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Chapter 3 Opposites Attract? Decentralisation Tendencies in the Most Organised Collective Bargaining System in Europe Belgium in the Period 2012–2016
Chapter 3 Opposites attract? Decentralisation tendencies in the most organised collective bargaining system in Europe Belgium in the period 2012–2016 Guy Van Gyes, Dries Van Herreweghe, Ine Smits and Sem Vandekerckhove 1. Introduction In this chapter we present an overview of recent decentralisation tendencies in the Belgian collective bargaining system. In Belgium, organised social dialogue is a core element of consociationalism as governance system, a form of democracy in which harmony in segmented societies is maintained through the distinctive role of elites and the autonomy of organised interests (Deschouwer 2012). A dense network of social dialogue bodies and concertation structures is created at the national level to maintain social peace and cohesion, and to stimulate economic growth. The characteristics of this industrial relations system include: full union participation, recognition and integration; a legal framework; centralised and strong organisations on both the employers’ and the employees’ side; socio-economic policy concertation; a mix of self-governance (paritarism), subsidiarity and state action with regard to social security; mechanisms of information and consultation (but not codetermination) in the workplace; and ideological pluralism among the actors (especially on the trade union side) linked to historical ‘pillarisation’ (Van Gyes et al. 2009). Collective bargaining in Belgium, and especially wage bargaining, is known for its high levels of coordination, organisation and coverage. A traditional three-level structure is framed by two-year intersectoral bargaining, automatic wage indexation, a central wage norm and a statutory minimum wage (Vandekerckhove and Van Gyes 2012; Dumka 2015). Despite politically polarised positions and regular failure to achieve consensus, the institutional apparatus remains intact and there is in general social peace holds sway. -
2015 Belgium Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Belgium Report Micael Castanheira, Benoît Rihoux, Nils C. Bandelow (Coordinator) SGI 2015 | 2 Belgium Report Executive Summary Belgium, located in the heart of Europe, is a small country with 11.1 million inhabitants. In 2013, its gross domestic product (GDP) was €395 billion at market prices (i.e. 14.5% above the 2007 pre-crisis level of €345 billion; data from the Belgian National Bank). Belgium has shown itself to be one of the good performers in the euro area in recent years. According to Eurostat data, Belgium’s purchasing power per capita is about 10.2% above the euro area average, and 19% above the EU28 average. Belgium also boasts an extremely open economy, with the sum of imports and exports amounting to 170% of GDP; the country’s trade balance is slightly positive. The unemployment rate was 8.5% in September 2014, which is below the euro area average (11.5%). Belgium is thus economically rather healthy, although not among the best performing economies of the EU. It boasts a highly educated population, attracts substantial foreign direct investment, maintains high-quality hospitals, has a healthy housing market (i.e. it did not crash during the financial crisis, but recent estimates still suggest some overvaluation of the market) and overall manages a well-performing economy. With its comprehensive road, rail, water and information technology networks, in addition to its world-class harbors, Belgium provides direct access to and from the rest of the world into Europe. Its openness in terms of trade and high reliance on exports implies that Belgian companies must remain competitive or face losing their market position. -
De Onzichtbare Ziekte Die Tienduizenden Belgen Treft
Proef ingediend met het oog op het behalen van de graad van Master in de Journalistiek DE ONZICHTBARE ZIEKTE DIE TIENDUIZENDEN BELGEN TREFT De gevolgen van de niet-erkenning van ME/CVS als een neurologische aandoening CHARLOTTE DEPREZ EN TIM KESTEMONT Academiejaar 2019-2020 Promotoren: Jan Jagers en Wilfried Mostinckx Letteren en Wijsbegeerte Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master in Journalism THE INVISIBLE DISEASE THAT AFFECTS THOUSANDS OF BELGIANS The consequences of the non-recognition of ME/CFS as a neurological disorder CHARLOTTE DEPREZ EN TIM KESTEMONT Academiejaar 2019-2020 Promotoren: Jan Jagers en Wilfried Mostinckx Letteren en Wijsbegeerte VOORWOORD Deze masterproef vormt het sluitstuk van onze masteropleiding journalistiek aan de VUB. We kregen de kans om, in de plaats van een klassieke thesis, een onderzoeksjournalistiek product te maken. Dit leek ons de perfecte gelegenheid om praktijkervaring op te doen. Al vrij snel kwamen we tot ons onderwerp: de onderbelichte ziekte myalgische encefalomyelitis of chronisch vermoeidheidssyndroom. Een volledig academiejaar hebben we dit onderwerp onderzocht om vervolgens een journalistiek eindproduct te maken. Het was een leerrijk proces waarbij we stap voor stap ondersteund werden door onze promotor Jan Jagers en co-promotor Wilfried Mostinckx. We willen hen dan ook bedanken voor de begeleiding en constructieve feedback. Daarnaast willen we iedereen bedanken die een bijdrage leverde aan deze masterproef, zeker de ME/CVS-patiënten die ondanks hun ziekte ons te woord wilden staan. Met deze masterproef willen we de problematiek rond ME/CVS aankaarten. We hopen dat er meer begrip komt voor de ziekte en dat er een verandering komt in het huidige beleid. -
