Speakers' Biographies
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
10 Ecosy Congress
10 TH ECOSY CONGRESS Bucharest, 31 March – 3 April 2011 th Reports of the 9 Mandate ECOSY – Young European Socialists “Talking about my generation” CONTENTS Petroula Nteledimou ECOSY President p. 3 Janna Besamusca ECOSY Secretary General p. 10 Brando Benifei Vice President p. 50 Christophe Schiltz Vice President p. 55 Kaisa Penny Vice President p. 57 Nils Hindersmann Vice President p. 60 Pedro Delgado Alves Vice President p. 62 Joan Conca Coordinator Migration and Integration network p. 65 Marianne Muona Coordinator YFJ network p. 66 Michael Heiling Coordinator Pool of Trainers p. 68 Miki Dam Larsen Coordinator Queer Network p. 70 Sandra Breiteneder Coordinator Feminist Network p. 71 Thomas Maes Coordinator Students Network p. 72 10 th ECOSY Congress 2 Held thanks to hospitality of TSD Bucharest, Romania 31 st March - 3 rd April 2011 9th Mandate reports ECOSY – Young European Socialists “Talking about my generation” Petroula Nteledimou, ECOSY President Report of activities, 16/04/2009 – 01/04/2011 - 16-19/04/2009 : ECOSY Congress , Brussels (Belgium). - 24/04/2009 : PES Leaders’ Meeting , Toulouse (France). Launch of the PES European Elections Campaign. - 25/04/2009 : SONK European Elections event , Helsinki (Finland). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 03/05/2009 : PASOK Youth European Elections event , Drama (Greece). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 04/05/2009 : Greek Women’s Union European Elections debate , Kavala (Greece). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 07-08/05/2009 : European Youth Forum General Assembly , Brussels (Belgium). - 08/05/2009 : PES Presidency meeting , Brussels (Belgium). - 09-10/05/2009 : JS Portugal European Election debate , Lisbon (Portugal). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. -
Dyadic Relationship and Quality of Life Patients with Chronic Kidney Disease Relação Diádica E Qualidade De Vida De Pacientes Com Doença Renal Crônica
ARTIGO ORIGINAL | ORIGINAL ARTICLE Dyadic Relationship and Quality of Life Patients with Chronic Kidney Disease Relação Diádica e Qualidade de Vida de Pacientes com Doença Renal Crônica Autores ABSTRACT RESUMO Nuno Eduardo Roxo Rodrigues Cravo Barata 1,2 Introduction: Chronic Renal insufficiency Introdução: A Insuficiência Renal Crônica (CRI) and dialysis treatment lead to a (IRC) e o tratamento dialítico provocam uma succession of situations for kidney chronic sucessão de situações para o doente renal 1Universidade do Porto. patient, which compromises his aspect, not crônico, que compromete o seu aspecto, não 2 Universidade Portucalense. only physically, and psychologically, with só físico como psicológico, com repercussões personal, family and social repercussions. pessoais, familiares e sociais. Objetivo: Objective: (1) to verify the existence of (1) verificar a existência de diferenças do differences of dyadic adjustment (DA) relacionamento diádico (RD) de acordo according to renal replacement treatment com o Tratamento Substitutivo Renal (TSR) (RRT) and (2) verify the existence of e (2) verificar a existência de diferenças differences quality of life (QOL) in da qualidade de vida (QDV) de acordo accordance with the RRT. Methods: This com o TSR. Métodos: O presente estudo is a cross-sectional study of a descriptive transversal é de carácter descritivo mediante nature through surveys, exploratory and inquéritos, exploratório e correlacional. A correlational. The sample consisted of amostra é constituída por 125 participantes. 125 participants. Of these, 31 were to Destes, 31 encontravam-se a efectuar TSR be made RRT by automated peritoneal por diálise peritoneal automatizada (DPA) dialysis (APD) and 94 hemodialysis (HD). e 94 por hemodiálise (HD). -
A Coastal Vulnerability Assessment Due to Sea Level Rise: a Case Study of Atlantic Coast of Portugal’S Mainland
