demand and regdation evident through the franchise are important features. CHAPTER 4: MUSCULOSKELETAL HEALTH; WORKERS' ATTITUES AND BEHAVIOUR

4.0 Introduction

Changes in the organization of the workplace over the last 200 years have created a large number of monotonous jobs. As simple as many of these jobs may appear, a large body of literature demonstrates that workers on asembly lines, in food processing operations, in needle trades and in the retail food industry, have high leveIs of rnusculoskeletal disorders in th& necks, shoulders, amiç and backs, e.g. myalgia (muscle pain), tendintitis, and carpal tunnel syndrome (Bush, 1978; Baniharts and Rosenstock, 1987; Anon, l988;Canadian

Standards Association, 1989).

The extent and nature of this chapter explores local variations in ergonomic problem and musculoskeletal health outcornes of grocery store cashiers'. Analyzing areas of the body involved in cashiers' work gives some insight into the areas that experience stress. This section examines rnusculoskeletal troubles arising from cashier's work. A discussion about the causes of muscdoskeletai health problem follows. Here, the literature on workplace design and job design is applied to the case shidy. This section also examines the literature on the prevention of health and safety problems among cashiers. Jobenlargement and job rotation techniques are explored. The

foilowing section examines working conditions of cashiers. A geographicd

perspective is adopted and the data are cornpared between suburban and central

locations. The next section deds with cashier's attitudes to work. Again, suburban and central cornparisons are made. The next section explores cashiers'

views about job stressors, dislikes, Iikes and suggestions to make their job better.

The final section provides a summary and conclusions.

4.1 Musculoskeletal Health

Cashiers' work can cause physicai problems affecting the hands, wrist, amis, shoulders, neck, back and legs. In 1992-93 the Worker's Compensation

Board reported over 3,000 cases related to repetitive strain injuries, and increase of 100 percent in Iess than ten years. It is not known how many of these derive from the grocery retaii sector, however, retaiI unions report that official figures show 10 percent of the retail work force is disabled by repetitive strain injuries, and union representatives believe the true figure is close to 30 percent.'

The WCB reports show that strains, sprains, bmising and crushg are the most comrnon types of injuries for cashiers (Wells, 1990). Table 4.1 shows the detailed breakdown by store of the nurnber of cashiers with more than one year's

"Straîn injuries; the hidden occupational risk", UFCW Canadian Action. (April/May/June, 1987):9. Table 4.1: Musculosketal Troubles in the past year by store and &y body part for cashiers with more than one year employment (n=76) Store Any No Problems Neck Shoulders Elbow Wrist 1 Upper Lower Hipsl Knees Ankles 1 Area Hands Back back Thighs Feet I Keele 13 1 5 5 O 1 4 8 1 3 4 % in store 93% 7% 36% 36% O 7% 29% 57% 7% 21% 29% ------Prevented Work 2 1 3 2 1

% in store 40% 20% 38% 66% 25% Dufferin 20 3 7 6 1 7 6 14 5 8 10 % in store 87% 13% 30% 26% 4% 30% 26% 61% 22% 35% 43% Prevented Work 1 O O 2 2 4 3 2 3

% in store 14% 29% 33% 29% 60% 25% 30% Coxwell 15 4 6 7 3 5 5 9 3 5 4 % in store 79% 21% 32% 37% 16% 26% 26% 47% 16% 26% 21% Prevented Work 1 2 1 O 2 3 O 2 O

% in store 17% 29% 335 40% 33% 40% Warden 13 7 7 6 1 2 3 8 1 4 4 % in store 65% 35% 35% 30% 5% 10% 15% 40% 5% 20% 20% Prevented Work 1 O 1 O O 2 O O 1

% in store 14% 100% 25% 25% Overall 61 15 25 24 5 15 18 39 ?O 20 22 % 80% 20% 33% 32% 7% 20% 24% 52% 13% 26% 29% x2- NS (pr 0.05) Note: Keele N=14 Dufferin N=23 Coxwell N=19 Warden N=20 ernployment who reported musculoskeletal troubles. The distribution, by body part, gives some insight into parts of the body stressed in cashiers. Table

4lreveds that cashiers in the Warden store reported the fewest health problems

(65%)while those at the Keele store had the most (93%). At ail stores. lower back problems were the number one health problem. Neck and shoulder problems were second most kequent at the Keele. CoxwelI and Warden stores.

At Dufferin, the ankles and feet (43%) and knees (35%)were frequent problem areas. OveraU, the Iargest number of reports centered on the lower back. The neck region was next in the number of reports of trouble. The shoulder region

(right, left and both) was next.

The muxuloskeletal problems reported by cashiers may be related to excessive standing. In Canada, most cashiers work in a standing position without any option to sit. Working regdarly in a standing position contributes to low back pain, sore kt,swollen legs, varicose veins, general muscular fatigue, and other health problerns (Ward, Okun, Ruder, Fingerhut and Steenland, 1992).

In one Australian shidy a strong connection was found between the length of time standing and physical discornfort in the lower legs and feet (Wells, 1990).

Swedish cashiers, who usudy sit, have fewer Leg and back, but more neck and shoulder problems. Keeping the body in an upright position, even while standing motiodess, requires muscular effort. It reduces the blood supply to the working muscles. InsuffiCient blood flow accelerates fatigue and causes pain in the muscles used to maintain an upright position, specificdy, the legs, back and neck (Canadian Center for Occupational Health and Safety, 1990; Wells, 1990).

One might wonder why the task of cashiering would lead to a high number of injuries to the neck. The most likely reason reported by Weils (1990) is that the muscles supporting the shoulder girdle chat are most commonly affected by occupational tasks are found in the neck region. Stressfd shoulder loads therefore give rise to symptoms in both the shoulder and neck. If problems in the shoulder and ne& regions combined together (and eIiminating double counting), the frequency is 49 cashiers, 64%of all those who were surveyed. The combined shoulder and neck region now surpasses the back, as the most frequently mentioned location of musculoskeletal problems.

Troubles in the hands and wrists are not reported by as many cashiers as might be expected from recent literature, particularly that from the USA (Wells,

1990). Hands and feet are very likely to suffer traumatic injuries (cuts, abrasions, etc.) which rnight increase reports of pain and would not be related to poor and other chronic problems (Wells, 1990).

Cashien use a fked arm and shoulder position to raise the hand to the cash register or to the scanner. To hold this position requires keeping muscles in the shoulder and the upper ami contracted. At the same the, the wrist and the hand are moving to operate the keypad or scanner. These movements are extremely repetitive and require good blood supply for the musdes to work properly. However, because of the kedposition of the shoulder and upper arm. it is likelv that the blood suppIy to the wrkt and the hand is reduced. Reduced blood supplv combined with the Wear and tear of the joints, and awkward body positions contributes to the high risk of hand, arm and shoulder injury

(Canadian Center for Occupational Health and Safety, 1990, Wells, 1990).

4.1.1 Musculos keletal Troubles preventing work

It is interesthg to note that only about 20% of the respondents reported no musculoskeletal troubles at aU in the 1sttwelve months (see Table 4.1). The patterns of syrnptoms in this case study are similar to those of recent studies in

Sweden and the United Kingdom using similar questionnaires (Ydreborg. 1986,

HSE,1990 and WelIs, 1990). The Swedish studies, however, showed much lower proportions with symptoms preventing work. Of the cashiers in the four

Toronto grocery stores who reported back troubles, JlXwere prevented frorn working. In addition, of the cashiers who reported neck and shoulder trouble,

16%were prevented from working.

A relationship between muxuloskeletal troubles and employment duration would support the notion that cashiers' health troubles are work- related. Table 4.2 (below) shows the frequency of musculoskeletal troubles and length of employment. Musculoskdetd troubles are categorized as none, moderate, or severe (Wells, 1990). Table 4.2 shows that musculoskeletal troubles increase with emploment tirne. Hand, wrist, ami, shoulder and neck problems develop gradually over periods of week, months, or even years. They are likely the result of repeated and çustained demands on the body part Tendons, nerves and ligaments may become swollen and inflamed. Muscles may become shained and injured. These problems rault from a combination of fixed body position and repetitive movements (Canadian Center for Occupational Hedth and çafety,

1990, Wells, 1990).

Table 4.2 Length of Employment and Musculoskeletal Troubles in the Neck, Lower Back, Shoulders and Hand/tVrist area Length of Employment None* Moderate Severe Total*) 1 Less than 6 months 30 6 O 36 6 months to 1 year 41 5 1 47 1 yen to 3 years 87 27 1 115 3 years to 6 years 28 II 2 41

greater than 6 years 4 3 10 i 17 None defined as no reports of trouble in the kt12 months. Severe defined as having 8 or more days disabiIity from mdoskeletil trouble in last 12 months and the musculoskeletai trouble having caused reduced activity at home and at work. "Total exceeds that number of respondents because more than one area of the body could be reporteci. Xz - NS (pz 0.05) Source: Calculateci by author.

Figure 4.1 shows the proportion of musculoskeletal syrnptoms related to length of employrnent. Problems in the neck and shoulder region and the low back area increase during earIy years of employment. MudoskeletaI symptoms peak between one to three years of employment with a substantiai Figure 4.1: Musculoskeletal Symtoms by Length of Emproyment

45 - --

-Neck and Shouider -Elbow Wrist/Hand -Upper Back -Lower Back -HipsTThighs -Knees -Feet

Length of Employment This is unexpected as musculoskeletal problems are known to increase with age in the generd population and age usudy foIlows length of employment closely

(Cunningham and Kelsey, 1984). The drop in muçculoskeletal symptoms after year thme rnay reflect the small sarnple of cashiers, working longer than three years. Another possibility is the heaithv worker effect; cashiers with problems leave the job so the older workers who rernain are healthy swivors (Wells,

1990). The drop in musculoskeletal trouble after 3 years of employment may be an indication that injured workers are dropping out or that a small number of cashiers work more than 3 years in grocery retail.

