DOCSLIB.ORG

Electoral Reform, Party System Evolution and Democracy in Contemporary Indonesia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Electoral Reform, Party System Evolution and Democracy in Contemporary Indonesia ELECTORAL REFORM, PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA Sarah Shair-Rosenfield A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 2012 Approved by Jonathan Hartlyn R. William Liddle Gary Marks Andrew Reynolds Graeme Robertson © 2012 Sarah Shair-Rosenfield ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT SARAH SHAIR-ROSENFIELD: Electoral Reform, Party System Evolution and Democracy in Contemporary Indonesia (Under the direction of Jonathan Hartlyn) This dissertation examines the links between electoral reform and political party system development in new democracies where iterated reforms are increasingly common, requiring an understanding of their causes and short-term consequences. It examines this relationship in detail in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim democracy. It finds that, although the rules of the game may appear to be in flux during iterated electoral reforms, those reforms often follow a predictable dynamic and consistently demonstrate evidence of seat-maximization. Assessing how a combination of strategic and alternative motivations may affect decision- making, as well as how prior reforms constrain future reform options, is key to understanding how reforms affect the composition and shape of the ensuing party system. The dissertation employs a multi-methods approach, conducting both a large-N quantitative analysis with an original dataset of cross-national electoral reform and a case study of Indonesia. The large-N analysis includes 34 cases of electoral reform from 1950 to 2010; for the case study I draw on in-depth interviews with key reform actors, archival research, and an analysis of election outcomes from 1999-2009 to assess the relationship between electoral reform, party system change and the process of democratization in Indonesia. iii To Reed and my family, whose support has made the difficult and frustrating aspects of the process of writing a dissertation much easier to endure, and to Dirty Paws, who provided a constant reminder not to take life too seriously. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my appreciation to the National Security Education Program for a David L. Boren fellowship, the UNC Graduate School for an Off-campus Dissertation Fieldwork fellowship, and the UNC Center for Global Initiatives for a Foreign Language and Area Studies fellowship which provided funding for me to complete my research and language study. I am grateful to the National Democratic Institute in Jakarta, and Paul Rowland in particular, for their sponsorship of institutional affiliation during parts of my fieldwork. I would like to thank Bill Liddle, Gary Marks, Andy Reynolds and Graeme Robertson for their assistance and invaluable feedback on this project. I want to express special thanks to Jonathan Hartlyn for the years of guidance and advice that made not only this project possible but who has been a part of every success I enjoyed during my graduate career. v TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . viii LIST OF FIGURES . x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . xi Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION. 1 2. THEORY . 18 The existing literature . 22 An integrated framework for evaluating electoral reform . 42 From framework to testable hypotheses . 66 The Indonesian case relative to broader theory . 74 3. INDONESIAN CASE CONTEXT . 79 Indonesia’s transition and consolidation . 81 Political changes during the reformasi period . 87 Legislative institutions in democratic Indonesia . 92 Indonesia’s party system 1999-2009 . 94 4. 1999-2004 REFORM PERIOD . 113 Transitional context of the reform period . 117 Procedure and sequencing in the reform process . 122 Outcomes in the 2004 General Elections . 149 5. 2004-2009 REFORM PERIOD . 165 vi Political context of the reform period . 169 Procedure and sequencing in the reform process . 174 Outcomes in the 2009 General Elections . 201 6. QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF ELECTORAL REFORM . 217 The dataset . 220 Electoral Reform as the Dependent Variable . 224 Electoral Reform as the Independent Variable . 260 7. CONCLUSION . 279 APPENDICES Appendix A: List of field interviews . 293 Appendix B: List of reform codes by case and observation . 297 Appendix C: The dataset codebook . 305 Appendix D: List of electoral and data sources . 311 Appendix E: Replication of previous studies . 318 REFERENCES . 323 vii List of Tables Table 4.1 1999-2004 Party Seat Percentages . 120 4.2 Proposed Changes in the New Draft Election Law (2001) . 