DOCSLIB.ORG

African Political Party Development and the Limits of Institutional Engineering

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
African Political Party Development and the Limits of Institutional Engineering AFRICAN POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT AND THE LIMITS OF INSTITUTIONAL ENGINEERING By Gerard David Lavery A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Political Science – Doctor of Philosophy 2014 ABSTRACT AFRICAN POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT AND THE LIMITS OF INSTITUTIONAL ENGINEERING By Gerard David Lavery Why do some African countries have nationally oriented political parties and stable party systems while ethnic parties and volatility plague others? I address this puzzle by systematically analyzing differences in levels of party nationalization and electoral volatility within and across sub-Saharan African countries since 1990. To identify the factors that shape national parties and the systems in which they operate, this dissertation investigates the following research questions: Can political party laws encourage the development of national parties and stable party systems in Africa? What motivates politicians to comply with (or not) party laws that seek to build nationally oriented political parties over ethnic parties? Why do reforms to party laws work in some countries (some of the time) and not in others? How can we improve international political party assistance? Despite their theoretical and practical significance, scholars have largely ignored these questions in Africa. To address these questions, I employ mixed methods research to test a novel theoretical framework that centers on the forces that influence party leaders’ decision to prioritize ethnic balancing over ethnic polarization in building their parties. To systematically examine variation in party development, the large-n component of this project uses data from the African Party Law and Nationalization Database (APLND), an original database covering 78 elections from 27 countries from across the region since 1990. Statistical analysis confirms that higher levels of party system nationalization are associated with lower levels of electoral volatility; the more national the party system the more likely it is to be stable and enduring. As expected, the analyses also confirm that ethnic fractionalization, leadership legacy, and economic conditions are powerful predictors of African political party development. The main finding of the statistical analyses is that centripetal party laws -- regulations that attempt to establish broad-based parties that transcend ethno-regional cleavages -- are associated with both higher levels of party system nationalization and lower levels of electoral volatility. This relationship remains significant even after controlling for alternative explanations, which is important because it suggests that formal institutions are gaining traction in some African countries. The quantitative findings are complemented by in-depth examination of Kenya’s multiparty elections since 1992 and comparative case study analysis of Benin, Zambia, and Ghana. Historical analysis, focus group research, and key-informant interview data suggests national parties and stable party systems are possible only when the forces that encourage multiethnic cooperation (horizontal coordination pressure) are more powerful than the pressures that compel party leaders to cater to their ethnic constituencies. In order for party laws to achieve their intended results they must increase horizontal coordination pressure on politicians thereby compelling them to invest in more organizationally robust and enduring national parties. Based on the key findings of this study, I conclude the dissertation by providing actionable policy recommendations designed to increase the development impact of international political party assistance. Copyright by GERARD DAVID LAVERY 2014 To my parents, Linda Dano and Jerry Lavery, for always believing in me and helping me believe in myself. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am forever indebted to the colleagues, friends, and family that made completing this dissertation possible. First, I thank the members of my dissertation committee for their support throughout my graduate school career. I am especially grateful to Michael Bratton, my dissertation committee chair. He gave me the freedom to pursue the research questions that interested me most, and he helped me to refine rough ideas into an implementable project. He provided sage advice and constructive criticism that kept me focused and on-track. His efficiency, intellect, and tireless dedication to deepening democracy in Africa are an inspiration. Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz gave detailed feedback and asked challenging questions that undoubtedly improved this project. Joshua Sapotichne courageously agreed to join my committee not knowing much about Africa and his practical advice and expertize on policy reform processes and mechanisms proved helpful. Jennifer Olson helped me to minimize (or at least reduce) the political science jargon and generously shared her deep knowledge of the region. Eric Chang provided instrumental guidance early on and always made himself available thereafter. Joel Barkan and David Campbell were enthusiastic cheerleaders of this project and provided encouragement and guidance right up to their untimely deaths. Both are sorely missed. I received generous financial assistance that made my graduate studies and international research possible. Being awarded a University Distinguished Fellowship (UDF) was central in my decision to study at Michigan State University (MSU) and provided me more time to focus on my research. A pre-dissertation travel award from MSU’s International Studies and Programs helped me establish firm foundations for successful fieldwork in East Africa. I am grateful to Carl LeVan and Todd Eisenstadt at American University and to the American Political Science vi Association (APSA) for selecting me to participate in the 2011 Africa Workshop in Nairobi. The College of Social Sciences at MSU awarded me a dissertation completion fellowship