4.2 Causes of Musculoskeletal Wealth Problems

Although the cahier's body position while working may cause health problems, the arrangement of the work area (workplace design) and the various tasks required of cashiers (job design) are at the root of the problems. Sometïmes the cashier is obiiged to adopt unnaturd positions and to hold them for long periods because of workplace and job design. The placement of the keypad, scale, cash drawer and height of the belt d affect the cashier's body position. As a result, few body positions are available and the positions thedvesare more ngid and unnaturd (Canadian Standards Association, 1989). 4.2.1 lob and Workplace Design

Job design and workplace design go hand -in-hand to ensure the health and safety of cashiers. Jobdesign is the way that a set of tasks, or a job, is organized. Jobdesign determines:

what tasks are done

how tasks are done

how many tasks are done

the order in which tasks are done

How the tasks are organized, work/ rest schedules, variety of taçks included in one job, Pace of work, ail contribute to job design. Workers who spend long periods of thedoing repetitive motions combined with fixed body positions are at increased risk of injury (Canadian Center for Occupational Health and Safety,

1990, Wells, 1990).

Most ergonomie literature focuses on workplace design, which deds with the built components of the job. Features of the workstation in all four grocery stores that contribute to health and dety problerns are low work stations, fixed height bag racks and cramped work areas. The following plates indicate these conditions (Plates 4.1-4.8). Plate 4.1: Too low a workstation forces stooping and hunching of the shoulders. Plate 4.2: Fixed height bag rack forces excwive bending depending on height of cashier.

Plate 4.6: Leaning or bending the body to move products.

4.2.2 Preztention

To prevent health and safety problems for cashiers it is important to

consider the blend of job design and workplace design. Deciding what tasks are

to be done, when, and for how long is part of designing the job. The workplace

design must incorporate a workstation and equipment that enable the cashier to accomplish the tasks çafely. Having a better workstation does not however, guarantee hedth and safety. Optimizing the benefits of a good workstation ody

happens when job design requhements such as work Pace and break schedules are within safe limits (Canadian Center for Occupational Health and Safely, 1990;

Wells, 1990 Baxter C., 1987; Vander Doelen J., and MacDonald H., 1985; Busch,

1978).

Workplace design can be improved through the irnplementation of seats at the workstation. Seats at cashier work stations are rarely used in Canada, except for cafeteria check-outs. They are more comrnonly used in Europe. Seats dowfor more flexibility of work heights if the cashier can adjust the seat relative to the counter height. Seats allow variations in body positions even while sitting by allowing cashiers to re-adjust the seat. Moreover, seats reduce strain on legs and back. Standing for periods exceeding 3 to 4 hours per day is associated with elevated rates of foot leg and lower back discornfort. Mixtures of sitting, standing and wallcing produce the lest discondort. For periods of extended standing, insoles and mats have been fou& effective in reducing fatigue as well as foot trails or foot rests to relieve weight from the legs during brief pauses (Baseford and Smith, 1988). On the other hand, the disadvantages of seats are that reaching and lifting are difficult from a seated position. It requires more arm and shoulder strength to Iift while sitting than while standing. Seafs get in the way especidy with ümited space. Getting on and off seats can be difficult on the knees and the back, especially if required often. If retrofitting a workstation, a leanhg bar or stool should be considered to provide relief from the strain of standing. Evperts recommend neither constant sitting nor standing.

IdeaiIv the cashier should be abIe to aiternate between the two at wiU (Canadian

Center for Occupational Health and Safely, 1990; Wells, 1990).

Heights of various pieces of equipment determine to a large extent the body positions and movements that cashiers must use to complete job tasks.

Proper heights of conveyor Mt, cash register keys, and bagging surface are partidarly important. Roper heights allow for good body positions and result in reduced fatigue in shoulders and upper anns. Experts suggest the counter height to be around waist height. However, cashiers' heights vq.An average counter height of 95 to 100 cm iç suggested but it may not suit aü cashiers

(Canadian Center for Occupational Heaith and Safety, 1990: Wells, 1990; Baxter

C., 1987; Vander Doden J., and MacDonald H.,1985; Busch, 1978).

Job design must bdd in a variety of tasks to encourage a variety of body positions. A worker who stands would benefit from a task done sitting or walking. A worker who sis would benefït from a standing task. Job

edargement and job rotation are two techniques used to give more variety to

certain jobs.

Jobedargement involves expanding a job to include more and different

tasks. In addition to operating the cash register a cashier might have responsibility for doing office tasks, or stock taking. Jobrotation involves rotating employees through different tasks according to a schedule. A cashier might trade tasks and do stock taking for a certain number of shifts per week.

The intent of both tediniques is to give the cashier a chance to move around, w different body parts and possibly sit down. It is important that the tasks are different enough that they give the already strained parts of the body a chance to rest and recover (Baxter, 1987; Canadian Center for Occupational Health and

Safety, 1990).

Cashiers also need a job design that optimizes break schedules. Breaks alleviate the problemç of unavoidable repetitive movements or fixed body positions. Some experts prefer frequent short breaks rather than infrequent long breaks (Canadian Center for Occupationai Health and çafety, 1990). Different guidelines have been proposed for break xheddes. Hagberg (1986) reported that short breaks of 10-15 seconds- termed micropauses- every tenth minute

Uuoughout the day considerably reduced perceived fatigue of the neck during a repetitive task. Sundelin and Hagberg (1989) Mersuggested that the pauses involve active movements, whilst Grandjean (1987),for example recommended breaks of five minutes every hour for a repetitive task. More specifically, a cashier should only work continuously for 60 minutes at a tirne before king rotated or goîng to a break. It is suggested that they could then be rotated onto bagging. Lf so, they should bag for 45 minutes and then go on a 15 minute break.

Total working time as a cashier should be limited to a maximum of 4.5 hours per dav. Standing should be restricted to a total of 3-4 hours per day (E3ush 1978;

Buckle eta1.,1986; Onishi et al., 1978).

Training is essential for effective job design. As with ail workers, cashiers need to know the correct work procedures and equipment operation so that they understand what is expected of them and how to work safely. Cashiers also need to know why it is important for them to change body position and to exercise(WeUs, 1990). The next section examines the working conditions of cashiers in order to determine how much prevention currently exists in the grocery stores.

4.3 Working Conditions

Cashiers use repetitive motions to handle products and scan or key in prices. The introduction of scanners at the checkout has increased the number and rate at which cashiers handle items. One cashier usïng a scanner may handle as rnany as 600 items in one hour (Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety, 1990). For many cashiers, the job involves littie or no tune away from the cash register. Figure 4.2 (below) shows that cahiers spend over 79%of their theoperating cash registers. Cashiers in the suburban stores are on the cash register more than those in the central stores, 85%of work tirne verses 79% of work time respectively. Cashiers at the central stores spend more time on rehimç than their suburban counterparts, 13%versus 8%respectively. Thus, cashiers at suburban stores spend most of their time with the body in the same position using the sarne muscles for hours on end. InterestingIy, cashiers at both locations tend to have the same working hours per day and per week.

Figure 4.2: Work Activities of Cashiers in Central and Suburban Stores

85

Bm cash El retums cleaning

Central Suburban Figure 4.3 shows central and suburban cashiers work 6 hours per day and three days per week. Moreover, central cashiers work on average 21 hours per week while suburban cashiers work 20 hours per week. Hence, cashiers at suburban stores work the same number of hours as cashiers at central stores, but suburban cashiers spend more tirne on cash than their counterparts in central stores.

Figure 4.3: Hours Worked in Central and Suburban Stores

worked last

per week

Per day

Central Suburban 1O0 Table 4.3A: Cashier Working Conditions

J Central Suburban I Cashiers stand excessively 39 34 O/o 79.6% 89.5% Cashier that are trained in safe lifting O/o 3 13 7,9% 26.5% Cashiers that are trained for other positions 9 8 O/o 25% 21 % Non 3 35 satisfactory breaks 7.9% 27.1 % O/o b X2-NS @L 0.05) Çoruce: CaIdations by author.

In Canada most cashers are obliged to work in a standing position

(Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety, IWO). Table 4.3A (above) shows that over 80% of cashiers stand for more than half of their working shift.

However, more cashiers at central stores reported lesstanding than cashiers at suburban stores.

Safe lifting is one of the most important strategies in the work place.

Improper lifting results in injuries and uncornfortable working conditions for workers. Experts recommend that twiçting, bending and lifting should be avoided since they cause musdoskeletal stress (Wells, 1990; Baxter ,1987;

Vander Doelen J., and MacDonald H., 1985; Bu&, 1978).

Jobenrichment and job rotation are not king used in the stores as a preventative meaçure for reducing musculoskeletal troubles in cashiers. Cashiers in both suburban and central location are not trained for any other positions (see

Table 4.3A). ui addition to using job e~chrnentand job rotation to reduce muçculoskeletal troubles in cashiers, training in proper lifting techniques is essential for increased health and safety for cashiers. More cashiers at central stores have been trained for safe lifting than cashiers at suburban stores, 79%

Cashiers at suburban stores were aiso more dissatisfied with their break schedule than the cashiers at central stores. Approximately 27%of cashiers at suburban stores reported that they did not get enough breaks, whereas ody 8% of cashiers at central stores felt the same way (see Table 4.3A). In addition, a higher proportion of cashiers at suburban stores reported feeling tired after breaks, 74% versus 67%of cashiers at central stores (see Table 4.38).

TabIeA3B Cashier Working Conditions and Fatigue 1 Tired after 1 Central 1 Suburban 1 break 1 1 1

% 67.3% 73.7% Most times 7 5 % 14.3% 13.2% Total 49 38 . Xr NS (p2.0.05) Source: Caiculations by author.

The data reveal that working conditions or job design of cashiers Vary only slightly from suburban to centrd stores. Table 4.Xshows that a higher proportion of cashiers at suburban stores unload customer baskets, approximately 24%versus 8.2% of cashiers at central stores. This could be a variable causing job dissatisfaction for the cashiers at suburban stores since it is a tedious task that requires unnecessary stretching and twisting from the cashier.

