Youhanna Nessim Youssef Melbourne, Australia [email protected]

THE SYNODICAL LETTER FROM SEVERUS TO JOHN OF ALEXANDRIA

Introduction Le ers are one of the most important sources of the life of Severus of Antioch.1 Synodical Le ers are those wri en by a patriarch soon a er his consecration, conveying the news of his election by the Synod which presided over it. The purpose of these instruments of ecclesial communion was to prove the orthodoxy of the writers. They contain a profession of faith, a statement by the new Patriarch, etc.2 In his monu- mental study, J. M. Fiey highlights the importance of the Synodical Le ers between the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch especially starting at the time of Severus of Antioch.3 A er the election of Dioscorus II as new Patriarch, he wrote to Severus and received from him a reply (515–517).4 It seems that Timo- thy III5 (517–535) did not write a Synodical Le er to Severus, since Severus was hiding. However, according to the History of the Patriarchs6 and the Synaxarium7, he welcomed Severus while exiled and escaping

(1) P. Allen and C. T. R. Hayward, Severus of Antioch (London―New York, 2004) 4. (2) P. Allen, Sophronius of Jerusalem and Seventh-Century Heresy. The Synodical Le er and Other Documents. Introduction, Texts, Translation and Com- mentary (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2009) (Oxford Early Christian Texts) 47–48. (3) J. M. Fiey, Coptes et Syriaques, contacts et échanges, Studia Orientalia Christiana Collectanea 15 (1972–1973) 295–366 and esp. 310–316. (4) E. R. Hardy, Discorus II, in: Coptic Encyclopedia 3, 915b. (5) Idem., Timothy III, in: Coptic Encyclopedia 7, 2268a–b; E. W. Brooks, The Sixth Book of the Select Le ers of Severus Patriarch of Antioch, vol. 2, part 2 (London, 1904) 257–260. (6) C. F. Seybold, Severus Ben El-Moqaff a‘, Historia Patriarcharum Alexandri- norum I, 1 (Louvain 1962) (CSCO, 52; Scriptores Arabici, 8) 87–89. (7) I. Forget, Synaxarium Alexandrinum I (Louvain: Peeters, 1963) (CSCO, 47, 48, 49; Scriptores Arabici 3, 4, 5) 266.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:25:59PM via free access 214 Scrinium VΙ (2010). Patrologia Pacifi ca Secunda from one place to another. His successor Theodosius I8 (535–567) was a disciple of Severus; however, neither the Synaxarium nor the History of the Patriarchs mention a Synodical Le er to Severus. The Le er of Severus to Theodosius is a ested to by several sources.910

John II Severus Patriarch Synodical Le er from (506–515 AD) 512–538, Severus and a fragment of 27 Bashans10 exiled in 518AD reply survived

Dioscorus II Synodical Le er from (515–517) Severus and a quotation in 7 Babah the Synaxarion and the An- tiphonarion (for the reply from Timothy to Severus) Timothy III No Synodical Le ers sur- (517–535) 13 Amshir vived; Severus was exiled Theodosius (535– 535–567 Synodical Le er from 567) exiled 537 Theo dosius to Severus 28 Baunah and reply

The Importance of these Le ers Despite the fact that the Synodical Le er is mentioned in the History of the Patriarchs11 as well as in the Synaxarium, very few historians have paid enough a ention to the patriarchate of John II and his relations with Severus of Antioch.12 These le ers between the two prelates are

(8) E. R. Hardy, Theodosius I, in: Coptic Encyclopedia 7, 2241a–b. (9) E. W. Brooks, Historia Ecclesiastica, Zacharias Rhetori vulgo adscripta (Louvain: Peeters, 1953) (CSCO, 88; Syri, 42) liber IX, ch. XXIII, pp. 105–107; I. B. Chabot, Documenta ad origines monophysitarum illustrandas (Louvain: Peeters, 1908) (CSCO, 17) 16–22 (text); Documenta ad origines monophysitarum illustrandas (Louvain: Peeters, 1963) (CSCO, 103) 9: 11–14: 2 (translation); Youhanna Nessim Youssef, The Quotations of Severus of Antioch in the Book of the Confessions of the Fathers, Ancient Near Eastern Studies 40 (2003) 178–229. (10) E. R. Hardy, John III, in: Coptic Encyclopedia 4, 1337. (11) See below. (12) He is mentioned only a few times in the main reference books, such as J. Maspero, Histoire des Patriarches d’Alexandrie depuis la mort de l’empereur Anastase jusqu’à la réconciliation des églises Jacobites 518–616 (Paris: Librai- rie Ancienne Edouard Champion, 1923) (Bibliothèque de l’école des hautes études sciences historiques et philologiques, 237) 72, n. 3; 84, n. 1; 220, n. 2;