that allowed me to finish my research free of external teaching or research responsibilities. I enjoyed working with Carolyn Logan on the Afrobarometer and learned a great deal from her over the years. I appreciate all of the additional assistance I have received from The Department of Political Science at MSU from providing me the funds necessary to improve my Kiswahili in Arusha, Tanzania to enrolling me in the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Method Research (IQMR) at Syracuse, New York. My fieldwork would not have been nearly as successful if not for my friends and colleagues at the National Democratic Institute (NDI). I thank Shari Bryan for supporting my decision to pursue my Ph.D. in the first place. Mary O’Hagan graciously allowed me to apply my newly acquired research skills to help strengthen NDI’s programming in Kenya. This mzungu deeply appreciates the friendship and ongoing support provided by Dickson Omondi, Bjarte Tora, John Lovdal, Mahija Dodd, Phoebe Mungai, Roseline Idele, Dennis Omondi, Kelley Jones, Aaron Erlich, Jean-Noe Landry, Felix Odhiambo, and countless others in Kenya. Ari Greenberg, Rose Jackson, Kehinde Togun, Sef Ashiagbor, Brionne Dawson, and Michael Baldassaro made me miss the good old days in DC. In addition, I am extremely grateful to Anika Moroff and Matthias Basedau at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) for saving me months of additional work by generously sharing their raw data on African political party laws. Without the support of my friends at both MSU and the University of Michigan I would never have successfully completed my Ph.D. Special thanks to my cohort for helping me survive statistics and game theory. Nicholas Kerr, Boniface Dulani, and Helen Lee provided much- needed encouragement and positivity. Masaaki Higashijima’s high-quality work served as vii motivation to improve my own research. Brian Kennedy was my go-to sounding board and closest friend in East Lansing. My Ann Arbor crew including Tom and Erica Morrell, Matt Paul, Geoff Wodtke, Ken Hayes, Bridget Lavelle, Patricia Chen, Elyse Jennings, and the Grizzly Peak Brewing Company kept me (mostly) sane for the better part of the last five years. Most importantly, I thank my family for the endless depths of their patience, love, and encouragement. I deeply appreciate the many sacrifices made by my parents, Jerry Lavery and Linda Dano, to ensure that I have had a top-quality education my whole life. I have enjoyed watching my brother, Joe Lavery, become an avid traveller and adventurer. I have truly wonderful in-laws and feel incredibly lucky to be part of such an amazing family. My wife Rachael Pierotti is the very best copilot in life. Being married to me is not an easy job. Thank you for putting up with me and for making me constantly strive to be a better human being. Convincing you to marry me is my biggest accomplishment and the wisest decision I’ve ever made. Finally, thank you to my son, Jesse, for constantly reminding me that there are more important things in life than work and for providing the best incentive to finish graduate school. viii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................ xii LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... xiv KEY TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS ......................................................................... xv CHAPTER 1: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ...........................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Panama Country Report BTI 2018
    BTI 2018 Country Report Panama This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Panama. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Panama 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.0 HDI 0.788 GDP p.c., PPP $ 23015 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 188 60 Gini Index 51.0 Life expectancy years 77.8 UN Education Index 0.708 Poverty3 % 7.0 Urban population % 66.9 Gender inequality2 0.457 Aid per capita $ 2.2 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The election and the beginning of the mandate of Juan Carlos Varela in July 2014 meant a return to political normality for the country, which had experienced a previous government under President Martinelli (2009-2014) characterized by a high perception of corruption and authoritarian tendencies in governance.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012
    Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012 PROFESSOR STEPHEN J. SCHNABLY Office: G472 http://osaka.law.miami.edu/~schnably/courses.html Tel.: 305-284-4817 E-mail: [email protected] SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS: TABLE OF CONTENTS Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217 .................................................................1 Supreme Court Act, R.S.C., 1985, c. S-26. An Act respecting the Supreme Court of Canada................................................................................................................................11 INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) .............................................................................................12 Kenya Timeline..............................................................................................................................20 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) ..........................................................................................23 Mary L. Dudziak, Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya, 56 Duke L.J. 721 (2006)....................................................................................26 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) .......................................................................................34 Migai Akech, Abuse of Power and Corruption in Kenya: Will the New Constitution Enhance Government
    [Show full text]
  • KENYA ASSESSMENT April 2000
    KENYA ASSESSMENT April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet, http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm. An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees 1 CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.01 - 1.05 II GEOGRAPHY 2.01 - 2.02 The