Furthermore, a higher proportion of cashiers at suburban stores reported handling buky/unstable items some of the tirne, 84.2% verses 65.3%for cashiers at central stores. However, cashiers at central stores reported handling bulky and unstable items most of the tirne. Of the 9 cashiers who reported handling buky and unstable items most of the times, 100% were hem the cenhal stores.

Likewise, more cashiers from centrd stores reported lifting items greater than IO pounds most of the time when compared to suburban cashiers. Of the 23 cashiers who reported iifting item greater Uian 10 pounds, 61%worked in central stores (see Table 4.3C). On the other hand more cashiers in central locations reported never bagging customer orders (35%)than suburban cashiers

(26%). From the 27 cashiers who never bag customer orders, 63%were from central stores (see Table 4.3C).

Recall that suburban cashiers reported spending more time on the cash register than central cashiers. More cashiers in suburban stores were dksatisfied with the number of breaks and considerably more cashiers ai suburban stores unload more customer baskets than centrd store cashiers. Cashiers in all stores stand excessively and they are not trained for any other position in the store.

The next section will explore cashier's attitudes to their working conditions. Table 43C: Cashier Working Conditions and the Checkstand

-- Central Suburban How often do you unload baskets? Never % Sometimes % Most times % Total How often do you handle bulky/unstable items? Never % Sometimes % Most times % Total How often do you lift items greater than 10 pounds?

% Most tirnes % Total Do you bag items Never %

( Total X2-NS bS.05) Source: Caldations by Author. 4.4 Attitudes To Work

Improvements in job design alone are probably not suffiCient to eliminate

adverse health effects for cashiers. Even the best designed workplace will not be

effective unless the design of the job and the work organization complement

each other. Training to increase awareness of health and safety considerations in

the cashiers' work place is dso critical for irnproving job design. This section

explores cashiers' attitudes towards work through an examination of work

organization.

Cashiers with neck and lower back troubles find the job less satisfying

than cashiers with shoulder troubles. Table 4.4 shows the relatiomhip between

mdosketal troubles and work attitudes for all cashiers with one or more

years of experience who have reported musculoskeIetal troubles in the past 12

monthç. The andysis focuses on the three dominant body areas where cashiers

experience most muçculoskeletal troubles; neck, shoulders, and lower back. In

the category of their job king extremely satisfyuig, 60% of cashiers with neck

trouble and 47% of cashiers with lower badc problems do not find work

extremely satisfyïng. On the other hand 72%of cashiers with shodder trouble

agreed that their job is extremely satisfying and 43%of cashiers with shoulder

troubles &O believed that their job is not exhemdy stressfd. More cashiers with neck troubles agreed that their job was extreme1y stressfd, than those with shoulder and lower ba& troubles, 65%,57% and 56%respectively. Interestingly, 45%of cashiers with neck troubles and 47% of cashiers with Iower back troubles agreed that they had IittIe control of their work. However, 62% of cashiers with shoulder troubIes diçagreed. Hence, if these cashiers believe they have control over their work, then why should they be experiencing musculosketal troubles?

Cashiers are unaware of ergonomie issues pertaining to their working environment. A signrficant propotion of cashiers with musculosketal troubles

(over 90%)agree their work is repetitive. However, high proportions of cashiers with neck, shoulder and lower back troubles were not concemed about the adverse effects of working in a repetitive environment, 30.8%,a%, and 31.6% respectively. Over 85%of cashiers with musculosketal troubles believed theK work environment was de. Table 4.4: The Relationship between musculoskeletd troubles in the past months and attitudes to work for aU cashiers with one or more years work

I Neck Low Back Work is extremely satisfying

% Job is exttemely stressfd Agree % Disagree % Little control over work Agree % Disagree % Work is repetitive

Disagree % Are you concerned about repetitive environments Concemed l %

% 1 Not thought about % Saf e Environment

1 I X2- NS (pZ0.05) 'Neck, Shodder and Low Back are the three di ominant areas w hem cashiers experience the most musculoskeletal troubles. Source: Caldations by author. Table 4.5 compares the work attitudes of cashiers in central and suburban stores. More cashiers at suburban stores are dissatisfied with their work than cashiers at central stores. Cashiers at suburban stores believed their job was extremely stressful(55%),they had little control over their work (45%), work was not satisrying (40%) and it was boring (47%). A slightly smder proportion of cashiers at the centrai stores (49%) believed their job was extremely stressful, while a Iarger proportion felt they had control over their work (59%), more felt work was satisfyuig (73.5%) and 61%felt work was never boring. Consistently, in both central and suburban stores the cashiers agree their work is repetitive but de. Nonetfieles, cashiers ai centra3 stores are more concemed about a repetitive work enviromnent than the cashiers at the suburban stores, 41 % verses

35%respectively (seTable 4.6). About 21 percent of cashiers at su burban stores are not concemed about (21 %) the adverse health effectç of their job. Table 4.5: Work Attitudes of Central and Suburban Cashiers

-- Central Suburban v Jobis extremely Stressful Ag= % Disagree % Little Control over work Ag- % Diçagree % Work is satisfying Agree % Disagree % Work is never boring Ag- % Disagree

Work is Repetitive *€Tee % Disagree % Safe Environment *€Pe % Disagree % X' - NS @10.05) Source: Calculations by author. Table 4.6: Cashier Concem Over a Repetitive Environment in Central and Suburban Si Central Suburban Concerned % Not concemed % Don't know/ not thought about % S - NS (pM.05) Source: Caiculations by author.

Cashier working conditions and work attitudes are directly affected by

their interactions with management Table 4.7 compares cashiers' attitudes about

working conditions between central and suburban stores. The communication between management and staff at the suburban stores is "about right" (55.3%),

whereas a larger proportion of cashiers at the centrai stores feel communication

is insuffiCient (18%).Moreover, 42%of the cashiers at the central stores feel that

the amount of work required from them is too much whereas only 29%of the cashiers at the suburban stores have similar feelings. Interestingly, cashiers at both the central and suburban stores feel they have been over trained, 49%and

47%respectively. In order to understand the working conditions and experiences of cashiers, the following section explores cashier responses and irnprovements to their working conditions. Table 4.7: Communication, Work and Training Attitudes of Central and

Central Communication between Management and Staff is.. Not enough % About right % Too much % Amount of work required Not enough % About right % Too much % Training received was... Not enough % About right % Too much I % X2- NS @>0.05) Source: Calculations by author.

4.5 Cashiers' Responses

Cashiers were asked about four main issues, parts of the job found stressful, parts of the job they disüked, parts of the job they did like, and changes they would make to improve their jobs. Table 4.8 shows detailed responses broken dom by store. Table 4.8: Cahier's opensnded responses to Uieir workhg conditions in each store

STRESSORS TOTAL WARDEN . KEnE Standing 58 14 9 Lifting 28 8 8 Bending/Twisting 27 6 6 Stretching Scanning 9 O O Re~etition 5 0 0 Mt Pedals 2 1 O Oîher 4 1 O DISLIKES Rude Customers 39 9 8 15 Management/ 13 1 1 9 Scheduling CIeaning 7 1 3 2 Confinement 7 4 O 2 Repetition 4 4 O O Other 9 5 1 2 LIKES Nice Customers 41 1'1 9 II Coworker 13 5 3 3 Flexible Hours 4 O 3 O Handling Money 4 O 1 1 Scanning 4 1 O 2 Management 3 O O 1 mer 4 2 z l O MAKEBrnR Chairs 21 5 5 8 Foot rest/ better 10 2 2 5 floor mats tiigher cash 10 4 1 2 1 d&wer/ position 1 1 1 1 of bags Change duties 4 O 3 1 Management 4 O O 3 Other 10 2 1 2 X2- NS @>0.05) Source: Calcuiations by author. In all stores, standing was the most stressfd working condition for cashiers. On the other hand it had not shown up as troublesome in the heafth questionnaire. The sole exception was as the Dufferin store where 43%of cashien reported ankle and feet troubles and 35% had knee troubles. Perhaps the respondents at the Coxwell, Keele, and Warden stores found ankle, feet and knee problems bothersome, but they were not serious enough to warrant king labeled "trouble" in the health questionnaire. Lifting, bending, twisthg and stretching also top the stressfui aspects of cashiering .The identification of lifting as a stressor is consistent with the hding that there was a high prevalence of troubles in the lower back. Interestingly, bending, twisting and stretching were rated more stressful than scanning. In spite of the fact that the checkout stands in all four stores do not require cashiers to bag customer orders.

The identification of stretching is consistent with the troubles in the shoulders and the neck, as weU as contnbuting to back complaints. There was no clear link to any parts of the job causing s@c neck problems. Most likely,

Wells (1990)suggests the reason is linked between neck and shoulder loads.

Reaching and poor shodder postures load muscles in the shoulder and ne&. In fact, the musdes most often affected are in the neck (Wells, 1990).

From recent reports in the USA, 1 rnight have expected more cornplaints about xanning and wrist pain. Although they were perceived stresshi,. scannirtg and wrÏst pain fell well behind job factors associated with neck/ shoulder and back loading.

Consistently in all stores rude customers, management and schedding were the Ieast liked aspects of the job. Management and çcheduling, such as lack of breaks and the schedule of breaks were disliked by 13 cashiers. Cleaning and the confinement associated with king a cashier followed with 7 cashiers disliking each of these aspects of the job.

Consistently, in ail stores nice customers and CO-workerswere the most liked aspects of the job. Flexible hours, handling money and scanning were the second most appreciated aspects of the job with a response rate of 4 in each category.

Cashiers had severai suggestions about irnproving their work. The most frequent suggestion for improvement was including chairs at the checkout stations. Penodic sitting could decrease symptom of foot, ankle and back pain.

(Wek, 1990). The second suggestion was the installation of a foot rest and better floor mats. A foot rest or rail of appropriate size and height cmshift the load between the legs and reduce fatigue (Wellç, 1990). Hoor mats &O help reduce fatigue.