125 4.3 Draft Election Law and Major Party Positions . 127 4.4 Change between Draft Law (2001) and Final Election Law (2002) . 146 4.5 2004 Election Outcome: Changes from 1999 . 150 4.6 Seat Distribution under SMD in 2004 . 159 5.1 2004-2009 Party Seat Percentages . 172 5.2 Proposed Changes in the New Draft Election Law (2007) . 174 5.3 2007 Draft Election Law and Major Party Preferences . 177 5.4 Changes from Draft Law (2007) to Final Election Law and Court Rulings (2008) . 195 5.5 2009 Election Outcome: Changes from 2004 . 203 5.6 Successful Candidates Under the Fully-Open Lists . 209 5.7 Seat Distributions at Different Levels of the Legislative Entry Threshold . 211 5.8 Individual Candidate Votes by Party . 213 6.1 Hypotheses of the Causes and Effects of Electoral Reform . 218 6.2 Cases and Observations . 222 6.3 Dataset Descriptive Statistics . 234 6.4 Replicating Estimates of Legislative Reform . 240 6.5 Estimates of Interparty Reform . 241 6.6 Estimates of Intraparty Reform . 244 6.7 Ratchet Effects and Outcomes in Multiple-Iteration Reform Processes . 247 viii 6.8 Summary of Hypotheses and Results: Electoral Reform as Dependent Variable . 249 6.9 Replicating the Impact of Legislative Reform . 265 6.10 Including Intraparty Reform on ENPV . 266 6.11 Including Intraparty Reform on ENPS . 268 6.12 Including Intraparty Reform on Electoral Volatility . 270 6.13 Evaluating Reform on Disproportionality, Medium-Sized and Largest Parties’ Outcomes. 273 6.14 Summary of Hypotheses and Results: Electoral Reform as Independent Variable . 276 E1. Replicating Estimates of Electoral Reforms (Remmer 2008) . 320 E2. Replicating Impact of Electoral Reforms (Remmer 2008) . 321 E3. Replicating Probability of Change from Majority Rule to PR (Colomer 2005) . 322 ix List of Figures Figure 1.1 List of Indonesian Electoral Reforms . 7 2.1 Dimensions of Electoral Reform: Intra- and Inter-party . 49 2.2 The Interparty Dimension of Electoral Systems . 50 2.3 The Intraparty Dimension of Electoral Systems . 54 2.4 Dimensions of Electoral Reform in Indonesia . 77 3.1 The Party System: The Secular Nationalist- Religious Islamist Continuum . 107 3.2 Percentage of National Legislative Votes by Party . 109 3.3 Percentage of National Legislative Seats by Party . 110 4.1 Change in Vote Differential by Party Size . 153 4.2 Average Party Magnitudes in 2004 Electoral Districts . 154 5.1 Change in Vote Differential by Party Size . 205 5.2 Average Party Magnitudes in 2009 Electoral Districts . 206 5.3 Small Party Seats without 2.5% Threshold . 210 6.1 Pre-Reform Placement of 33 Cases . 252 6.2 Post-Reform Placement of 33 Cases . 253 6.3 Single-Reform Case Trajectories . 254 6.4 Centrally-oriented Multiple-Iteration Cases . ..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE SINGLE-MEMBER PLURALITY and MIXED-MEMBER PROPORTIONAL ELECTORAL SYSTEMS : Different Concepts of an Election
    THE SINGLE-MEMBER PLURALITY AND MIXED-MEMBER PROPORTIONAL ELECTORAL SYSTEMS : Different Concepts of an Election by James C. Anderson A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2006 © James C. Anderson 2006 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Library and Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-23700-7 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-23700-7 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce,Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve,sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet,distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform,et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Responsiveness, Capture and Efficient Policymaking
    CENTRO DE INVESTIGACIÓN Y DOCENCIA ECONÓMICAS, A.C. ELECTIONS AND LOTTERIES: RESPONSIVENESS, CAPTURE AND EFFICIENT POLICYMAKING TESINA QUE PARA OBTENER EL GRADO DE MAESTRO EN CIENCIA POLÍTICA PRESENTA JORGE OLMOS CAMARILLO DIRECTOR DE LA TESINA: DR. CLAUDIO LÓPEZ-GUERRA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO SEPTIEMBRE, 2018 CONTENTS I. Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 II. Literature Review ..................................................................................................... 6 1. Political Ambition .............................................................................................. 6 2. Electoral Systems and Policymaking ................................................................. 7 3. The Revival of Democracy by Lot ..................................................................... 8 III. Lottocracy in Theory .............................................................................................. 12 IV. Elections and Lotteries ........................................................................................... 14 1. Responsiveness ................................................................................................. 14 2. Legislative Capture ........................................................................................... 16 3. Efficiency.......................................................................................................... 18 V. A Formal Model of Legislator’s Incentives ..........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Are Condorcet and Minimax Voting Systems the Best?1