Speakers' Biographies
SPEAKERS’ BIOGRAPHIES Table of contents 1. ACCETTI, Carlo 3 2. ALBUQUERQUE, João 3 3. ALDUMAN, Elif 3 4. ANTONESCU, Alexandra 3 5. BÁRÁNY, Balázs 4 6. BEKE, Károly 4 7. BENIFEI, Brando 4 8. BERIEVSKI, Nikolay 4 9. BOROS, Tamás 5 10. BUYSE, Jutta 5 11. CARRER, Sara 5 12. COPPI, David 5 13. CROMBEZ, John 6 14. D’ALEMA, Massimo 6 15. DE DEKEN, Alien 6 16. DEZELAN, Tomaž 6 17. DI RUPO, Elio 7 18. EDOBOR, Martin 7 19. EIGHTEEN, Dennis 8 20. ELOOT, Karen 8 21. FELON, Maxime 8 22. GAMBARDELLA, Elisa 8 23. GEROSA, Andrea 9 24. GOODFELLOW, Maya 9 25. GÖKCEN, Gökçe 9 26. GURMAI, Zita 9 27. HENAFF, Quentin 10 28. HERR, Julia 10 29. HILL, Caroline 11 30. HUUMONEN, Hanna 11 31. INCIR, Evin 11 32. INGUL, Marte 11 33. JABLONOWSKI, Kuba 11 34. JOSEFSON, Marilyn 12 35. JUTILA ROON, Merja 12 36. KASKI, Ragnhild 12 37. KNAUS, Verena 12 38. KUMAR, Sanjeev 12 39. MAGNETTE, Paul 13 40. MOKOELE, Duduetsang 13 1 41. MURPHY, Emma 13 42. NEGRESCU , Victor 14 43. LAFFEBER, Marije 14 44. LAMY, Pascal 14 45. LAURISTIN, Marju 15 46. LAZA, Matthew 15 47. LEWIS, David 15 48. LOMBARDOZZI, Lorena 16 49. LÓPEZ, Javi 16 50. LYUBENVOVA, Lora 16 51. PASHA, Maryam 16 52. PEEL, Kevin 17 53. PENGAS, Spiros 17 54. PILKINGTON, Hilary 17 55. PINTELEI, Petra 18 56. PODLASEK-ZIEGLER, Maria 18 57. OOMS, Aaron 18 58. REUTER, Conny 18 59. RODRIGUEZ SUANZES, Pablo 19 60. ROTTA, Alessia 19 61. SANÉ, Pierre 19 62. SENTE, Christophe 19 63. -
Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre
Belgium (2014 – published 2015) Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre Baudewyns1, Serge Deruette2 1 Centre de Science Politique et de Politique Comparée (CESPOL), Université catholique de Louvain, Belgium; 2Université de Mons, Belgium INTRODUCTION The year 2014 was particularly dense, with simultaneous regional, parliamentary and European Parliament elections on 25 May. This was followed by a relatively short government formation process towards an unprecedented ‘Swedish’ federal cabinet. The electoral cycle took place in the context of a still quite difficult socioeconomic situation and ethnolinguistic tensions at the elite level. ELECTION REPORT Regional Elections: 25 May 2014 Most parties did not present a separate regional and federal manifesto (De Winter and Van Wynsberghe forthcoming), therefore blurring regional and federal issues. Remarkably, following the electoral results at the regional level (Blaise et al. 2014b), the regional government formations brought regionalist parties in power in three of the five regional/community governments. In Flanders, the N-VA became the predominant party in the Flemish region, replacing the CD&V, and thus legitimately claimed the leadership of the formation of the Flemish executive, which resulted in the formation of the Bourgeois I government with the N-VA, the CD&V and the Open VLD. At the Walloon elections, of the three incumbent coalition parties (PS, CdH and Ecolo) only the latter lost heavily, with the fourth traditional party (MR) regaining some ground, as well as the newcomers PTB and PP. The new Walloon government was formed as a left-centre coalition of the PS and CdH, under the leadership of P. Magnette (PS), while the executive of the Francophone community government was headed by the incumbent R. -
Responsive Public Management
Responsive Public Management IGPDE /Research Office Public Management Monitoring News - No. 42 - February 2012 Belgium The Di Rupo Government: State and public management reforms A new government and a focus on budgetary consolidation On 6 December 2011, after a year and a half of negotiations, a new Belgian coalition government was sworn in. It consists of twelve ministers1 and six ministers of State, under the leadership of the French-speaking Socialist Elio Di Rupo. The ministerial posts are divided between six political parties, including social democrats, Christian democrats and liberals from both the French- and Dutch-speaking communities. The government does not include the major winner in the June 2010 elections, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), because it withdrew from the talks. The civil service, which had previously been managed by a specific Federal Public Service (FPS)2, is now the responsibility of the Minister of State for the Civil Service and the Modernisation of Public Services (Hendrik Bogaert), attached to the Minister of Finance and Sustainable Development (Steven Vanackere). Administrative simplification is now the purview of Olivier Chastel, Minister for the Budget. Budgetary restraint is a pressing issue. In its proposed policy statement of 1 December 2011, the government made putting public finances back on a sound footing a top priority3. Even before the vote on the 2012 budget took place, an initial budget review was scheduled for the end of February4. This was triggered by a likely downward revision of growth forecasts and an ongoing Excessive Deficit Procedure initiated by the European Commission5, which requested that certain expenditures be suspended pending the corresponding budget adjustments. -
(Con-)Federal Belgium