Low cash drawer and fixed bag racks were all &oubIesome for several cashiers. Research suggests that low cash drawers cause health troubles. Short cashiers have to elevate their shoulders while tall cashiers have to stoop. Likewise, fixed height bag racks cause tdcashiers to stoop and short cashiers to lift excesively (Wells, 1990; Baxter ,1987; Vander Doelen j., and MacDonald H.,

1985; Busch, 1978).

Moreover, cashiers reported a narrow range of duties. Currentiy the job duties of most cashiers do not dow for a variety of healthy work postures and motions. Once again, the implementation of job rotation could illuminate repetitiveness and boredorn of the job. Changing jobs every hour or two to a different taçk or job enlargement, expanding the range of activities of cashiers is recornrnended bv experts (Wells, 1990; Baxter C., 1987; Vander Doelen J., and

MacDonald H., 1985; Busch, 1978).

Several cashiers, especially ai the Dufferin store felt management needed irnproving? Lack of awareness of hedth and safety considerations on the part of managers leads to low awareness of preferred modes of working. This leads to increased likeiihood of injury and les LikeLihood of early reporthg of any problems. Experts suggest training programs that emphasize good work and safety habits and periodic refÏesher sessions. There should be weU publicized policies for early reporting of symptoms, treatment and retum to work der musculoskeletal troubles. Managers should be aware of cashier health and safety

Cashien commented on the need for management to hprove health issues in the stores while they were completing the questionnaire. issues. Active joint health and safety cornmittees are also recommended (Wells,

1990; Baxter ,1987; Vander Dwlen J., and MacDonald H., 1985; Busch, 1978).

4.6 Summary and Conclusions

Musculoskeletal troubles in the previous twelve months were reported by

80%of cashiers. Most troubles were reported in the lower back 52%; in the neck

33%and in the shoulders 32%. If symptoms in the neck and shoulders were combined @oth because of people's diffidty in distinguishing between then and because many of the shoulder musdes are located in the neck), the number of should/neck problems (64%)surpasses the back (52%)the most frequent musculoskeietal trouble.

A more detailed breakdown by store showed that Warden had the Ieast reports of health problems (65%)and Keele had the most reports (93%).The data revealed no differences in muscuIoskeletal heath problems between suburban and central stores. However, mumiloskdetal troubles increase with Iength of employment, regardless of youthhilness of workers and the part-the nature of the job. The relationçhip between length of emptoyrnent and mdoskeletal

çymptoms reveals significant differences for neck and shoulders and the Iow back area. Cashiers at all four stores showed excessive bending, twisting, leaning while performing their job. Awareness of ergonomie issues on the part of cashiers is rninllnal. This is

partiaUy due to the short period most workers stay at their job and the

youthfulness of the workers. Cashiers do not see their job as permanent and

therefore are not concerned with the long term consequences associated with the

job. Cashiers were somewhat concemed about working in a repetitive

environment. More cashiers at suburban stores are dissatisfied with their work

than cashiers at central stores. More cashiers at suburban stores believe their job

is extremely stressfui, they have little control of their work, work is not satisfying

and boring. In conjunction with this, the communication between management

and staff at suburban stores was reported to be "about ri@" while cashiers at

central stores feel their communication is not enough. Cashiers at suburban

stores tend not be concemed about their working environment, and do not know

or have not thought about the adverse health effects of their job.

The working conditions of cashiers at suburban and central stores vary.

Cashiers in the suburban stores spend more time on the cash register than those ui the central stores. Interestingly, the cashiers at both central and suburban stores on average have the same working hours per day and week. Indeed, cashiers at suburban stores work the same average number of hotus as those at central stores, but suburban cashiers spend more tirne on cash than central store cashiers. Overall, cashiers at suburban stores reported to be more dissatisfied with their job and their working conditions than cashiers who worked in the inner city stores. Chapter 5 will explore in more detail how management's practices are related to cashiers' experiences and views. CHAPTER 5: Employer Practices, Local Labour Markets, Ergonomie Awareness And Its impact On Cashiers

5.0 Introduction

Manv cornmentators have recognized that women's employment situation reflecis more than their family circumstances; a number of complementary processes within labour markets and workplaces also structure women's working conditions. My interviews with No Frills employers in Metropolitan

Toronto offer some insight into the ways that employers shape how work becomes gendered and non locdized. The interviews also show how Iack of ergonomic awareness by employers adversely affects cashiers. The first section discusses the interview process used to elicit information from employers. The second section discusses employer recniitment strategies and how they tend to reproduce existing gender-and race-based occupa tional segrega tion and the localization of the labour market. The following section explores the impact of technological advances and the Iack of ergonomic training by employers and its impacts on cashiers. The final donprovides summq and conclusions.

5.1 The Inte~ewRocess

Serni-stnictured interviews were designed to elicit information about management's hiring practices, knowledge of workplace ergonomies, heath and safety issues, and the factors that have innuenced the adoption of ergonomic measures in each store. Opened-ended interviews created a cornfortable, conversational setting (Herod, 1993).

The interviews were conducted from Juiy to August 1997. With the participants' consent, each interview was recorded and traflscribed. The interviews ranged from thtyminutes to one hour. The interviews were conducteù during the day at a time convenient to the participants.

The interview schedule was grouped into thematic sections (Appenb B).

Questions were formulated to aüow management to share their perspective. The hst secüon includes management's background and work experience. The second section reveals specific questions about the cashiers and their working conditions, a description of the cashiers currently working in the store, and hiring practices. The third section explores training policies. The final section examines general health and safety store policies and repetitive strain injuries of cashiers. The questions in the interview schedule attempt to reveal "who the cashiers are in each store". How management aeates the2 own distinctive labour market with specific social characteristics. How management influences ergonornia and health and safety in each store. The goal of the interviews was to explore the linkges arnong employers' hiring strategies and the ergonomic problerns suffered by cashiers. After the interviews were transcribed, the tramcrïpts were summarized

according to themes inhoduced in the interview schedule. The themes were

based on general topics covered bv the interview schedule. To keep the

anonymity of the managers, each manager was assigned a number hom 1 to 4.

Through out this chapter managers are referred to as Mlf M2, M3 or M4.

5.1.1 The Managemm t

The owner/managers were not homogeneous, three out of the four managers were men. It was found that the female manager (Ml, page 10) emphasized interpersonal relations and conflict resolution in management principles and strategies. She perceived her store to be "like a fdy".

1 have an excellent worhg staff. I enjoy working with them. I find they are easy going in the sense of Listening to what is expected of them and trying to follow through to what is expected of them. They are very friendly and as a group they are pretty cohesive. 1 have an open door policy, so if anything bothers them it can be diçcussed (Ml, page 10).

In contrast, male owners did not emphasize interpersonal relations and were more likely to believe that their employees should "leave their problem at home

" (M2, pagel5). Similar gender daerences in management style have been noted previously (Messing, 1995).

The heaith implications of such "gendered" management behaviour for the women owners thernselves and for their employees are not known. For instance, how might women's styles of management affect the health of employees. Women's different management styles more or less likely to draw

attention to the occupational heaith needs of employees.

5.2 Employer's Remitment Strategies

Women have been traditionally viewed as the most desirable workers to

perfonn part-the work (Jemon,1989; Beechey and Perkins, 1987; Warme, Lundy

and Lundv, 1992). Employers preferred to hke women because they are ding

and able to work part-time to accommodate peak times in the shopping day.

"Shifts are conducive to business of the store and peak shopping periods of the dav or week" (Ml, page 4). "Hours depend on business of store and cashierfsavailability, 8 girls are not working because of slow business" (M2, page 14).

As rnentioned earlier, the majority of cashiers in al1 stores are employed part-

tirne. The large proportion of part-time cashiers who are women reinforces the

point that the feminization of the labour force remains an important dimension

of the restruburing proces within the Canadian economy (Cohen, 1994).

The flexibility of female labour encourages employers to hire women

exclusively to work the front end operating cash registers/ scanners. One

manager said, "students are more flexible and they bring fresh ideas to the

business"(M2, page 16). Moreover, experience was not considered an asset for reauitrnent The majority of cashiers were fernale students between the ages of

16 and 20. Our cashien are mostly teenage girls between 17 and 19. Half the cashiers 1 wodd keep because they listen to everything you tell them, the other half I would change because they do not take their job seriously enough (M4, page 12).

I inherited my staff. I am pleased with 90% and I am not happy with 10%. This is not related with health and safety, but they are not motivated. The majority of the cashier are femaie.. ...ver- young.. ..la to 18 years old. This is usually their kst job.. .Noexperience is necessary, we cmtrain. (M2, page 14). If 1 could choose my staff, I would hire gUIs between 16-22 For the simple reason, they are a lot more flexible as far as the work that they can do. You will have less injuries that way. Your older staff wiU be off longer, I want my staff here working and not at home sick. A younger staff îs ideal. A younger staff do not bring baggage to the store - bad working habits. An older staff brings baggage to the store- bad habits they pick up at other jobs. From a business stand point 1 wddrather have younger cashiers working for me (M2, page 20).

The majority are students...d fernale.. average 18 years old (M3,page 1). there are some things and maybe because the majority are in the younger age bradcet, there is a lot of things they do not realize...lateness, canceling out on shifts on the last minute, changing shifts with others without nowing the bookkeeper causes a lot of probIem. A more mature workforce could change this..... but not necessarily, because of avaiIability throughout the day (M3,page 4).

A minority of cashiers were single mothers. They were also hired

because of theV flexibility. One employer stated ;

Currently 1 have four single moms and they have decided that this is a perfect part-tirne job since they find it conducive to their home life. They are not restricted by certain theelements during the day. They can also fit in their family Me, which may incorporate Doctor's appointments, school trips or picking up children from school (Ml, page 5).

In the present period of restructuring in which these employers are shiving to

achieve numerical Wbility, students and single mothers are especidy vulnerable to exploitation. When recrui ting cashiers, all employers indica ted tha t they drew their workforces from the local area. When asked if they had any preferences about where their workers came hom, employers did not want workers who lived far away from the workplace.