    [Show full text]
  • How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
    Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Castañeda, Néstor Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Colombia Internacional, no. 95, 2018, July-September, pp. 3-24 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81256886001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Néstor Castañeda University College London (England) HOW TO CITE: Castañeda, Néstor. 2018. “Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia”. Colombia Internacional (95): 3-24. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 RECEIVED: May 4th, 2018 ACCEPTED: May 21st, 2018 REVISED: June 15th, 2018 https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 ABSTRACT: This article examines the relationship between electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia. The author argues that recent political finance reforms in this country (e.g. changes in regulation of campaign donations, campaign spending, and public funding
    [Show full text]
  • BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report
    BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report Status Index 1-10 9.05 # 6 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 9.20 # 8 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 8.89 # 6 of 128 Management Index 1-10 6.79 # 13 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Poland Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Poland 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 38.2 HDI 0.813 GDP p.c. $ 19783 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.1 HDI rank of 187 39 Gini Index 34.2 Life expectancy years 76 UN Education Index 0.822 Poverty3 % <2 Urban population % 61.2 Gender inequality2 0.164 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary The 2009 – 2011 period was marked by several major features. The government is composed of a two-party coalition created after the 2007 parliamentary election. It consists of Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL), the latter clearly being the junior partner in the coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Party System Volatility in Post-Communist Europe∗
    Party System Volatility in Post-Communist Europe∗ CHARLES CRABTREEy Pennsylvania State University MATT GOLDERz Pennsylvania State University ABSTRACT In their 2014 article in the British Journal of Political Science, Eleanor Neff Powell and Joshua A. Tucker examine the determinants of party system volatility in post-communist Europe. Their central conclusion is that replacement volatility – volatility caused by new party entry and old party exit – is driven by long- term economic performance. We show that this conclusion is based entirely on a miscalculation of the long-term economic performance of a single country, Bosnia-Herzegovina. Our reanalysis suggests that we know little about what causes party system volatility in post-communist Europe. Given the negative consequences traditionally associated with party system volatility, this area of research cries out for new theoretical development. ∗NOTE: We thank Sarah Birch, Chris Fariss, and Sona Nadenichek Golder for their helpful comments on this paper. We also thank Eleanor Powell, Joshua Tucker, and Grigore Pop-Eleches for providing data and comments during the replica- tion process. All data and computer code necessary to verfiy the results in this analysis will be made publicly available at https://github.com/cdcrabtree and http://homepages.nyu.edu/mrg217/public/ on publication. Stata 12 and R 3.1.0 were the statistical packages used in this study. yCorresponding Author: Graduate Student, Pennsylvania State University, Department of Political Science, 203 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802 ([email protected]). zAssociate Professor, Pennsylvania State University, Department of Political Science, 306 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802 ([email protected]). Tel: 814-867-4323.
    [Show full text]
  • Variable Name
    Data codebook for a Round 5 Afrobarometer survey in 34 African countries Prepared by: Chunho Park Michigan State University July 2015 University of Cape Town (UCT) Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana) Michigan State University (MSU) Centre for Social Science Research 14 W. Airport Residential Area Department of Political Science Private Bag, Rondebosch, 7701, South Africa P.O. Box 404, Legon-Accra, Ghana East Lansing, Michigan 48824 27 21 650 3827•fax: 27 21 650 4657 233 21 776 142•fax: 233 21 763 028 517 353 3377•fax: 517 432 1091 Mattes ([email protected]) Gyimah-Boadi ([email protected]) Bratton ([email protected]) Copyright Afrobarometer Table of Contents Page number Variable descriptives 3-71 Appendix 1: Sample characteristics 72 Appendix 2: List of country abbreviations and country-specific codes 73 Appendix 3: Technical Information Forms for each country survey 74-107 Copyright Afrobarometer 2 Question Number: COUNTRY_ALPHA Question: Country Variable Label: Country in alphabetical order Values: 1-35 Value Labels: 1=Algeria, 2=Benin, 3=Botswana, 4=Burkina Faso, 5=Burundi, 6=Cameroon, 7=Cape Verde, 8=Cote d’Ivoire, 9=Egypt, 11=Ghana, 12=Guinea, 13=Kenya, 14=Lesotho, 15=Liberia, 16=Madagascar, 17=Malawi, 18=Mali, 19=Mauritius, 20=Morocco, 21=Mozambique, 22=Namibia, 23=Niger, 24=Nigeria, 25=Senegal, 26=Sierra Leone, 27=South Africa, 28=Sudan, 29=Swaziland, 30=Tanzania, 31=Togo, 32=Tunisia, 33=Uganda, 34=Zambia, 35=Zimbabwe Note: Answered by interviewer Question Number: RESPNO Question: Respondent number Variable Label: Respondent
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Volatility in Old and New Democracies