    1 Are Condorcet and Minimax Voting Systems the Best?1 Richard B. Darlington Cornell University Abstract For decades, the minimax voting system was well known to experts on voting systems, but was not widely considered to be one of the best systems. But in recent years, two important experts, Nicolaus Tideman and Andrew Myers, have both recognized minimax as one of the best systems. I agree with that. This paper presents my own reasons for preferring minimax. The paper explicitly discusses about 20 systems. Comments invited. [email protected] Copyright Richard B. Darlington May be distributed free for non-commercial purposes Keywords Voting system Condorcet Minimax 1. Many thanks to Nicolaus Tideman, Andrew Myers, Sharon Weinberg, Eduardo Marchena, my wife Betsy Darlington, and my daughter Lois Darlington, all of whom contributed many valuable suggestions. 2 Table of Contents 1. Introduction and summary 3 2. The variety of voting systems 4 3. Some electoral criteria violated by minimax’s competitors 6 Monotonicity 7 Strategic voting 7 Completeness 7 Simplicity 8 Ease of voting 8 Resistance to vote-splitting and spoiling 8 Straddling 8 Condorcet consistency (CC) 8 4. Dismissing eight criteria violated by minimax 9 4.1 The absolute loser, Condorcet loser, and preference inversion criteria 9 4.2 Three anti-manipulation criteria 10 4.3 SCC/IIA 11 4.4 Multiple districts 12 5. Simulation studies on voting systems 13 5.1. Why our computer simulations use spatial models of voter behavior 13 5.2 Four computer simulations 15 5.2.1 Features and purposes of the studies 15 5.2.2 Further description of the studies 16 5.2.3 Results and discussion 18 6.
    [Show full text]
  • At Pesantren[S] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System)
    PROCEEDING | ICEISR 2018 3rd International Conference on Education, Islamic Studies and Social Sciences Research DOI: https://doi.org/10.32698/24229 Padang, July 21th - 23th 2018 Repositioning Kiyai at Pesantren[s] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System) Qolbi Khoiri IAIN Bengkulu, Bengkulu, Indonesia, (e-mail) [email protected] Abstract This paper aims to reveal and explain the dynamics of kiyai pesantren[s] in relation to national politics and to review the repositioning role of kiyai in the dynamics of national politics. Despite much analysis of the role of this kiyai, the fact that the tidal position of kiyai in pesantren[s] is increasingly seen its inconsistency. This can be evidenced by the involvement of kiyai practically in politics, thus affecting the existence of pesantren[s]. The results of the author's analysis illustrate that kiyai at this time must be returning to its central role as the main figure, it is important to be done, so that the existence of pesantren[s] in the era can be maintained and focus on reformulation of moral fortress and morality. The reformulation that authors offer is through internalization and adaptation of modern civilization and focus on improvements in educational institutions, both in the economic, socio-cultural, and technological. Keywords: Kyai in Pesantren, Political Dynamics This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons 4.0 Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. ©2018 by author and Faculty of education, Universitas Negeri Padang.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Islam: the Shrinking Trend and the Future Trajectory of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia
    Political Islam: The shrinking trend and the future trajectory of Islamic political parties in Indonesia Politik Islam: Tren menurun dan masa depan partai politik Islam di Indonesia Ahmad Khoirul Umam1 & Akhmad Arif Junaidi 2 1Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences, The University of Queensland, Australia 2 Faculty of Sharia and Law, State Islamic University (UIN) Walisongo, Semarang Jalan Walisongo No. 3-5, Tambakaji, Ngaliyan, Kota Semarang, Jawa Tengah Telepon: (024) 7604554 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political ,slam‘s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‘ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world. Keywords: democracy, Islam, political parties, election, electability, Indonesia Abstrak Fenomena konservatisme agama di Indonesia di sektor publik terus tumbuh.