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:25:59PM via free access Youhanna Nessim Youssef 215 very important, as they are the most ancient witnesses known about the correspondence between the ecclesiastical seats.13 They became therefore the model or the pa ern to be followed by the followers of John and Severus.

Historical Context By the end of the sixth century, Evagrius Scholasticus affi rmed the existence of Synodical Le ers between Severus of Antioch and John II, the successor of John I, Dioscorus, and Timotheus. “He sent (le ers) to all the patriarchs, though they were received only at Alexandria, by John, the successor of the former John, and by Dioscorus and Timotheus: which epistles have come down to our time.”14 [The source of Evagrius, for this chapter is not clear].15 We have another le er from Severus to John, Patriarch of Alexan- dria.16 The fi rst Le er to John II was wri en while Anastasius, an anti- Chalcedonian17 Emperor, was reigning. Severus was succeeded by Flavian of Antioch, who broke commu- nion with John II of Alexandria when the la er denounced Chalce- don;18 hence it is logical that Severus, wishing to resume this relation- ship, insisted that his faith was the same as that of the fathers, and rejected the faith of Chalcedon.

W. H. C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophyite Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1972) 83, 193, 216–219. (13) We have other examples from the seventh century (see Allen, Sophro- nius of Jerusalem...). (14) Cf. Evagrius Scholasticus, History of the Church in Six Books, Eccle- siastical History (London, 1896) 191, ch. IV; M.-A. Kugener, Vie de Sévère par Jean, Supérieur de monastère de Beith Aphthonia, in: PO 2/3 (Turnhout: Bre- pols, 1971) 379. (15) P. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus, the Church Historian (Louvain: 1981) (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense. Études et Documents, 41) 6–11 and esp. 7. (16) Cf. E. W. Brooks, The Sixth Book of the Select Le ers of Severus Patriarch of Antioch in Syriac Version of Athanasius of Nisibis (Oxford: Text and Translation Society, 1903) 98–99. (17) We will follow P. Allen in using this term rather than the contentious word “monophysite” (cf. Allen, Sophronius of Jerusalem..., 4, n. 2). (18) Frend, The Rise of the Monophyite Movement..., 216.

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Theological Context Severus repeated the Creed more or less verbally, and turned to the nature of Christ. This statement is close to the theological statement in the life of Severus on the aff airs of Macedonius. The same themes occurred nearly word for word in the Biography of Severus by Atha- nasius, which had the same purpose of clarifying the faith. The reply of John II relates to the same issue. 19

Le er to John II19 The aff airs of Macedonius He also said in his Synodical Let- ter wri en to saint John, the Pa- triarch of Alexandria. “For us, we do not come up with 76 “We believe and confess, the a new faith, but in everything we are straight faith of our holy fathers conservatives as we have said pre- the three hundred and eighteen serving the holy faith which handed bishops assembled at Nicaea by down to us by our holy Fathers, and the power of the Holy Spirit pres- we refuse what had been established ent with them and who declared it by the others in Chalcedon. to them. And this was accepted by their successors, our preceding fa- thers like a holy heritage. And also (those that had been established) by the hundred and fi y assembled, in the city of Constantinople and the two hundred assembled in the fi rst council at Ephesus against the We believe in one God, the Father mad Nestorius. We believe in one the Almighty. We believe also in God, the Father and we confess one Lord, Jesus Christ, bego en from also the Only Son of God who was the Father before all ages, consub- incarnated for our sake. He is One stantial with the Father before all and cannot be divided or separated ages and in the fullness of time, neither before nor a er the incar- He was incarnated by the Holy Spir- nation. it and from the ever Virgin, Saint

(19) The text here is taken from the book of the Profession of the Fathers (cf. Youhanna Nessim Youssef, The Quotations of Severus of Antioch, 178– 229; G. Graf, Zwei dogmatische Florilgien der Kopten, OCP 3 (1937) 345–402 and esp. 393.