If a cashier lives close to the store, it is more likely she will corne in on short notice, if neceççary (Ml,page 6). 1 am a smdbusiness man and 1 want to hire from my community and keep my community working (M2page 18).

In addition to their own preference for proximity, employers have expectations about the cornmutmg times and distances that are acceptable to their workers that they have incorporated these tirne and distances into their hiring standards. Most cashiers are students who primarily use T.T.C and are usuaüy unable to travel large distances to and from a part time work.

Employers' perceptions about workers' travel behaviour are not quite accurate, in part because employers' preferences and expedations about "appropriate" home- work distances have not been built into their hiring practices. Most cashiers are not drawn hom local labour markets as much as the mangers suggested they were.

5.2.1 Local Labour markets and Remifment

When asked about their rnethods for fincihg cashiers, the most common methods, used by alrnost all employers in d four areas, were job postings on the grocery store dwr and word-of-mouth recruiting. Even though employers' recniitment strategies are local in theory, they are not drawing cashiers from their local labour market. Word of mouth was an extremely common recnllting strategy used by all employers who were interviewed. It iç seen as an inexpensive and efficient recruiting method (Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

Employers were drawn to this strategy for a nurnber of reasons.

Ernployers used word of rnouth as a way of gaining acces to a partidar ethnic group. Recognizing that many of their customers were from a few ethnic groups living in the area, they recniited cashiers from these goups.

This store is located in an area with different ethnic backgrounds. So from a customers stand point, you fed a little bit more comfortable associating with your own ethnicity, because of the language barrier. Also, relatives of my cashiers will shop here and it helps to build the business (M2, page 2)-

For the majority of employers who used word-of -mouth recruiting, it was a way of creatùig a stable, productive and homogeneous workforce.

I tend to hire through word of mouth through family or hiends because these employees tend to stay longer periods of time (Ml,page 5). Most of the girls are Italian.. ..they are not very diverse (M4, page 12).

Yet another reason employers favoured rmiting through their workers' personal contacts was to promote the smooth transmission of skills on the job

(Manwaring, 1984- in H&P). One manager said;

The working relationship between cashiers who know each other is generally better than with others. They tend to help each other out more.. .. . a personable enviroment is aeated" (M4,page 5). Workers are more Iikely to provide efficient, infornial, on-the-job training to

people they have brought on board than they are to strangers (Hanson and Pratt,

1995).

Whatever the reasons for using word of mouth, the strategy tends to reproduce existing gender-and race-based occupational segregation. Partidarly in places where employers rely upon employees' personal contacis to reauit new workers, and where much training takes place infodythrough persod contacts on the job, segmentation of the labour market is Likely to remain entrenched (Hanson and Pratt, 1995). As Stevens (1978) notes, even when there . is no overt diçcnmuiation-- on the part of employers, the use of word of mouth tends to perpetuate ethrticdy segregated labour markets, as individuais in particular groupç ciradate information about job oppoMties within their group. Word of mouth recniitment &O has the effect, however unintended, of perpetuating sex-based occupa tional segregation.

5.2.2 The Gender Division of Lnbuur

As many feminists point out, skill definitions of women's jobs are biased

(PhilIips and Taylor, 1980; Millanan, 1987). Conceptions of femininity and masculinity are equally significant for definitions of skilled work as "objectiveff mesures of technical skiIl/ knowledge. Sex-typing of occupations devalues the work women do but it may upgrade skill definitions of masculine occupations.

Jobs pe~eivedto requVe heavy physical Iabour (e-g.. stock boy) are often

rewarded with higher levels of compensation than jobs requiring less physicai

effort (e.g. cashier) (Kainer, 19%). Work competencies associated with

femininity such as humreiations or domestic work are typically devalued. In

thiç situation, bah&cleaning and interpersonal skiUs are assumed fernale competencies rather than leamed ones. The tasks performed by cashiers in grocery stores are associated with the domestic labour performed by women in the home. Cashiers are asked to perform tasks that are often seen to require

"ferninine attributes" that are related to ideological assumptions about gender and skill. Cashiers are expected to enter the job with a bundle of feminùie competencies such as the abiüty to cook, the ability to idenhfy foods (different fruits for example), cleaning skills, and personal interaction skills (how to treat customers pleasantly, under any condition).Managers assume that women have acquired these competencies during their socialkation hto the role of adult female (Walsh, 1993).

In the course of king in the business for 11 years, I have had both male and femde cashiers. We do find that it is easier to stay with females on the front end and we tend to hire the boys for the stock.. ..Cashiers are the information booth of the store (Ml, page 7). The division of labour has many possible consequences for women's health. One example is the Iack of distinction between what women do at work and what thev do at home. One cashier said;

I am taking care of customer needs on cash, then when I am at home I am taking care of rny famil y's needs" (Cl,1998).

Eakin (1995) suggests that the associations of the risks associated with femaie unpaid work conhibute to the tendency to overlook or dimuiish their seriousness as workplace hazards.

The health implications of this are that the health needs of cashiers are often overlooked. The folIowing section discusses how owners rarely identifiecf hedth problem in the "frontend". The potentid hazards confronthg "invisible" workers, such as cashiers on the "frontend" are unrecognized.

5.3 Ergonomics, Heaith and Safety

The employers didn't consider ergonomie issues to be part of the health and safetv goais for the stores. Partially because health problems on the frontend are not recognized and health and safety goals are not clearly established.

1 want to maintain the level that we are at. We have very littie injuries on cash. To hprove on this would be zero injuries and 1 do not know if this is possible in a store of 150 employees. This is one of the safest stores No Frills has. It is the most up to date, it haç the latest as far as equipment that is available to us through No FriUs (M2, page 18).

We want everybody to feel as if they are working in a deenvironment. We mentiy have store guidelines in &ect for every department We ask that all clerks and cashiers be aware of all possible hazards. AU in ail we do not want anyone to get hurt (M4, page 9).

Our goal.. ..We are in the process of setting up a committee. We wül have meeting every two rnonths (M3, page 2).

We have no strategy as of yet (M4,page 12).

CurrentIy, the ody health and safely policies or strategies provided by d stores is the mandatory establishment of joint hedth and safety cornmittees at worksites as stipulated by the Occupational Health and Çafety Act (1996).

Repetitive strain injuries or other specific health related içsues with respect to cashiers are not a priority in any of the stores. Each managers' responçe revealed lack of awareness of problems:

1 have not thought about it (M2,page 6). It haç never been brought up or thought about (M4, page 13). 1 am unaware of it, cashiers are never on cash for a continuous period of time (Ml, page 9). if we start to see that there is some kind of repetitive injury ocauring we wül have to deal with it at that tirne, as of right now I have not seen any w3, page 3)-

It is no surprise that managers lack awareness of ergonomie issues and cashiers' lack knowledge given the evidence of muçculoskeletal troubles among these 5.3.1 Technology

When computerization entered the supermarket, it restructured store

operations and profoundly altered work processes in the grocery store. The

development of check-out scanners proved especiaüy advantageous for reducing

labour time and costs of in-store operatiom. From managementfs perspective,

here are a number of advantages that accrue from electronic scanners. First,

thev speed up check-out and reduce errors at the register. A cashier can scan one

item per second and does not have to spend tirne looking for a price if the price

tag is mîssing. Another huge cost saving is that items do not have to be priced

individually. The work of the stock clerk whidi used to involve manual pricing,

iç reduced to posting prices on shelves and restocking shelves. Third, cornputer technology has the capabdity of improving inventory control. Automated warehows interfaced with store computers can "direct the flow of goods from the receiving of suppliers' shipments through to the filhg of store orders" via an on-site compter. As goods are sold, new shipments are automaticdy sent by suppiiers to stores.

While scanning obviously reaps benefits for employers, the impact of microtechnology on cashiers is less positive. For cashiers, xannùig made a low- skilled occupation even less skilled. Scanning has ken blarned for creating a number of serious health problemç for cashiers. Laser scanning increases the

Pace and work load of putting through groceries; and poor checkout design requires awkward hand and body movement to perform the work (see chapter

4). Both factors contribute to repetitive strain injuries (RSI) or muçculoskeletal

disorders such as tendinitis, carpal tunnel syndrome etc. Most injuries can be

prevented with the proper ergonomic workstation design. Akhough, the

knowledge is availabie to improve work conditions for cashiers, employers are

reluctant to invest in more expensive equipment, partly due to cost and lack of

knowledge pertaining to repetitive environments by employers.

We are a smd business and can not afford elaborate and expensive frontend equipment. We have not had any problems thus far (M4, page 13).

5.3.2 Training

HeaIth and safetv training to inaease awareness of heaith hazards among

cashiers was not a part of management's training skategies. The duration of the

hainhg period in each store varied anywhere from 16 to 24 hours over a period

of two weeks. However, the topics diçcuçsed in training were all very similar,

ranging from basic hardware to memorization of codes and handling and scanning groceries. Ln d the stores, retraining is ody given on an "as needed" b&, detennined by the bookkeeperi There has not been any ergonomic assessrnent performed in any one of the four stores, however two of the

' Head Cashier is refemd to the Bookkeeper at No Frills stores. emplovers stressed that thev have trained their cashiers in proper movements

while on cash.

We tell them and show them specific movements to prevent injury in training and constantiy show the girls how they should be xanning throughout the years with us. We ask them to use the mats. Only 50%of the girls us them, others say it bothers them. I have not seen the cahiers adjust the front end. It funny, because they are & told in training how to move everyihing, and if I were to ask half the girls how to move the equipment, they would not know how, even though, they ail have ken show during training (M2,page 17).

We ask the girls to tum and not twist their body when giving change to the customers. The cash drawer is located at pelvic height for most cashiers and woddn't put any undo stress on elbows, because they are not siretchhg to get the money, but they are basicdy resting on top of the drawer (Ml, page 8).