    [Show full text]
  • Panama Country Report BTI 2018
    BTI 2018 Country Report Panama This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Panama. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Panama 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.0 HDI 0.788 GDP p.c., PPP $ 23015 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 188 60 Gini Index 51.0 Life expectancy years 77.8 UN Education Index 0.708 Poverty3 % 7.0 Urban population % 66.9 Gender inequality2 0.457 Aid per capita $ 2.2 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The election and the beginning of the mandate of Juan Carlos Varela in July 2014 meant a return to political normality for the country, which had experienced a previous government under President Martinelli (2009-2014) characterized by a high perception of corruption and authoritarian tendencies in governance.
    [Show full text]
  • 403 Forbidden
    Muhaimin Iskandar Muncul di Bursa Capres, PKB: Banyak Desakan dari Bawah Realitarakyat.com – Polling pendahuluan kandidat calon presiden (capres) yang dilakukan Jaringan Informasi Rakyat (Jari Rakyat) menempatkan empat nama yang bersaing ketat sebagai kandidat capres potensial. Terdapat 14 nama yang diikutsertakan dalam poling tersebut, seperti Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar, Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY), Airlangga Hartarto, Anies Baswedan, Budi Gunawan, Erick Thohir, Ganjar Pranowo, Moeldoko, Puan Maharani, Prabowo Subianto, Ridwan Kamil, Sandiaga Uno, Tito Karnavian, dan Tri Risma Harini. Dari 14 nama yang masuk poling pendahuluan capres 2024, ada empat nama elite nasional yang bersaing ketat. Mereka adalah Ketua Umum Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) yang juga Wakil Ketua DPR Abdul Muhaimin Iskandar 15,9%, Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat AHY 29,2%, Gubernur DKI JAKarta Anies Baswedan 17,9%, dan Gubernur Jawa Tengah Ganjar Pranowo 19,5%. Selebihnya, Airlangga Hartarto (0%), Budi Gunawan (1,5%), Erick Thohir (2,6%), Moeldoko (0%), Puan Maharani (1,5%), Prabowo Subianto (9,7%), Ridwan Kamil (5,6%), Sandiaga Uno (3,6%), Tito Karnavian (4,1%), dan Tri Risma Harini (2,1%). Koordinator Nasional Jari Rakyat, Prasetyo mengatakan poling pendahuluan ini merupakan upaya untuk menjaring sejauh mana atensi suara rakyat terhadap Capres pilihannya. “Setelah poling ini, kami berencana melakukan survei dengan terjun langsung ke masyarakat untuk mengkomparasi hasil sebelumnya,” ujarnya kepada wartawan, Jakarta, Kamis (27/5). Menurut Prasetyo, munculnya nama AHY dengan perolehan 29,2% suara sementara dapat menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat sedang mencari alternatif pilihan. Selain itu, figur Ganjar Pranowo dan Anies Baswedan yang masing-masing menempati posisi kedua dan ketiga dalam hasil poling sementara ini, lanjut dia, relatif sama dengan hasil survei beberapa lembaga.
    [Show full text]
  • Modelling Elections Submission to ERRE: Special Committee on Electoral Reform Byron Weber Becker [email protected]
    Modelling Elections Submission to ERRE: Special Committee on Electoral Reform Byron Weber Becker [email protected] Summary I have done extensive computer modelling of six different electoral systems being proposed for Canada. The detailed results inform five recommendations regarding the systems. The two most prominent are that (1) Alternative Vote violates the Effectiveness and Legitimacy test in the Committee’s mandate and (2) the Rural- Urban PR model advanced by Fair Vote Canada is highly proportional and has objective advantages relative to Single Transferable Vote and Mixed Member Proportional. When I was eighteen my family moved and needed a new home. We decided to build one of Buckminster Fuller’s geodesic domes – five-eighths of a sphere made from triangles with an unusual use of space inside the home. We decided on a dome in spite of the fact that we had only seen pictures of such a home. This lack of experience was a problem when faced with the decision of whether to build a massive, 7-meter-tall fireplace (at considerable expense) as a focal point in the middle of the dome. The answer became clear when we built a scale model of the dome out of cardboard with a removable fireplace. We could get a preview of how the home would feel with the fireplace and without the fireplace. As a result of this modelling, the fireplace was built and we were delighted with the result. Canada is now faced with designing something we have little direct experience with and considerably more complex than a geodesic dome.