THE SUSTAINABILITY OF (CON-)FEDERAL BELGIUM Prof. Dr. Lieven De Winter Université Catholique de Louvain – Hogeschool Universiteit Brussel INTRODUCTION Since the aftermath of the June 10 2007 general elections, Belgium seemed to be moving into a crucial, and maybe final, phase of its community conflict. In 2007 it took 193 days to form an (interim) government. In the following 12 months, three new governments were formed. At the June 13 2010 general elections, nearly half of the Flemish voted for independist parties and the N-VA became the largest party of the country, while all Francophone parties generally defended the federal status quo. Eventually it took 541 days to form a new federal government, breaking the Dutch European record (208 days in 1977) and Cambodja‟s world record (353 days in 2003). The reasons for these long formations are due to profound differences between Dutch and French speakers on the future shape of the Belgian state. Apart from the three independist Flemish parties, some mainstream Flemish parties also threatened to blow Belgium up if the Francophones would not abandon their defence of the status quo, and these threats were widely endorsed by the Flemish media. In the Francophone media and parties, strategies were discussed as to how the Francophones should react in such a regime crisis, and whether a “residual” Belgium (Wallonia and Brussels) would be viable. The 2011 Di Rupo government agreement envisages another great reform of the federal state, misleadingly called by some the arrival of confederalism. The success of this new mega compomis des Belges will not really depend on its inherent institutional logic and efficacy, but mainly on the size of the success of the main Flemish-Nationalist party, the independist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, at 2012 September local elections, and more importantly, at the June 2014 federal and regional elections. -
The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands Without Request for an Independence Referendum
The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands without Request for an Independence Referendum Jérémy Dodeigne & Christoph Niessen Author version of the article: Dodeigne, J., & Niessen, C. (2019). The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands without Request for an Independence Referendum. Fédéralisme Régionalisme, 19 (online). Available online: https://popups.uliege.be/1374-3864/index.php?id=1879. Abstract: Despite Flanders is often presented as a handbook example of strong regionalism, the organization of a referendum on Flemish independence has never been on the political agenda. This article explains the reasons for the absence of a self-determination referendum in Flanders and shows that, since the 2000s, the omnipresence of the self-rule issue at the top of the political agenda is not – per se – a direct response to regionalist demands of Flemish voters or the Flemish political class. Instead, it is the consociational features of the Belgian political system that enhance intra-community party competition and contribute to the escalade of inter-community conflicts. This mostly explains the deep constitutional crises of the late 2000s and early 2010s. In this context, we can better understand why Flanders independence is supported neither by a majority of the population (9.5 percent), nor its representatives (except those belonging to one of the two regionalist parties, N-VA and VB). Keywords: Regionalism, Flanders, autonomy, referendum, party politics Contents: Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 1. A very brief history of Belgian federalism .......................................................................................... 3 2. Voters’ preferences about regional autonomy in Flanders and Wallonia-Brussels ............................. 4 3. Parties’ preferences about regional autonomy in Flanders and Wallonia-Brussels............................ -
Le Feu Passe Au Bleu Pour Le Changement
RAPPORT ANNUEL 2014 DU GBS Dr Marc Moens Secrétaire général Le feu passe au bleu pour le changement Bruxelles 07.02.2015 Table des matières 1 Rapport d'activités ........................................................................................................................ 6 1.1 Réunions internes .................................................................................................................. 6 1.2 Assemblée générale extraordinaire du 11 octobre 2014 ........................................................ 6 1.3 Publications ........................................................................................................................... 7 1.4 Symposiums du GBS............................................................................................................. 7 1.5 Le site Internet du GBS ......................................................................................................... 8 1.5.1 Quelques statistiques ...................................................................................................... 9 1.5.2 Le site Internet du GBS, un outil de communication et de gestion pour les unions professionnelles ............................................................................................................................ 9 2 Représentations du GBS ............................................................................................................ 10 2.1 Représentations en Belgique .............................................................................................. -