The other two felt there was no need for training: As far as risks on the station there redy kn't any, hom my point of view (M3, page 2)

No topics on health risks are diçcussed in training, just hardware (M4, page 12). The quotes reveal management's lack of knowledge regarding the

repetitive nature of a cashiers' job. Training programs cmgo a long way toward increasing detyawareness among both employers and ernployees. The purpose of training and education is to ensure that managers and cashiers are informed sufficiently about the ergonomic hazards to which cashiers may be exposed so they are better able to participate actively in their own protection.

Suggestions and input from cashiers who are educated about ergonomic hazards can be very helpful in designing improved work practices to reduce ergonomic hazards (USA Department of Labor, 1991).

A good ergonornic training prograrn would teach cashiers how to use equipment properly and the correct way to do a variety of job tasks. Excessive force on joints and tendons is a principle cause of repetitive strain injuries that rnav be caused or aggravated by repetitive motions and sustained or awkward postures over extended periods of time. To minimize or prevent back disorders, workers should be taught proper posture and üfting techniques. Using correct posture is important whether employees are sitting, standing, puiling, pushing or lifting. Twisting the upper body inaeases the risk of spins and strain (U.S.A

Department of Labor, 1991; Wells, 1990). The inadequate training of health and safety issues to cashiers has negative consequences for workers in general and women in particular.

5.3.3 Union Invo lvmmt

The Union representing cashiers and other workers was not uivolved in health and safety training. Management agreed that the United Food and

Commercial Union was not involved in the training of cashiers. Training in the stores was an individual process without union involvement. One manager stated, "To my knowledge, the union never put forward a position" (M3, page 2).

Another manager stated, "Accordhg to the union, we have to provide a de environment for our staff and customers. Wehave to address issues and provide the Health and Safety Cornmittee as part of the Occupational Health and Safety

Actf' (Ml, page 9). How "a de"environment is achieved is completely up to management. Indeed, the union does not promote or dixourage the recognition and Iegitimization of cashier's occupational health.

5.4 Summary and Conclusions

In sum, the interviews reved that managers believe that the ideal cashier is part-time, young and femaie. The more employers can rely on part-the workers, the higher their profits. In general, managers find it cost &dve to xhedule part-time cashiers because of Uieir lower wages2 and reduced benefits, and because shorter shifts require fewer breaks. Full-tirne employees are entitled to severai breaks in an eight hour shift, whereas part-time employees usudy receive ody one break.

Managers suggest that they redtworkers who are from the local community. However, the data provides evidence that cashiers are usually hired from the same ethnic/racial background as the manager's. Reauitment practices often rely on word-of-mouth so that friends and relatives of exiçting employees are often hired, who do not necessarily live nearby the grocery store.

Hourly rates do not differ among part-time and full-tirne cashiers. Grocery store managers contribute to the gendering of employment by

hiring women as cashiers. They prefer women because they are flexible and are

believed to provide better customer service than men. the^ hiring practices are

strongly local in theory but they do not contribute to the localization of the

labour market as the literature suggests.

Managers are hindering the health and safety of cashiers Uirough

inadequate knowledge and training with regards to ergonomie issues in grocery

stores. Some reluciance on the part of management to recognize the heaith riçks

associated with king a cashier seems to derive from the fear that these problems

are so pervasive that the slightest acknowledgment will result in a flood of c1aims. They are not necesçanly wong. When there is delay in recognizing

risk, problems build up and accumulate. As well, the build-up continues if no

preventive programs or training results from the recognition of the hazard

(Messing, 1995). The conçequenceç of delay in recognizing hazards in cashiers' jobs can be seen in the frequency of cumulative trauma disorders (tendinitis, carpal tunnel syndrome etc.). The current extent of the problem, is due to r to previous delays in rather than sudden recognition of health risks. CHAPTER 6: Summary and Concludîng Remarks

6.0 Conclusions

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore the links between ergonomics and contemporaw labour markefs. The literature tends to separate these areas of studv. The hdings of this research confirrn some previous hdings, contradict others and more importantly, opens new area for future research.

Multiple research mediods were used in this thesis. Semi-structured interviews with managers reveded their recruiting strategies, management practices, and views concerning ergonomics. In addition, seifcompleted questionnaires were administered to cashiers to determine what they thought about working conditions, workplace ergonomin, and safety. Self-adminiçtered sweys were the most appropriate method for enduring anonymity that encourages people to respond about sensitive issues such as workplace injuries.

This shidy was important because industrial restnicturing has had particularly negative effects on women working in food retail. There are very few studies of the impact of restructuring on women workers in Western industrialiseci nations (Hader, 1992; Cohen, 1994). Analyses of economic restructuring, women's occupational health and the service &or are sparse in Canada. This study, which examines flexibility in the retd grocery sector, fih an important gap in the literature. Moreover, there is little literature documenting local variations in working conditions and their impacts on ergonomic concems. This empirical stuclv has connedeci local labour market conditions to ergonomic conditions for women in the retail grocery &or.

6.1 Interpretations Of Findings

Recall, the labour market does not exhibit a single, overarching logic, but is a composite of many. I have discussed the rise of segmentation through labour supplv for the four grocery stores in the study. The informal hiring practices of employers testria some employment possibilities of people who do not live in close proximity to the store. Employers' recnùting strategies reinforce the notion of regulation and labour demand as king a more important factor over labour supply. In the retail grocery sector, workers are not hired from the dominant population. Recniitment is frequently by word of mouth, networking through fiends and family, or a sign in the window. Advertising is considered too expensive with little or uncertain resdb (see Marilyn Evans and Associates, 1988).

Moreover, I found that rnanager/owners tended to employ cashiers who had the same nationality as they did. Indeed, employers in these four stores create their own labour markets.

Cashiers who fïnd their jobs through personal contacts or through daily activity patterns have shorter txavel times to work than the cashiers who find their jobs through more formal means. Dufferin (a central store) was the only

store where a large majority of cashiers used the automobile to get to work. On

the contrarv this did not parallel the Iiterahire (see Hanson and Pratt, 1995).

Dufferin management is recruiting from outside its local area (see chapter 3).

The studv showed that the job of cashiering requires few skill and little

education. In dl four stores the majority of cashiers were young single fernales.

Thev were hired as part-time and predominately temporary employees. Large

proportions of pst-secondary students make up the retail grocery workforce.

On the contrary the literature suggests that the retail industry is composed of

mature women, who need to rotate their work schedules around their household

obligations (Hanson and Pratt, 1995; Galinsky et ai. 1993; Hartmann, 1987). The

preponderance of young post secondary students in grocery retailing is a new

phenornenon that warrants research.

The interviews with management solidified impressions that grocery store

cashiers are female, are more likely to be part-time, and tend to be younger. The

more employers cmrely on part-tirne workers, the higher their profits. In

general managers hdit cost effective to schedufe part-tirne cashiers because of

their reduced benefits, and because shorter sh& require fewer breaks. Full-tirne employees are entitled to several breaks in an eight-hour SM,whereas part-time employees usually receive only one break. Managers tend to remit workers who are not from the local community.

On average cashiers commuting ümes was 15 minutes. Cashiers who are hired

refiect the ethnie/ racial characteristics of the population from their surrounding

district. Within an kalian neighbourhood, Italian youth are hired who cmspeak

the language and who may also be farniiiar with "ethnic" foods. Further,

recmihnent practices ofien rely on word-of-mouth so that friends and relatives

of existing employees are often hired.

A significant part of the study fmsed on the musculoskeletal troubles

reported by cashiers. In the last twelve mon& muçculoskeletai troubles were

reported by 80% of cashiers. Most troubles were reported in the lower back 52%;

in the neck 33%and in the çhoulders 32%. If symptorns in the neck and

shodders were combined @th because of people's difficulty in distinguishing between then and because many of the shoulder muscles are Iocated in the neck),

the number of shoulder/neck problerns (64%)surpasses the back (52%)the most

frequent musculoskeletal trouble. The occurrence of muçculoskeletal troubles was high for a youthful workforce.

A more detailed breakdown by store showed that Warden had the Ieast reports of health problem (65%)and Keele had the most reports (93%). The case study reveals no significant differences in musculoskeletal health between suburban and central stores. However, musculoskeietal troubles increase with length of employment. The relationship between length of employment and musculoskeletal svmptoms is sigdicant for neck and shoulders and the lower

back area. These areas are stressed during every shift, evident through excessive

bending, twisting, and leaning while performing their job.

The working conditions of cashiers at suburban and centrai stores vary.

Cashiers in the suburban stores spend more tirne on the cash register than those

in the central stores. Interestingly, the cashiers at both cenbal and suburban

stores on average have the same workùig hours per day and week. Indeed, cashiers at suburban stores work the same average nurnber of hours as those at cenhd stores, but suburban cashiers spend more time on cash than centrai store cashiers do. Overd, cashiers at suburban stores reported more dissatisfaction with their job and their working conditions than cashiers who worked in the inner citv stores.

Awareness of ergonomie issues on the part of cashiers was minimal. Thiç mav be due to the short-term and part-tirne nature of their work and the vouthfulness of the workers. Cashiers were somewhat concemed about working in a repetitive environment. More cashiers at suburban stores are dissatisfied with their work than cashiers at central stores. More cashiers at suburban stores beiieve their job is extremely stressful, they have little conbol of their work, work is not satisfying and boring. In conjunction to this, the communication between management and staff at suburban stores is reported to be "too much" or more than the cashers feel is necessary while cashiers at centrai stores feel their communication is not enough. Cashiers at suburban stores tend not be concemed about their working environment, and do not know or have not thought about the adverse health effects of their job.

Managers are hindering the health and dety of cashiers through hadequate knowledge, education and training about ergonomic issues. Some reludance on the part of management to recognize the health risks cashiering seems to Jerive from the fear that these problems are so pervasive that the slightest acknowledgment will resdt in a flood of ciahs. They are not necessarily wrong, when there is delay in recognizing risks, problems accumulate. Thev continue to the build up if no prevention programs or training resdts from recognition of the hazard (Mess- 1995). The consequences of delay in recognizing hazards in cashiers' work can be seen in the current

"epidemic" or cumulative trauma disorciers (tendonitis' carpal tunnel syndrome etc.). These result from the repetitive nature of cashier's tasks. The extent of the problem, however, is not due to sudden recognition of the health risk, but rather to delays in recognition and correction.