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Mary, the God-bearer. He became man for our sake. We believe in the We believe in the Holy Spirit, the Holy Spirit, the Eternal, and con- Lord, the life-giver by the Lord. substantial with the Father and (God) is sanctifi ed in Three dis- the Son. tinct and perfect hypostases, three equal hypostases with- out any diff erence in glory or brightness; one nature, one substance, one lordship, and one confession worship.20 The faithful should confess thus: We confess that the Father is in the of Fatherhood He is not ٭ rank a Son. The Son is in the rank of Sonship and He is not a Father. The Holy Spirit is a holy spirit that proceeds from the Father. The Son shall not change to Fa- therhood nor the Father shall not change to Sonship. Three existing and established hypos- tases, each has his own person- ality yet they are united, with- out separation one divinity, one nature, one action, one author- ity, one power. There is no slav- ery or submission in the Trinity and no (one) is inferior to the other nor one is whole and the other has less authority. The honour of the divinity unique is one, Lordship where there is no master and servant but all equal in honour, lordship, One light brightness and splendour. The 20 Father has never been without the Son and the Holy Spirit for a

(20) It seems that there is an error in the Arabic text — it is very hard to understand the passage.

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second or even for the twinkling of an eye, but the Holy Trinity exists without a beginning or an end. We also confess One Son, our We should believe in God the Lord Jesus Christ, before the incar- Word as having two births one nation and a er the incarnation, the unperceptive birth from the unchangeable and who is beyond im- Father, before the ages and the possibility, neither brought the body other one in the fullness of the with Him from Heaven nor being time from the holy Virgin Mary anything else like a ghost or fantasy, without male intercourse, an in- but He took fl esh, which means He comprehensible and unpercep- was incarnated and He became man tive birth that only He knows. without alteration, for He is the bodi- “The Word became fl esh and less God the Word, He took a body dwelt among us (Jn 1:14), which from our own substance, from the we have seen with our eyes and God-bearer, the ever Virgin. He has touched with our hands (1 Jn a rational soul and became One 1:1). The Father did not create with it in her womb as the hypos- Him like the angels or like the tasis. This whom Gabriel, the an- Cherubim and the Seraphim, but ٭ ,gel, who had been entrusted with or any one of the ranks the great mystery, announced it He is born from His essence, to her, saying: “Hail to you, full of and His Nature. He is higher grace, The Lord is with you.”21 He than the rulers and all the au- took fl esh with blood, like ours, and thorities, and all the lords and became man like us without sin, He all names called in this genera- endured the birth of the fl esh in tion and in the coming one. He order that the fl esh might become is equal to the Father and the one with Him. He was conceived Holy Spirit, being in one divin- and born by the fl esh to obliterate ity. Therefore, He said ‘the Holy the grief of the children’s birth Spirit will take what is mine and free the human race from and declare it to you’ (Jn 16:15). the fi rst curse.22 For this, we say The same we saw on the Jordan that the holy Virgin, is truly the (river) descending like a dove God-bearer, for God the Word upon the Incarnated Son. When took fl esh from her and she had God the Word saw that sin has 21 22

(21) Lk 1:28. (22) Gn 4:16.