Preprints (www.preprints.org) | NOT PEER-REVIEWED | Posted: 27 December 2019 doi:10.20944/preprints201912.0366.v1 Peer-reviewed version available at Water 2020, 12, 360; doi:10.3390/w12020360 Article A Coastal Vulnerability Assessment due to Sea Level Rise: A Case Study of Atlantic Coast of Portugal’s Mainland Carolina Rocha 1, Carlos Antunes 1,2* and Cristina Catita 1,2 1 Faculdade de Ciências, Universidade de Lisboa, 1749-016 Lisboa, Portugal; [email protected] 2 Instituto Dom Luiz, Universidade de Lisboa, 1749-016 Lisboa, Portugal; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +351 21 7500839 Abstract: The sea level rise, a consequence of climate change, is one of the biggest challenges that countries and regions with coastal lowland areas will face in the medium term. This study proposes a methodology for assessing the vulnerability to sea level rise (SLR) on the Atlantic coast of Portugal mainland. Some scenarios of extreme sea level for different return periods and extreme flooding events were estimated for 2050 and 2100, as proposed by the European Union Directive 2007/60/EC. A set of physical parameters are considered for the multi-attribute analysis technique implemented by the Analytic Hierarchy Process, in order to define a Physical Vulnerability Index fundamental to assess coastal vulnerability. For each SLR scenario, coastal vulnerability maps, with spatial resolution of 20 m, are produced at national scale to identify areas most at risk of SLR, constituting key documents for triggering adaptation plans for such vulnerable regions. For 2050 and 2100, it is estimated 903 km2 and 1146 km2 of vulnerable area, respectively, being the district of Lisbon the most vulnerable district in both scenarios. -
Chapter 3 Opposites Attract? Decentralisation Tendencies in the Most Organised Collective Bargaining System in Europe Belgium in the Period 2012–2016
Chapter 3 Opposites attract? Decentralisation tendencies in the most organised collective bargaining system in Europe Belgium in the period 2012–2016 Guy Van Gyes, Dries Van Herreweghe, Ine Smits and Sem Vandekerckhove 1. Introduction In this chapter we present an overview of recent decentralisation tendencies in the Belgian collective bargaining system. In Belgium, organised social dialogue is a core element of consociationalism as governance system, a form of democracy in which harmony in segmented societies is maintained through the distinctive role of elites and the autonomy of organised interests (Deschouwer 2012). A dense network of social dialogue bodies and concertation structures is created at the national level to maintain social peace and cohesion, and to stimulate economic growth. The characteristics of this industrial relations system include: full union participation, recognition and integration; a legal framework; centralised and strong organisations on both the employers’ and the employees’ side; socio-economic policy concertation; a mix of self-governance (paritarism), subsidiarity and state action with regard to social security; mechanisms of information and consultation (but not codetermination) in the workplace; and ideological pluralism among the actors (especially on the trade union side) linked to historical ‘pillarisation’ (Van Gyes et al. 2009). Collective bargaining in Belgium, and especially wage bargaining, is known for its high levels of coordination, organisation and coverage. A traditional three-level structure is framed by two-year intersectoral bargaining, automatic wage indexation, a central wage norm and a statutory minimum wage (Vandekerckhove and Van Gyes 2012; Dumka 2015). Despite politically polarised positions and regular failure to achieve consensus, the institutional apparatus remains intact and there is in general social peace holds sway. -
2015 Belgium Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Belgium Report Micael Castanheira, Benoît Rihoux, Nils C. Bandelow (Coordinator) SGI 2015 | 2 Belgium Report Executive Summary Belgium, located in the heart of Europe, is a small country with 11.1 million inhabitants. In 2013, its gross domestic product (GDP) was €395 billion at market prices (i.e. 14.5% above the 2007 pre-crisis level of €345 billion; data from the Belgian National Bank). Belgium has shown itself to be one of the good performers in the euro area in recent years. According to Eurostat data, Belgium’s purchasing power per capita is about 10.2% above the euro area average, and 19% above the EU28 average. Belgium also boasts an extremely open economy, with the sum of imports and exports amounting to 170% of GDP; the country’s trade balance is slightly positive. The unemployment rate was 8.5% in September 2014, which is below the euro area average (11.5%). Belgium is thus economically rather healthy, although not among the best performing economies of the EU. It boasts a highly educated population, attracts substantial foreign direct investment, maintains high-quality hospitals, has a healthy housing market (i.e. it did not crash during the financial crisis, but recent estimates still suggest some overvaluation of the market) and overall manages a well-performing economy. With its comprehensive road, rail, water and information technology networks, in addition to its world-class harbors, Belgium provides direct access to and from the rest of the world into Europe. Its openness in terms of trade and high reliance on exports implies that Belgian companies must remain competitive or face losing their market position. -