Rapport Annuel 2011 Du GBS Dr Marc Moens, Secrétaire Général
Rapport annuel 2011 du GBS Dr Marc Moens, Secrétaire général EU: to live and let die Bruxelles 04.02.2012 TABLE DES MATIERES 1. RAPPORT D'ACTIVITES......................................................................................1 1.1. Interne ...................................................................................................................1 1.2. Symposiums ..........................................................................................................1 1.3. Enquête sur les médecins spécialistes..................................................................3 1.4. Consentement éclairé ...........................................................................................4 1.5. Neuropsychiatrie....................................................................................................4 1.6. Tenacs...................................................................................................................5 1.7. Adieu .....................................................................................................................5 2. REPRESENTATION .............................................................................................5 2.1. Mdeon....................................................................................................................5 2.2. Médicaments .........................................................................................................6 2.3. FEMS ....................................................................................................................8 -
Belgium: Social Democratic Hegemony Disputed
Belgium: social democratic hegemony disputed Twenty-five years of uninterrupted participation in government. With the possible exception of their Scandinavian counterparts, few European social democratic parties boast a record similar to that of Belgian social democracy. Almost three decades later, the tide might be changing. In Flanders, social democracy no longer commands 15% of the votes. In Wallonia, polls indicate the Parti socialiste is at risk of losing 12% of its support, falling back to a mere 20%. A concomitant surge in support for the radical Workers' Party of Belgium might change Belgium’s political landscape. Belgium’s neoliberal turn and social democracy Social democracy, including Belgian social democracy, played a central part in spreading and implementing neoliberal measures throughout Europe. In public debates, even social democratic members of Parliament readily admit this now. In Belgium, the neoliberal turn started towards the end of the seventies. Crisis was rampant in Belgium. Yearly inflation rates went up to 12%, and between the summer of 1974 and that of 1975, about 70.000 workers lost their job. The social democratic Minister of economic affairs, Willy Claes, made a vaguely Keynesian attempt at economic recovery. The state was made to pay for the restructuring of industries as coal, steel, ship construction, textile and glass. It bought parts of private enterprises, rationalising production or modernising factories, socializing losses, only to disengage from or reprivatize the companies afterwards. Public expenses increased rapidly. From 43.6% to 63.1% of GDP between 1974 and 1981. Government deficit jumps from 2.7 to 12.6%. By 1983, public debt comes close to 110% of GDP. -
“BELGIUM” New Development, Trends and In-Depth Information on Selected Issues
BELGIAN MONITORING CENTRE FOR DRUGS AND DRUG ADDICTION Scientific Institute of Public Health OD Public health and Surveillance 2012 NATIONAL REPORT (2011 DATA ) TO THE EMCDDA BY THE REITOX NATIONAL FOCAL POINT “BELGIUM” New Development, Trends and in-depth information on selected issues REITOX Belgian national report on drugs 2012 OD Public Health and Surveillance, Scientific Institute of Public Health, October 2011, Brussels, Belgium WIV-ISP/EPI REPORTS Belgian national report on drugs 2012 Els Plettinckx Jerome Antoine Kaatje Bollaerts Peter Blanckaert Johan C.H. van Bussel EMCDDA Management Board Mr. Claude GILLARD , Legal adviser, Head of the Department of criminal law, Direction Générale de la législation du Service Public Fédéral Justice Dr. Philippe DEMOULIN , Deputy Director General f.f., Administration de la Communauté française de Belgique EMCDDA Scientific Committee Prof. Dr. Brice DE RUYVER , Full Professor, Institute for International Research on Criminal Policy (IRCP), University of Ghent Ministers involved in the global and integrated drug policy in Belgium 2012 For the Federal State: Mr. Elio DI RUPO , Prime Minister. Mrs. Laurette ONKELINX , Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Public Health and Social Affairs, in charge of Beleris and the Federal Cultural Institutions. Mme. Joelle MILQUET, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of the interior and Equal Opportunities. Mr. Didier REYNDERS, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and European Affairs. Mr. Steven VANACKERE , Vice-Prime Minister, and Minister of Finance and sustainable development, in charge of official affairs. Mr. Vincent VAN QUICKENBORNE , Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Pensions. Mr. Johan VANDE LANOTTE , Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Economy, Consumers and North Sea.