In sum, the gendered nature of work in grocery stores, the corporations drive toward flexibility, technological advancements, Iimited union involvement in health and safety training, and reluctance on the part of management to recognize the health risks cashiering have all contributed to the eroding working conditions for cashiers. 6.2 Recommendations

Positiveiv, ways must be found to promote change from within franchiseci grocery stores, incfuding: (1) increasing awareness of health and safety issues on the part of owners and cashiers; (2) creating the support necessary for business owners to develop the will and the means to addreçs health and safety issues, such as increasing their recognition of legal responçibiliq and of links between the health of ernployees and the "bottom Iine"(Eakin, 1995); (3) increase Union involvement in the health and safety of cashier training.; and (4) find ways of

"ernpowering" gmcery store cashiers to initiate change in the workplace without incurring devastating personal consequences of individual action. Paying attention to the perspectives of cashiers, management, and to gender issues in grocery stores would not only further the women's occupationai health agenda, but dso further understanding of an important emerging concern in the larger field of ergonomicç and occupational heaith - the relationship between ergonomics and local supplies of labour. Such an approach to occupational health should lead to improvements not only to women, but also for ail workers.

Research that considers the "invisible" variables hrther promotes better health and çafety in al1 workplaces. No one gains if we close Our eyes to the social context of our research. APPENDIX A CONFIDENTIAL when completed

ERGONOMICS AND LOCAL VARIATIONS

Dear Cashier:

I am a graduate student a t York University. For my Masters Degree, I am studying the ergonomic aspects of grocery store cashier's work. I am doing research about awareness of ergonomic issues on the part of cashiers and their employers.

The attached questionnaire is an oppomuiity for you to provide information about vour work station. Ergonomics is the relationship between the person and his or her work site. To make this relationship as easy as possible, the job which you are doing should fit you as much as possible. Awkward work positions and motions which cause body strains shodd be eliminated. The followhg questionnaire asks you general information about your work history, job description, generai health, musculoskeletal troubles, personal information, and your opinions.

Your co-operation is essentid for the succes of this research. Please meras many questions as possible. You are free to omit any questions at any time. AU information WUbe kept confidential. There are no right or wrong answers. 1 am interested in your opinions. No information will be reported in such a way that you could be identifïed. PIease let me know if you have any questions.

Thank you for your co-operation and for your time in fiIling out this questionnaire.

1 have read and understood the above form.

Grocery Store Name I A. WORK HISTORY I 1. How long have you been working as a grocery store cashier? moç/p 2. How long have you worked at your present job? a) Iess than 6 months...... 1 b) 6 months to 1 year...... 2 c) 1 to 3 years ...... -.. --.... 3 d) 3 to 6 years ...... 4 e) 6 to 10 years ...... 5 f) More than 10 years...... 6

3. If you worked at your present job one year or less. Did your previous job involve similar repetitive movement of your han& and arms? NO (1) GO TO Q 4. Yes (2-99) If Yes, what was your job?

If one year or less, Did you have any injjes on that jobs? No (1) Yes (2-99) i If Yes, what was the injury? 4. Do you have another paid job? No (1) Y ( 2-99)

If Yes, Please dexribe briefly what you do and the amount of time you spend on it each week.

1 5. How did you leam about your present job? (If more than one merapplies, circle the one that is most important) through friends or relatives at this grocery store...... 1 through hiends or relatives at other grocery store...... 2 you asked at thïs. stores' . personnel office ...... 3 help wanted sxgn m store...... 4 from a summer job...... - ...... 5 newspaper ad...... -. 6 Canada Ernployrnent Centre ...... - . 7 Other (specify) 8 2 6. When vou were first hired at this grocery store, did you receive any formal

Yes...... 1 No...... [GOTO Q. 91...... 2

7. How long did the training kt?...... (Circle the appropriate tirne period) (hm/ days/ wks/ mos)

8. Did the training happen on the job? Yes, on the job...... -1 No, eisewhere...... -2 On the job and elsewhere... -3

9. Are you trained for any other position in the store? Yes or No if yes, please explain

10. 1 am interesteci in your opinion of work at this grocery store. 1 am going to read a series of statements about working conditions. Piease tell me which category best describes your opinion of work ai this grocery store . *€Fe Ag- Disagree Dwgree Strongly Çamewhat Çomwhat Strongly hork as a grocery store cashier is ofkn repetitive -- My job is extremeIy 1...... -2...... 3...... 4 stressful

The grocery store provides 1...... -2...... 3...... 4

in my nvrent job, 1 have IittIe 1...... 2-...... 3-.-...... A control oves my work

Work is extremely satisfjing 1...... 2...... -3 ...... A

Work is never boring 1...... 2...... 3...... 4 21. What is your opinion about the following aspects of your job. Answer the 4 questions below using the =aie provided and place the value to the right of the space provided. s+ 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 too about not much s@t enough Value The amount of communication between management and staff k ...... 1) The amount of training you received for your job is...... - .- - 2) The amount of work required of you is...... -. . -. . . .

12. Are you a union member? Yes ...... - ...... - - ...... - ...... No ...( GO TO Q. 17)...... Don't know .. .(GO TO Q. 17) ......

Yes No 15. Are vou currently a Union Steward?...... -. -. . . J...... 2

16. Have you ever been a Union Steward?...... l...... 2

17. Are you concerned about the health effects of working in a repetitive environment?Would you say that you are.. .

extremely concemed...... - ...... - ...... - 1 somewhat concemed...... -...... - . 2 not concemed...... - ...... - ...... - 3 don't know/ haven't thought about it...... - 8

18. How do you usually get to work? Do you.. . drive to work...... - ... .-...-...... 1 get a ride with your parmer/ other farnily member...... 2 get a ride with co-worker...... - .. -...... -. . -. . .. 3 take public transportation...... -...... -. .. -...... - - . 4 wak, bike, other arrangements (spedy) 5

19. How long does it usudy take you to get to work? --minS.

4 B. JOB DESCRIPTION

20. What is your current position?

21. List the main work activities you may perform and the approximate percentage of time spent during an average shift.

Work activity

22. Are you ernployed (cirde one) a) part-time ...... 1 b) full-time ...... 2 c) casual ...... 3 d) temporary...... 4 e) other (please desaibe) ...... 5

B. How many hours did you work last week including overtime? hours Over the past 6 mon& approximately how many hours have you averaged? Per Week hours Per Da y hours

24. How hequent are your breaks typicdy? Please kteach break induding meal breaks below.

Break duration (min) A.M. or P.M. 25 . Do you get enough breaks? No (1) ...... Yes (2) 26 . Are you ready for a break when it cornes? No (1) ...... YS (2) 27 . Are you still tired when the break period is over? (please cirde one) a) Never ...... 1 I b) Sometimes...... 2 c) Mosttimes ...... 3 d) Always ...... 4

28- Does your work station require you to stand for more than half the working day? Yes ...... 1 No...... 2

29 . Do you have the use of a foot rest at your working station? Yes ...... 1 No ...... 2

30 . How often do you unload items from customer baskets? (cirde one) a) Never ...... 1 b) Çometimes...... 2 C) Most times ...... 3 d) Always ...... 4

31 . Do you bag items for the wtomers? (cide one) a) Never ...... 1

d) Always ...... 4

32. How often do you lift bagged or un bagged itmof more than 5 kg/lO Ibs ? ...... 1 a\I Never b) Sometimes...... 2 C) MOSt times ...... 3 I d) Always ...... 4

33 .How often do you handle loads which are bulky. unstable and diffidt to grip? a\ Never ...... 1

c). Most times ...... 3 d) Always ...... 4 34. Are you required to bring customer bags to their vehicles? a) Never ...... 1 b) Sometimes ...... 2 c) Most tirnes...... 3 ci) Always...... 4

35. Have you been trained in delifting? Yes ...... No...... If yes, please explain what this iç.. .

C. GENERAL HEALTH

36. Have you ever sought medical advice for pain in any of these parts of the body (e.g. from a doctor, physiotherapist, etc.) (Please circle all that apply)

Neck Yes Shoulder Yes UPF Yffi Elbow - Yes Lower Arm Yes wrist Yes fiand Yes Upper Back Yes Lower Back Yes Leg Yes Foot Yes 37. Have vou ever had any medical treatment for pain in any of these parts of the body (e.g. from a doctor, physiotherapist, etc.?) (pleaçe &de ail that apply)

Yes Yes Yes Yes Lower Am Yes wrist Yes Hanci Yes Upper Back Yes Lower Back Yes Leg Yes Foot Yes

38. If vou have answered Yes to any part of question 36 or 37 please provide me with the fo~owinginformation: Year Area Affecteci Cause

39. Did you have any sick leave or days off work, compensated or uncompensated because of sickness in 19%? No.. .(GO TO Q. 42.) .. ..1

Yes...... * ...... 2

4.0. How many days sick Ieave did you have in 1996? days

41. Was any si& Ieave in 1996 related to problems with any of the these areas of the body? Shoulder No Yes U~~ No Yes Efbow - No Yes Lower Arm No Yes W rist No Yes Hand No Yes Upper Back No Yes Lower Back No Yes Leg No Yes Foot No Yes D. GENERAL MUSCULOSKELETAL TROUBLES

I I

In this picture you cmsee the approximate position of the parts of the body referred to in the questionnaire. You yourçeif have to decide in which part you have or had your trouble ( if =='Y)-

- - 42. Have you at any tirne during the 1st 12 months had trouble ( ache, pain, diçcomfort) in: Nd...... No (1) Shodders...... No (1) Elbows ...... No (1) Wrists/ Hands...... No (1) Upper back...... No (1) Lower Back...... No (1) One or both hips/ thighs...... No (1) One or both knees...... No (1) One or both ankles/ feet...... No (1)

43. If you answered yes to any one of the parts of the body in Q. 42, have you at any time during the last 12 months been prevented from doing your days work (at home or outside the home) because of the trouble? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2) E. LOWER BACK TROUBLES

..' a

In this pimeyou cmsee the approximate position of the parts of the body referred to in the questionnaire. By low back troubles is meant ache, pain or discomfort in the shaded area whether or not it extends from there to one or both legs.

