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Information to Users INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 NorthZeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE LOYALIST TO LIBERAL; THE REFORM PERSUASION IN NEW BRUNSWICK POLITICS. 1837-1857 A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By ROBERT JOHN LIVELY Norman, Oklahoma 1999 UMX NTiuaber: 9 9 1 4 4 1 4 UMI Microform 9914414 Copyright 1999, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 © Copyright by Robert John Lively 1999 All Rights Reserved LOYALIST TO LIBERAL: THE REFORM PERSUASION IN NEW BRUNSWICK POLITICS, 1837-1857 A Dissertation APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY Acknowledgements Like any large research project this one has resulted in many debts. I am very grateful for the help of my advisor Dr. Robert Shalhope who read drafts that were rougher than rough and returned them quickly with good advice and much encouragement. Dr. David Levy and Dr. Paul Gilje were always available with good counsel, and Professor Drew Kershen, my outside member, remained interested and enthusiastic throughout. Dr. Gordon Drummond graciously stepped in during the last stages and provided some much needed Canadian content. Collectively they have been an excellent group of people to work with. Mrs. Barbara Million, secretary of the History Department, has been extremely helpful to me throughout my program and deserves my sincere gratitude. In New Brunswick, Professor David Bell of the University of New Brunswick Law School generously took time to talk to a neophyte in New Brunswick History and point me in the right directions. Professors T.W. Acheson, Gail Campbell and Philip Buckner took time from their busy schedules to talk New Brunswick history with me. Mrs. Kathryn Hilder of the Harriett Irving Library in Fredericton was always extremely helpful and shared her knowledge of sources and useful people to contact. The staffs of the Public Archives of New Brunswick, the New Brunswick Museum and the New Brunswick Legislative Library were invariably friendly and very helpful. iv My colleagues at Southern Nazarene University were very generous In their support. Those who offered encouragement are too numerous to mention. Dean Don Dunnlngton and Dean Martha Banz were always ready with encouragement and tangible assistance. My colleagues In the Social and Behavioral Sciences Division were consistently there for me, and I owe a particular debt of gratitude to my friend and colleague in the History Department, Professor Dennis Williams who was always ready with advice and encouragement. More than any others, I am Indebted to my family for their constant patience and understanding. My mother, Theda Lively, was always optimistic when I was not and her prayers were always with me. Finally, and most of all, I owe more than I can repay to my wife. Sue Anne, who helped me to keep a positive attitude, and my son, Patrick, who had to give up his dad at times. Both supported me with love and understanding. The accomplishment Is as much theirs as It Is mine. Contents Acknowledgements iv Introduction vii 1. The Transatlantic Persuasion 1 2. The Loyalist Coiony 44 3. The Reformers 81 4. Responsible Government 129 5. The Good Society 175 Conclusion 217 Bibliography 220 VI INTRODUCTION In the decades between the War of 1812 and the American Civil War, Anglo-American societies on both sides of the Atlantic went through periods of political reform that produced similar yet distinct variants of liberal-democratic political culture. In common, each had roots in classical republican, classical liberal and Scottish political thought, as well as evangelical Protestant ideals. In contrast, each rested on distinctive national traditions such as the British Monarchy and Parliament, the American Revolution, and in British North America, the Loyalist heritage. During the period from 1837 to 1857, a small group of reformers in the British colony of New Brunswick consciously drew on the ideas and values of the broader transatlantic political culture to fashion their own political persuasion.’ That persuasion, reflected in the public rhetoric of reformers, represented a middle path between American and British traditions and between liberal and democratic ideals. At the center of this reform persuasion was a type of constitutional liberalism incorporating principles of autonomy, popular sovereignty, social justice and progress. Through the influence of liberal reformers, those concepts became the basis of a new political culture in ’ I consider a persuasion to be a type of political world view. The basic assumptions of that world view are composed of ideas, attitudes, emotions and techniques that are only meaningful when viewed within the context of the individual's political environment. For an example of this type of approach see Robert Kelley,The Transatlantic Persuasion: The Liberal-Democratic Mind In the Age of Gladstone (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1990), VII New Brunswick. In Its international context, that political culture was virtually identical to those that developed in the other British North American colonies, and had much in common with the liberalism then developing in Britain and the newly emerging culture of the American Whigs. This study examines the political ideals of five men who were New Brunswick’s first liberal reformers. It is not concerned as much with the roots of their political thought as with the actual conditions of political thought. It is a study of routine political events and activities and the ways in which these men adopted and molded certain ideas and values to solve the political problems of their day. Those ideas and values were not epiphenomenal, but were an integral part of political events. For that reason careful attention must be paid to the impact of external influences and the clash of interests which framed those events.^ Above all I am concerned to understand how the reformers themselves viewed the political world which they inhabited and how they went about constructing their persuasion. There has been no study of the political persuasion of New Brunswick's early reformers; indeed, until quite recently, there has been relatively little work done on the history of either New Brunswick or Canadian political thought.^ Canadian historians have tended to ignore the history of the Maritime Provinces or adopt condescending and dismissive attitudes toward the region. Furthermore, much of what has been written about New Brunswick political introduction. ^ My understanding of this approach is drawn from Pauline Maier,American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1997). ^ For a discussion of this tendency see Jeremy Rayner, The Very Idea of Canadian Political VIII history has been Influenced by an over-dependence on British records with their attendant biases, and a corresponding negative attitude toward colonial politicians. Excellent work has been done by regional historians since World War II, but the bulk of that research has been in social and economic history." While Whig historians once dominated interpretations of Canadian History, the dominant interpretation of Canadian political thought in the post World War II period has been termed the “Tory Touch" interpretation. This view holds that Canadian political theory has been most influenced by a pre-capitalist Tory ideology resulting from the founding Loyalists' rejection of the ideals of the American Revolution.® That interpretation formed the basis of a conservative- nationalist school of Canadian History, often referred to as the Laurentian School.® In recent days the “Tory Touch" interpretation has been challenged by new approaches, some stressing the dominance of civic humanist thought, and others focusing on the dominance of constitutional liberalism.^ This study belongs to the latter category. New Brunswick reformers sought the golden Thought; In Defense of Historicism."Journal of Canadian Studies 26(2) (Summer 1991): 7-24. Exceptions to this tendency would include works by Philip Buckner, T.W. Acheson, Gail Campbell, and David G. Bell. For an examination of these problems see Phillip Buckner, 'The Maritimes and Confederation: A Reassessment," Canadian Historical Review, 71(1), (1990),1- 45. ® For a key work of this type see Gad Horowitz, “Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 32 (1966). ® This interpretation had been strengthened by the work of Seymour Martin Lipsett, "American Exceptionalism Reaffirmed." In Byron E. Shafer, ed.Is Amènes Different?: A New Look at American Exceptionalism Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.
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