    Electoral Volatility in Old and New Democracies: Comparing Causes of Party System Institutionalisation By Benjamin Rowe Jones Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science Central European University In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2012) Abstract Although interest in party system institutionalisation remains high within the discipline, few scholars have considered what factors may or may not contribute to this phenomenon. This paper attempts to fill this gap in examining the causes of party system institutionalisation through both statistical and case study analyses. Based on the most extensive data assembled, this study finds that contrary to the findings of much of the traditional literature on party system institutionalisation, age of democracy does not play a determining role. Instead, we find that the period in which democratisation took place is the decisive factor, with those democracies inaugurated in earlier periods experiencing a significantly lower level of electoral volatility than those regimes inaugurated more recently. Additionally, the most original finding of the paper is that unlike parliamentary or presidential regimes, semi- presidential regimes serve to undermine party system institutionalisation causing a significant increase in electoral volatility. Finally, this paper also provides an in depth case study of the Brazilian party system concluding that alongside the historical legacy left by twenty years of military rule, party system stability has been hampered by both institutional and elite-driven factors. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Zsolt Enyedi for his support and wise guidance throughout this project.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index
    STRENGTHENING STRENGTHENING CIVIL SOCIETY CIVIL SOCIETY GLOBALLY GLOBALLY 2017 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION SUSTAINABILITY INDEX FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 9th EDITION - DECEMBER 2018 2017 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION SUSTAINABILITY INDEX FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 9th EDITION - DECEMBER 2018 Developed By: United States Agency for International Development Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights and Governance In Partnership With: FHI 360 International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL) Acknowledgment: This publication was made possible through support provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) under Cooperative Agreement No. AID-OAA-LA-17-00003. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein are those of the panelists and other project researchers and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or FHI 360. Cover Photo: Fanis Lisiagali, Executive Director of Healthcare Assistance Kenya, leads the White Ribbon Campaign in a march in Nairobi to promote its rapid response call center hotline, which responds to violence against women in elections (October 2017). Photo Credit: Carla Chianese, Kenya Electoral Assistance Program, International Foundation for Electoral Systems TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................................... i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Download It From
    IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya (56 DUKE LAW JOURNAL (Forthcoming Dec
    Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya (56 DUKE LAW JOURNAL (forthcoming Dec. 2006)) Mary L. Dudziak USC Legal Studies Research Paper No. 06-5 LEGAL STUDIES RESEARCH PAPER SERIES University of Southern California Law School Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at http://ssrn.com/abstract=895313 Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya Mary L. Dudziak Judge Edward J. and Ruey L. Guirado Professor of Law, History and Political Science University of Southern California Law School William Nelson Cromwell Visiting Professor of Law Harvard Law School Abstract This Article is a work of transnational legal history. Drawing upon new research in foreign archives, it sheds new light on the life of Thurgood Marshall, exploring for the first time an episode that he cared very deeply about: his work with African nationalists on an independence constitution for Kenya. The story is paradoxical, for Marshall, a civil rights legend in America, would seek to protect the rights of white landholders in Kenya who had gained their land through discriminatory land laws, but were soon to lose political power. In order to understand why Marshall would take pride in entrenching property rights gained through past injustice, the Article tells the story of the role of constitutional politics in Kenya’s independence. While Sub-Saharan Africa is often dismissed as a region with “constitutions without constitutionalism,” the Article argues that constitutionalism played an important role in Kenya’s independence. Against a backdrop of violence, adversaries in Kenya fought with each other not with guns but with constitutional clauses.
    [Show full text]
  • Guyana General and Regional Elections
    Guyana General and Regional Elections 2 March 2020 CONTENTS LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL ..................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................... 6 CHAPTER 1 .................................................................................... 11 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 11 Terms of Reference .................................................................... 11 Activities ................................................................................. 12 CHAPTER 2 .................................................................................... 13 POLITICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................. 13 Context for the 2020 Elections ....................................................... 16 CHAPTER 3 .................................................................................... 20 THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .......................... 20 Election Administration ............................................................... 24 Voter Eligibility and the Electoral Register ......................................... 24 Recommendations ...................................................................... 26 CHAPTER 4 .................................................................................... 28 PARTICIPATION AND INCLUSION ......................................................... 28 Gender ..................................................................................
    [Show full text]