Title: Portuguese Population Over the Nineteenth Century: an Overview
Title: Portuguese population over the nineteenth century: an overview. Authors: Cristiana Viegas de Andrade1 & Marco Cariglia2 In the last few decades, there has been particular interest in describing demographic patterns in the 19th century in Portugal. Parish-level research has made it possible to observe marriage, fertility, mortality and migration patterns all over the country (Amorim, 1983, 1992, 1998; Andrade, 2010a, 2010b, 2011; Brettell, 1986; O’Neill, 1987; Pereira, 1996; Faria, 1998; Faustino, 1998; Gomes, 1998; Scott, 1999; Castro, 2001; Solé, 2001; Juncal, 2004). However, few efforts were made to synthesise the findings in order to get a broader overview of the Portuguese demographic dynamics over the period (Livi-Baci, 1971; Rolland (1986)). Different parts of Portugal presented their particularities, which were mainly a consequence of regional socio-economic specificities associated with a larger context of demographic patterns (such as international migration streams). In order to fill this lack, this paper will present a review of the research findings at local and regional levels. It will also analyse data from the census of 1845, 1864, 1878, 1890 and 1900.The idea is to make a comparative analysis so regional e national patterns will be identified. In this extended abstract I will show some of the analysis of the paper, such as the Portuguese population increase according to the census data, the proportion of celibates and the mean age at first marriage. The analysis presented in this extended abstract is only a sample of what was already done in the full paper, which includes also the analysis of the crude birth, death, infant death and emigration rates by province, proportion of illegitimate childen, and total fertility rates by parish. -
The #Metoo Social Media Effect and Its Potentials for Social Change in Europe
THE #METOO SOCIAL MEDIA EFFECT AND ITS POTENTIALS FOR SOCIAL CHANGE IN EUROPE Fabrizio BOTTI Marcella CORSI Julia GARRAIO Zita GURMAI Jeanne PONTÉ Laeticia THISSEN Giulia ZACCHIA THE #METOO SOCIAL MEDIA EFFECT AND ITS POTENTIALS FOR SOCIAL CHANGE IN EUROPE Edited by Marcella Corsi, Laeticia Thissen, Giulia Zacchia Published in October 2019 by: FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies Rue Montoyer, 40 (4th floor) – 1000 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 234 69 00 - www.feps-europe.eu [email protected] - Twitter: @FEPS_Europe Fondazione Socialismo Via di Santa Caterina da Siena, 57 - 00186 ROMA Orario di Apertura 10-13 | 14-16 Tel. 06/83541029 - www.fondazionesocialismo.it [email protected] MetooEP Website: https://metooep.com/page/1/ Twitter: @MeTooEP Minerva Lab Piazzale A. Moro 5, RM - 00185 Roma Email: [email protected] Twitter: @LabSapienza Facebook: @MinervaLABORAT Edited by Marcella Corsi, Laeticia Thissen, Giulia Zacchia Minerva project coordinators: Marcella Corsi & Laeticia Thissen The present study does not represent the collective views of FEPS and its partners but only of the authors. With the financial support of the European Parliament. The present study does not represent the European Parliament’s views. Design : Triptyque.be Cover : AdobeStock Printer : Prefilm Copyright © 2019 by Foundation for European Progressive Studies, Fondazione Socialismo, MetooEP and Minerva Lab. ISBN: 978-2-930769-30-1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction by Laeticia Thissen 5 Chapter 1 / The complexity of #MeToo: the evolution of the Twitter campaign in Europe by Giulia Zacchia, Marcella Corsi and Fabrizio Botti 12 Chapter 2 / Challenges and Backlashes of #MeToo: the case of Germany by Júlia Garraio 38 Chapter 3 / Bringing grassroots activism into the fight against sexual harassment in the European Parliament: the MetooEP Movement by Jeanne Ponté 56 Conclusion by Zita Gurmai, FEPS Vice-President and PES Women President 66 List of Authors 68 List of Contributing Partners 73 INTRODUCTION Laeticia Thissen Me too. -
Responsive Public Management