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conceived and brought Him increased greatly, He descended from forth. One Person of two: Di- the heaven and came to the womb of the vinity and Humanity, as the Virgin Mary. He took fl esh23 from her, true saying. We confess the by an imperceptible and incomprehen- Unique Emmanuel as One sible mystery. He dwelt in her womb for Lord, One Christ, God the nine months and He created for Him- Word became fl esh. self a body from her. The Father was not in the womb of the Virgin, so that, no one can, neither say that the Father passes from fatherhood to sonship, nor the Son passes from sonship to fatherhood, and also the Holy Spirit cannot pass to fatherhood or to son- ship. But there is one will and one wish in the Holy Trinity, so no one will dare estrange Him from the di- vinity. But He is the only one who took fl esh and endured undoubtedly24 the suff erings. He did not descend from heaven with a body, but He took it from ٭ ,the Virgin Mary, the Mother of God without human intercourse. It was not a phantom birth but really a nat- ural one. This is our faith, and what we believe that He is God and He is Man in an indescribable union. He, Emmanuel, ate and drank what was off ered to Him. He ascended to the cross by His own will to off er an ac- ceptable pure sacrifi ce to His Father. His hands and feet were nailed to the23 24 cross, and he was pierced by a

(23) A and P omit “fl esh” which occurs in Ethiopic version. The word “fl esh” occurs in the parallel part, quoted in the History of the Patriarchs (cf. Yassa Abd Al-Masîh and O. H. E. Burmester, History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, vol. 2, part 3 (Le Caire, 1959) (Textes et Documents, 3) 238 (text), 379 (translation) and the Book of the Confessions of the Fathers). (24) Cf. § 48. This means that He suff ered the passion really and not as a fi ction.

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spear, He (who is) God, for He is one, not two. He who is by His na- ture immortal, He accepted death by His own will. The immortal and the mortal had been united in one per- son. Blood and water came out from His side (cf. Jn 19:34) as the econo- my of the holy mysteries. Someone might say; it is only the humanity that was made to suff er and it was separated from the divinity — God forbade — but undoubtedly the di- vinity accepted25 the suff erings of the body, for they are united with a singleness in everything. One na- ture and not two separated natures; whatever the Word had performed was by one single economy without separation from his humanity, either in the deeds that is exclusively Di- vine or that which is purely human. Do not go astray like Qndyānūs26 and the rest of the opponents who said impiously that the divinity was separated from the humanity at the time of crucifi xion. By saying this, those apostates indicated that God had feared from what was to befall on the humanity so He was sepa- rated from it and le it on its own. Thus is their blasphemous statement and their false wisdom as well as ٭ their insolence and their blasphemy towards God.”

25 26

(25) Cf. §48. (26) A reads “Mndnāyūs, the Ethiopic version has “Cyprian” Cf. infra § 66 “Odnāyūs, §75 Fndyānūs. This name is disfi gured and it is hard to identify.

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Commentary 1. Although the Synodical Le ers between Severus of Antioch and the Coptic prelates are very well a ested to, our text seems to be the unique witness of this le er. The corpus of le ers of Severus did not survive, only the sixth book of his le ers is known.27 It seems that a Corpus of the le ers of Severus had existed in Coptic and was trans- lated to Arabic. 2. It is known that John II demanded from Timothy of Constantino- ple (511–518) the formal condemnation of Chalcedon as a prerequisite for ecclesiastical communion.28 3. As we can see the Synodical Le er, which could be dated to 512 AD has many similarities with the Le er sent by Severus to Anas- tasius regarding the faith of Macedonius. However the Synodical Let- ter is more concise than the Le er concerning the faith of Macedonius. It is safe to say that this quotation from the Life of Severus refl ects well his theological thoughts. 4. This Synodical Le er is mentioned in The History of the Patriarchs. Most of the biographical section of Severus, i.e. Biography 30–42, is at- tributed to George the Archdeacon of Alexandria:29

“And God showed forth in his days a wonderful thing, and raised up royalty and priesthood together for the Church, in the persons of the prince Anastasius, the pure believer, and the excel- lent patriarch Severus, clothed with spirit, occupant of the see of

(27) See above. (28) O. C. Dean (trans.), A. Grillmeier and T. Hainthaler, Christ in Christian Tradition, vol. 2, part 4 (London: Mowbay 1996) 41. (29) For the sources of this part, see J. Den He er, Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrig et l’historiographie Copto-Arabe, (Louvain: Peeters, 1989) (CSCO, 513) 142–143.