    [Show full text]
  • AICIS2019 Programme.Cdr
    th Annual International AICIS 19 CONFERENCE 2019 ON ISLAMIC STUDIES DIGITAL ISLAM, EDUCATION, AND YOUTH Changing Landscape of Indonesian Islam The 19th Annual International Conference on Islamic Studies Programme Mercure Jakarta Batavia 1-4 October 2019 1 JAKARTA th Annual International AICIS 19 CONFERENCE 2019 ON ISLAMIC STUDIES DIGITAL ISLAM, EDUCATION, AND YOUTH Changing Landscape of Indonesian Islam The advancement of communication and information and computerized aids to Qur'anic recital and technologies, especially the Internet and social media, has Arabic learning, are available in the marketplace, become one of the most crucial factors in informing the recent side-by-side with various more conventional ones, dynamics and manifestations of Muslim politics all over the such as trendy, colourful jilbab, Muslim T-shirts, world. Competition over religious symbols and interpretations perfumed oils, and veiled Barbie dolls. as well as institutions that control them, which constitutes the Paradoxically, rising curve of expanded digital main feature of Muslim politics, has often taken place via the media does not necessary give rise to a civil Internet and social media and closely tied to the ways in which pluralism that accepts and legitimates diversities. In information, ideas and discourses are shared, communicated, some cases the digital media helps militant Islamic and produced. The growth of new modes of interactive groups carry out violent mobilization for the communication has allowed Muslims to increasingly interest of their own. The eruption of Islamic participate in global Islamic discourses. Although the digital militancy tide in the post-Suharto Indonesia, for media does not necessarily call the so-called public sphere into instance, confirms such an ambivalent role of the being, it contributes significantly to reshaping a sense and digital media.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
    Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Castañeda, Néstor Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Colombia Internacional, no. 95, 2018, July-September, pp. 3-24 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81256886001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Néstor Castañeda University College London (England) HOW TO CITE: Castañeda, Néstor. 2018. “Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia”. Colombia Internacional (95): 3-24. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 RECEIVED: May 4th, 2018 ACCEPTED: May 21st, 2018 REVISED: June 15th, 2018 https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 ABSTRACT: This article examines the relationship between electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia. The author argues that recent political finance reforms in this country (e.g. changes in regulation of campaign donations, campaign spending, and public funding
    [Show full text]
  • BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report
    BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report Status Index 1-10 9.05 # 6 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 9.20 # 8 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 8.89 # 6 of 128 Management Index 1-10 6.79 # 13 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Poland Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Poland 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 38.2 HDI 0.813 GDP p.c. $ 19783 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.1 HDI rank of 187 39 Gini Index 34.2 Life expectancy years 76 UN Education Index 0.822 Poverty3 % <2 Urban population % 61.2 Gender inequality2 0.164 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary The 2009 – 2011 period was marked by several major features. The government is composed of a two-party coalition created after the 2007 parliamentary election. It consists of Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL), the latter clearly being the junior partner in the coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Patterns of Media Performance : Comparing the Contribution of Mass Media to Established Democracies Worldwide
    Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2015 Patterns of media performance : comparing the contribution of mass media to established democracies worldwide Müller, Lisa Abstract: The notion that mass media are essential for modern democracies is widely accepted, but there is a great deal of controversy regarding how well media play their democratic role. However, neither of the positions within this debate rests on solid empirical and especially comparative evidence. Thus, this thesis aims to contribute to the cross-national research on democratic media performance and its effects on the quality of democracy. Part I develops a theoretical model of media performance, arguing that mass media have two democratic functions: vertically, they need to disseminate information about politics; and hori- zontally, they need to provide a public forum that reflects the diversity of the society. The degree towhich these two functions are fulfilled is analyzed on the level of media structures and media content, comparing up to 47 countries. The results reveal that media performance on both levels varies considerably across countries. While the media in the younger democracies within the sample generally lag behind, different patterns of media performance can be observed with respect to the more mature democracies. In short, the vertical function seems to be better guaranteed in Anglo-Saxon countries, whereas central Western and Northern European states are found to perform better with regard to the horizontal function. Part II of the book explores and reveals important links between media performance and various aspects of a well-functioning democratic regime.
    [Show full text]