Responsive Public Management IGPDE /Research Office Public Management Monitoring News - No. 42 - February 2012 Belgium The Di Rupo Government: State and public management reforms A new government and a focus on budgetary consolidation On 6 December 2011, after a year and a half of negotiations, a new Belgian coalition government was sworn in. It consists of twelve ministers1 and six ministers of State, under the leadership of the French-speaking Socialist Elio Di Rupo. The ministerial posts are divided between six political parties, including social democrats, Christian democrats and liberals from both the French- and Dutch-speaking communities. The government does not include the major winner in the June 2010 elections, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), because it withdrew from the talks. The civil service, which had previously been managed by a specific Federal Public Service (FPS)2, is now the responsibility of the Minister of State for the Civil Service and the Modernisation of Public Services (Hendrik Bogaert), attached to the Minister of Finance and Sustainable Development (Steven Vanackere). Administrative simplification is now the purview of Olivier Chastel, Minister for the Budget. Budgetary restraint is a pressing issue. In its proposed policy statement of 1 December 2011, the government made putting public finances back on a sound footing a top priority3. Even before the vote on the 2012 budget took place, an initial budget review was scheduled for the end of February4. This was triggered by a likely downward revision of growth forecasts and an ongoing Excessive Deficit Procedure initiated by the European Commission5, which requested that certain expenditures be suspended pending the corresponding budget adjustments. -
Les Acteurs Du Dialogue
Dialogue DEF 14/07/05 14:45 Page 1 Dialogue between peoples and cultures: actors in the dialogue Dialogue des peuples et des cultures: les acteurs du dialogue Brussels, 24 and 25 May 2004 Bruxelles, 24 et 25 mai 2004 European Commission Commission européenne Directorate-General for Direction générale Education and Culture de l’éducation et de la culture Jean Monnet project Action Jean Monnet Dialogue DEF 14/07/05 14:46 Page 2 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union Europe Direct est un service destiné à vous aider à trouver des réponses aux questions que vous vous posez sur l'Union européenne. Freephone number: Un nouveau numéro unique gratuit: 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 A great deal of additional information on the European Union is available on the Internet. It can be accessed through the Europa server (http://europa.eu.int). De nombreuses autres informations sur l’Union européenne sont disponibles sur l'internet via le serveur Europa (http://europa.eu.int). Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication. Une fiche bibliographique figure à la fin de l’ouvrage. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2005 Luxembourg: Office des publications officielles des Communautés européennes, 2005 ISBN 92-894-7825-X © European Communities, 2005 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. © Communautés européennes, 2005 Reproduction autorisée, moyennant mention de la source Printed in Belgium PRINTED ON WHITE CHLORINE-FREE PAPER IMPRIMÉ -
Portuguese Ombudsman Report to the Parliament (2016)
PORTUGUESE OMBUDSMAN NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTION REPORT TO THE PARLIAMENT 2016 Lisbon, 2017 According to the article 23 of the Statute of the Ombudsman, I have the honor to present to the Parliament the Annual Activity Report for the year 2016. • This Report is the result of a combination of two annexes. One of the annexes is based on the documentary collection illustrating the various dimensions of the Ombudsman’s activity in the examination of complaints and the investigation of procedures, reflecting some of his views on promoting and defending fundamental rights. The other, denotes the intervention of this State body regarding the National Preventive Mechanism, created after the ratification by the Portuguese State of the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Title: Portuguese Ombudsman - National Human Rights Institution Report to the Parliament – 2016 Published by – The Ombudsman’s Office – Documentation Division Design – Lagesdesign Photographs – Manuel Gomes Teixeira, Pedro Benevides, Sara Duarte How to contact the Portuguese Ombudsman: Rua do Pau de Bandeira, 7-9 1249-088 Lisboa Portugal Telephone: +351 213 92 66 00 | Fax: +351 21 396 12 43 [email protected] http://www.provedor-jus.pt Table of Contents Introduction 9 The Portuguese Ombudsman and his staff 13 1. The Ombudsman’s activity in the complaints procedures 15 1.1. Statistics: brief notes 16 1.2. Promotion and protection of fundamental Rights 32 1.2.1. Environmental, urban planning and cultural rights 32 1.2.2. Taxpayers’, consumers’ and economic operators’ rights 36 1.2.3. -