44. Have you ever had low back trouble (ache, pain or discomfort)? ...... No (1) GO TO 451

...... m...... m...... y- (2)

45. Have you ever been hospitalised because of low back trouble? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2)

46. Have you ever had to diange jobs or duties because of low back trouble? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2)

47. What is the total length of time that you have had low back trouble duhgthe last 12months3 1...... 1- 7 days 2...... &3û days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day 48. Has low back trouble caused you to reduce your activity during the last 12 months? a. Work activity (at home or away from home)? ...... No (1) ...... Yes (2) b. Leisure activi~? ...... No (1) ...... y- (2)

49. What is the total length of time that low back troubles has prevented you from doing your normal work (at home or away hmhome) during the last 12 months. 1...... 1- 7 days 2...... &30 days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

50. Have you ben seen by a doctor, physiotherapist, chiropractor or other such person because of low back trouble during the last 12 mon*? ...... No (1) ...... Yes (2) F. NECK TROUBLE

J

By neck trouble is meant ache, pain or discornfort in the shaded area. Please concentrate on this area, ignoring trouble you may have in adjacent parts of the body. There is a separate questionnaire for shoulder trouble.

51. Have you ever had nedc trouble (ache, pain or discornfort)? ...... No (1) GO TO Q.58 ..*...... y= (2)

52. Have you ever hurt your neck in an accident? ...... No (1) ...... y- (2)

53. Have you ever had to diange jobs or duties because of ne& trouble? ...... No (1) ...... Ys(2)

54. What is the total length of time that you have had neck trouble during the last 12 months? 1...... i- 7 days 2...... &M days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

55. Has neck trouble caused you to reduce your activity during the last 12 months? a. Work activity (at home or away from home)? ...... No (2) ...... y= (2) 56. What is the total length of tirne that neck trouble has prevented you from cioing purnormal work (at home or away from home) during the last 12 months. 1 ...... 1- 7 days 2...... 8-30 days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every da y

57. Have you been seen by a doctor, physiotherapist, chiropractor or other such person because of low back trouble during the last 12 months? ...... No (1) ...... Ys(2) G. SHOULDER TROUBLE

By shoulder trouble is meant ache, pain or discornfort in the shaded area. Please concentrak on this area, ignoring trouble you may have in adjacent parts of the body. There is a separate questionnaire for neck trouble.

58. Have you ever had shoulder trouble (ache, pain or discodort)? ...... No (1) GO TO Q. 65 ...... y= (2)

59. Have you ever hurt your shoulder(s) in an accident? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2)

60. Have you ever had to diange jobs or duties because of shoulder trouble? ...... No (1) ...... Yes (2)

61. What is the total length of time that you have had shoulder trouble during the 1st 12 months? 1...... l- 7 days 2...... &30 days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

62 Has shoulder trouble cadyou to reduce your activity during the last 12 months? a. Work adivity (at home or away from home)? ...... No (1) ...... -.Yes (2) 14 b. Leisure activity? ...... No (1) ...... Yes (2)

63. What is the total length of time that shoulder trouble has prevented you £rom doing your normal work (at home or away from home) during the last 12 months. 1...... 1- 7 days 2...... 8-30 days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

64. Have you ken seen by a doctor, physiotherapiçt, chiropractor or 0th- su& Fn because of shoulder trouble during the last 12 months? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2)

H. WRiST HAND TROUBLE

By hand/wrist trouble is meant ache, ph or discodort in the shaded area. Please concentrate on this area, ignoring trouble you rnay have in adjacent parts of the MY*

65. Have you ever had hand/wrist trouble (ache, pain or discodort)? ...... No (1) GO TO Q. 72 ...... y= (2) 66. Have you ever hurt vour band/ wrist (s) in an accident?

...... --1. No (1) ...... (2)

67. Have you ever had to diange jobs or duties because of hand/wrist trouble? .-..S.-..*..*-.-No (1) ...... y= (2)

68. What is the total length of tirne that you have had hand/wrist trouble during the last 12 rnonths? 1...... -1- 7 days 2...... 8-30 days 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

69. Has hand/wrist trouble caused you to reduce your activie during the Iast 12 months? a. Work activitv (at home or away from home)? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2) b. Leisure activity ? ...... No (1) ...... y= (2)

70. What is the total leneof tirne that band/ wrist trouble has prevented you from doing your normal work (at home or away from home) during the last 12 months. 1...... 1- 7 days 2...... Wdays 3...... More than 30 days, but not everyday 4...... Every day

7l. Have you been seen by a doctor, physiotherapiçt, chiroprador or other such person because of hand/wrist trouble during the last 12 months? ...... No (1) ...... *...... y= (2) 1. PERSONAL INFORMATION

73. What is your year of birth: 19-

74. Marital status : Single (go to 4.76) Married

75. What vear were you married? 19- -

76. Do vou have any children? ...... Yes(i) ...... No (2) GO TO 4.78

77. How manv diilchen do you have?

78. How long have you lived at vour cut-rent address? -- years

79. Are you: ( Please cirde one) a) Right-handed b) Left-handed c) Both

80. What is your ethnic background?

81. Do you take part in any sporting activities?

...... m...... Yes(l)

I...... No (2)

82. Which of the following contributes to your Lady's hcome (Circle all that ~PP~Y

a. 1 am the only contributor...... 1 b. partner's work ...... 1 c. son's or daughtefs work...... 1 d. anything else (spedy) ...... 1 17 83 . Could vou please indicate your total farnily income before taxes for the year endini ~ecernber31, 19%? Please remember to add together the actual income from al sources.

Lesthan $19.999 ...... $20. 000 .$29.999 ...... W. 000 .$39. 999 ...... m,000 - $49,999 ...... $50, 000 - $59,999 ...... $60, O00 - $69,999 ...... $70,00(I - $79,999...... $80,000 - $89,000 ...... $90,000 anci over ...... donft know ...... ref used ......

84 . In what year did you first leave school?

85 . What is the highest level of fodschooling that you have finished?

some high school ...... completed high school ...... some community college (without diplorna)...... completed community college...... some university (without degree)...... completed university...... don' t know ...... refused ...... b J. YOUR INPUT

1would like your ideas about what parts of yow job you find diffidt or demanding .1 am also interested in what changes you think wodd make the job of cashiers better:

86. What part of the job of cashiering do you hdare stressfui for your body? You cm kt more than one.

87. What par6 of the job of cashiering don3 you iike (if any)?

88. What changes to your job, as a caçhier, would make it better? Please be speafic. For example: you rnay find the weigh scaies too high Can you suggest a good location for hem?

89. What parts of the job of cashiering do you like?

T)IANK-YOU FOR YOUlR ASSISTANCE. APPENDIX B CONFIDENTIAL Narne Store Iocation

ERGOMOMICS AND LOCAL VARIATIONS MANAGERIAL PERSPECTfVE

I am a graduate student at York University. For my Master's Degree, I am studyuig the ergonomic aspects of grocery store cashier's work. I am doing research about the awareness of ergonomic issues on the part of cashiers and their employers. In addition to interviewing a sample ot cashiers and union stewards, I want to taik informaiIy with store managers. I am interested in your opinions. If you do not wish to answer a question, please say so. AI1 of our conversation is strialy confidentid. It will not be reported in such a way that vou can be identified. Your cooperation is essentid to the success of rny research.

The interview beginç with your own work experience. I wül then ask about health and safety issues in your store, and your views about ergonomin. Please fee! free to add any of your thoughts and impressions.

Before we begin, can you codirm for me on tape that you understand this statement and agree to participate in the intewiew. ERGONOMICS AND LOCAL VARIATIONS STORE MANAGER INTERVIEW

WORK HISTORY

Lets start with vour work history. When did you start working as the manager in this store?

What was the appeal of this job?

What were you doing before this job? (Probe for previous employment)

What king of training have you had for your current job? What about previous jobs?

CASHERS

What are the working conditions for cashiers? How are the working conditions affected by the Union? Are the majority of cashiers work fuil-time, part-time or casual? How many hours per week do your fdl-time, part-üme and casual cashiers work? How long is an average SM?

How wodd you describe the cashiers currently working in your store? (Probe for age, gender, years of experience, ethnicity, marital/ family, place of residence) Are your cashiers a diverse group?

On average, how long do most cashiers work in this store? (Probe for range)

How do vou find new cashiers? (Probe for word of mouth, sign on door, people &allcing in, newspaper ad, Unemployment posting?)

When you are hirllig cashiers, what kind of person are you looking for? (Robe for years of experience, gender, age, proximity to store) Why? TRAINING

How are cashiers trained in your store? (Probe length, who trains)

Are you able to provide any rehaining? (Probe when, nature, who determines need for it)

What topics are covered in cashiers' training? (Probe for possible risks of the job, use of workstations, correct posture)

HEALTH AND SAFETY

What are your current goals for fhis store? (Probe for health and safety)

What are Company policies conceming the health and safety of cashiers? What is the Union's position? (Probe for union support)

What hedth and safetv policies do you currently have in place? Do you have regular meetings? Who callç theml How often are the meetings? What issues are discussed? What health and safely issues have arisen with the cashiers in the past year? (Probe for repetitive strain injuries)

How important are repetitive strain injuries in your health and safety strategy? (Probe for symptoms, causes, and prevention and what to do in the case of injury. Probe for the importance of reporting symptoms of RSI early, the importance of stretching and strengthening exercises in relieving and even preventing FEI, and the proper lifting sû-ategies).

What is store procedure for reporting and treatment of injuries?

What is the stores' return-to-work policy?

Have you or previous managers implemented any preventative measures to reducé hedth rÏsks for cashiers? (kobe for ergonomie assesçment, job rotation, break policies, work rates)

If you could chose your own staff would you have your current workforce? How would you change it? REFERENCES

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