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Antioch, who became a horn of salvation to the orthodox Church, and who sat upon the throne of the great Ignatius. And he (Seve- rus) wrote a Synodical Le er to Father John, the Patriarch, concer- ning the unity of the faith, wherein he announced the agreement between them in the one orthodox creed of the holy fathers... And John, the holy patriarch wrote to the great Severus an answer to his le er in canonical language full of the orthodox faith, which is that of the doctors of the Church, as the blessed Severus30 had wri en to him.”31 In the biography of Severus, the author insisted on enumeration of ecumenical councils accepted. 5. The Synaxarium of the Coptic Church32 repeats what is wri en in The History of the Patriarchs, we read for the commemoration of John II on 27 Bashans:

“So the father Severus wrote a Synodical (Le er) to this father John concerning the unity of faith and wherein he described Christ our God, a er the union became one nature without separation and he believed in the faith of father Cyril and father Dioscorus.”33

(30) Apparently diff erent than that which we have (cf. Brooks, The Sixth Book of the Select Le ers..., 98–99). (31) B. Evetts, History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, in: PO 1/4 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1947) 449–450 [185–186]. C. F. Seybold, Severus Ben El-Moqaff a’ Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum I, 1 (Louvain: Peeters, 1962) (CSCO, 52; Scriptores Arabici, 8) 86–87. (32) For the Synaxarium, see J. M. Sauget, Premières recherches sur l’origine et les caractéristiques des Synaxaires Melkites (Bruxelles: Société des Bollandistes, 1969) (SH, 45); R. G. Coquin, Le synaxaire des Coptes: un nouveau témoin de la recension de Haute Egypte, AB 96 (1978) 351–365; idem, Quelle est la date possible de la recension de Basse Egypte du Synaxaire des Coptes, in: Etu- des Coptes IV, Cahiers de la Bibliothèque Copte 8 (Louvain: Peeters, 1994) 10–16; G. Colin, Le Synaxaire Ethiopien, Etat actuel de la question, AB 106 (1988) 273–317. (33) Forget, Synaxarium Alexandrinum II (Louvain, 1954) (CSCO, 67; Scriptores Arabici 11) 141.

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“Then father John wrote a reply to the le er using words full of the grace of faith and testifying the unity of substance of God and the Trinity of His Hypostases and the incarnation of the Eternal Son in the human nature and by union it became one not two. He ex- communicated all whoever separated Christ or mixing His nature and all who said that that who suff ered and was crucifi ed, dying for the human kind was a simple man, or whoever entered the passion and death to the divine nature. But the straight faith is to confess that God the Word suff ered for us in fl esh, which he took from us. These are the royal paths, which whoever followed would not go astray or be scandalized.”34 In the quotation of the Profession of the Fathers, we fi nd in his Syn- odical Le er to John II, Severus is clearly mentioned: “we refuse what had been established by the others in Chalcedon” 6. Nothing is known about the literary activity of John II in order to compare with the quotation in the Synaxarium, however the An- tiphonarion, (Difnar)35 of this Patriarch makes allusion to teaching for his fl ock. It is not sure whether this is a stereotype text or the author of this had came across a text a ributed to him. 7. Hence our unique witness of the reply of John II is only the quo- tation of the Synaxarium. The topic treated in the reply of John II cor- responds exactly to the Synodical Le er of Severus, i. e.:

(34) I. Forget, Synaxarium Alexandrinum II (Louvain, 1954) (CSCO, 67. Scriptores Arabici, 11) 141–142. (35) Cf. Gawdat Gabra, Untersuchungen zum Difnar der koptischen Kirche. I Quellenlage, Forschungsgeschichichte und kün ige Aufga- ben, Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 35 (1996) 37–54; idem., Unter- suchungen zum Difnar der koptischen Kirche. II zur Kompilation, Bul- letin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 37 (1998) 49–68; De Lacy O’Leary, The Difnar (Antiphona rium) of the Coptic Church, vol. 3 (London, 1928) 11–12, .184  1984

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The Unity of God and the trinity of His Hypostases; The incarnation of the Eternal Son and His unique Nature wi- thout separation or mixing; The Divinity of the Crucifi ed and passion of God the Word in- carnated with a fl esh like us.