(Con-)Federal Belgium
THE SUSTAINABILITY OF (CON-)FEDERAL BELGIUM Prof. Dr. Lieven De Winter Université Catholique de Louvain – Hogeschool Universiteit Brussel INTRODUCTION Since the aftermath of the June 10 2007 general elections, Belgium seemed to be moving into a crucial, and maybe final, phase of its community conflict. In 2007 it took 193 days to form an (interim) government. In the following 12 months, three new governments were formed. At the June 13 2010 general elections, nearly half of the Flemish voted for independist parties and the N-VA became the largest party of the country, while all Francophone parties generally defended the federal status quo. Eventually it took 541 days to form a new federal government, breaking the Dutch European record (208 days in 1977) and Cambodja‟s world record (353 days in 2003). The reasons for these long formations are due to profound differences between Dutch and French speakers on the future shape of the Belgian state. Apart from the three independist Flemish parties, some mainstream Flemish parties also threatened to blow Belgium up if the Francophones would not abandon their defence of the status quo, and these threats were widely endorsed by the Flemish media. In the Francophone media and parties, strategies were discussed as to how the Francophones should react in such a regime crisis, and whether a “residual” Belgium (Wallonia and Brussels) would be viable. The 2011 Di Rupo government agreement envisages another great reform of the federal state, misleadingly called by some the arrival of confederalism. The success of this new mega compomis des Belges will not really depend on its inherent institutional logic and efficacy, but mainly on the size of the success of the main Flemish-Nationalist party, the independist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, at 2012 September local elections, and more importantly, at the June 2014 federal and regional elections. -
The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands Without Request for an Independence Referendum
The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands without Request for an Independence Referendum Jérémy Dodeigne & Christoph Niessen Author version of the article: Dodeigne, J., & Niessen, C. (2019). The Flemish Negative Case: Explaining the Prevalence of Regionalist Demands without Request for an Independence Referendum. Fédéralisme Régionalisme, 19 (online). Available online: https://popups.uliege.be/1374-3864/index.php?id=1879. Abstract: Despite Flanders is often presented as a handbook example of strong regionalism, the organization of a referendum on Flemish independence has never been on the political agenda. This article explains the reasons for the absence of a self-determination referendum in Flanders and shows that, since the 2000s, the omnipresence of the self-rule issue at the top of the political agenda is not – per se – a direct response to regionalist demands of Flemish voters or the Flemish political class. Instead, it is the consociational features of the Belgian political system that enhance intra-community party competition and contribute to the escalade of inter-community conflicts. This mostly explains the deep constitutional crises of the late 2000s and early 2010s. In this context, we can better understand why Flanders independence is supported neither by a majority of the population (9.5 percent), nor its representatives (except those belonging to one of the two regionalist parties, N-VA and VB). Keywords: Regionalism, Flanders, autonomy, referendum, party politics Contents: Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 1. A very brief history of Belgian federalism .......................................................................................... 3 2. Voters’ preferences about regional autonomy in Flanders and Wallonia-Brussels ............................. 4 3. Parties’ preferences about regional autonomy in Flanders and Wallonia-Brussels............................