Lost Parts Our text survives in a theological book of the Coptic Church; there- fore, other parts of the le ers were intentionally omi ed. We may as- sume that the beginning of the text, which contains a greeting did not survive, and also the conclusion. We do not know the length of these parts but by comparison, in the le er from Severus to Dioscorus arch- bishop of Alexandria, we fi nd about 25 lines of greetings and introduc- tion to the theological part, we fi nd also four Biblical quotations, two Patristric quotations of which one was from Timothy and one from Saint Basil, which are absent from our text. It is hard to guess that there were other theological parts not included in our quotation.

Conclusions 1. The Synodical Le er of Severus of Antioch to John II is the fi rst Synodical Le er known to us. It is only a ested to in the Arabic text of the book of the Profession of the Fathers. 2. It became the model to follow in all Synodical Le ers between Antioch and Alexandria. 3. It corresponds to the Le er sent by Severus to Anastasius the Em- peror concerning the faith as mentioned in the biography of Severus by Athanasius. 4. The Synaxarium provides a quotation of the reply of John II to Severus where we fi nd the main points treated in the Synodical Le er of Severus. 5. This study shows once more the importance of compiling the data concerning Severus of Antioch in all languages. 6. This study provides us with a supplementary source of the Life of Severus a ributed to Athanasius.36

(36) A. Delattre, Une allusion à la République de Platon dans la version Copte de la Vie de Sévère d’Antioche a ribuée à Athanase, L’Antiquité Classique 86 (2007) 189–193.

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Appendix 1

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Appendix 2 The Antiphonarion37 of the Coptic Church for 17 Babah, the com- memoration of Dioscorus II, mentions also the Synodical Le er to Severus of Antioch38

alhuvs

(37) For the Antiphonarion see Gawdat, Untersuchungen zum Difnar I, 37–52; idem, Untersuchungen zum Difnar II, 49–68. (38) O’Leary, The Difnar (Antiphonarium) of the Coptic Church, vol. 1 (Lon- don, 1926) 38–39.

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oytelios ;en pewgenea `mmon A perfect in his generation, no fhetoni `mmow awsvtp `mmow body resembled to him, the `nèe pipNA EUY eurewévpi `narx- Holy Spirit chose him in order to hereys become high priest aweràhts oyoà aws;ai `noysyn- He (Disocorus) started and oydika `nstolh39 awoyorps éa wrote a synodical le er. He sent it seyhros pipatriarxhs euoyab to Severus the holy patriarch ewoyvnà naw ebol `n;hts `mfmeyi Wherein he revealed to him the `n

(39) Read `nepistolh (40) Read èaqi

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The commemoration of Timothy II, on 13 Amshir contains only a few words about Severus 41

;en paieàooy euoyab awmton In this holy day our father the mmow nèe penivt pipatriarxhs holy patriarch papa abba Timothy euoyab papa abba timoueos rested pairvmi mmakarios awèimi nàandi- This blessed man found persecu- vgmos nem àannié< nàoèàeè tions, and great suff erings for the eèen pinaà< etsoytvn straight faith Nawtaèro nnipistos nem He was strengthening the faithful seyhros pipatriarxhs etwi e;rhi with Severus the Patriarch who exhmi nawmoéi ebol ;en oymema41 came to Egypt and he walked from one place to another awèvk ebol mpewdromos awmton he accomplished his course, he mmow ;en oyàirhnh awàemsi àièen rested in peace, he sat on the throne piuronos mIZ nrompi nxronos for 17 years tvbà mpQS eàrhi eèvn Pray for us

SUMMARY

Excellent relations between Alexandria and Antioch a er the Council of Chalcedon are refl ected by the exchange of Synodical Le ers between both prelates. In this paper, we will highlight the Coptic Patriarchs with whom Severus of Antioch exchanged Synodical Le ers. In addition, we will study his Synodical Le er to John Nicaiotes, which survives only in an Arabic translation in the book of the Profession of the Fathers. We will compare the biography of Severus of Antioch a ributed to Athanasius, and will mention what is known about the reply of John to Severus.

(41) Read ;en oyma eoyma

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