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FAULTLINES the K.P.S
FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 edited by AJAI SAHNI Kautilya Books & THE INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. © The Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi November 2020 ISBN : 978-81-948233-1-5 Price: ` 250 Overseas: US$ 30 Printed by: Kautilya Books 309, Hari Sadan, 20, Ansari Road Daryaganj, New Delhi-110 002 Phone: 011 47534346, +91 99115 54346 Faultlines: the k.p.s. gill journal of conflict & resolution Edited by Ajai Sahni FAULTLINES - THE SERIES FAULTLINES focuses on various sources and aspects of existing and emerging conflict in the Indian subcontinent. Terrorism and low-intensity wars, communal, caste and other sectarian strife, political violence, organised crime, policing, the criminal justice system and human rights constitute the central focus of the Journal. FAULTLINES is published each quarter by the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. PUBLISHER & EDITOR Dr. Ajai Sahni ASSISTANT EDITOR Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya EDITORIAL CONSULTANTS Prof. George Jacob Vijendra Singh Jafa Chandan Mitra The views expressed in FAULTLINES are those of the authors, and not necessarily of the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. FAULTLINES seeks to provide a forum for the widest possible spectrum of research and opinion on South Asian conflicts. Contents Foreword i 1. Digitised Hate: Online Radicalisation in Pakistan & Afghanistan: Implications for India 1 ─ Peter Chalk 2. -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合the Competing Interests Between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine
南 華 大 學 國際事務與企業學系歐洲研究碩士班 碩士論文 歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合 The Competing Interests between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine 研 究 生:張家豪 指導教授:鍾志明 中華民國 106 年 6 月 26 日 南華大學 國際事務與企業學系 歐洲研究碩士班 碩士學位論文 、、、電 歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合 The Competing Interests between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine 研究生:朱永多 經考試合格特此證明 口試委員: 給州: 指導教授: 主 長 口試日期:中華民國 -0六年六月二十六日 摘 要 1991 年 12 月,前蘇聯加盟共和國的十一位領導人簽署了阿拉木圖宣言;正式 宣告蘇聯中止存在,獨立 國家國協成立。其中,位處波羅的海到黑海中樞位置的 烏克蘭,是個擁有豐富林、礦產業、蘊藏大量煤礦與天然氣資源的國家,而其土 地面積在 東歐大陸上僅次於俄羅斯。1993 年馬斯垂克條約生效,歐洲聯盟正式形 成,為擴大周邊區域的穩定,乃採睦鄰政策,與鄰近國家進行策略結合,整合彼 此 資源、獲取雙邊外交或經濟實需;而位置重要的烏克蘭,自然是歐盟極力爭取 的合作對象。但是,長期作為俄羅斯附庸國的烏克蘭,早已被俄羅斯視為藩屬; 即便獨立國協早已成立,但俄國對烏國的霸權主義及己身國際戰略考量,仍不願 樂見烏克蘭和歐盟、甚至西方國家有密切互動。2013 年烏克蘭爆發政治危機,俄 羅斯以維護安全為藉口派兵進入烏國,歐洲大陸上俄羅斯與歐盟的政經角力,也 再次浮現至檯面上。本文試圖從烏克蘭危機中歐盟與俄羅斯的外交處理方式,探 討烏克蘭在歐洲大陸上的利益競合與未來雙方外交可能面臨的挑戰。 關鍵詞:歐盟、烏克蘭、俄羅斯、睦鄰政策、利益競合 I Summary The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) had been officially announced and realized after the Alma Ata Declaration was signed by 11 leaders of the Soviet Socialist Republics. The Ukraine, the second largest country of Eastern Eurpoe, is located in the pivot of Black Sea and Bsltic Sea. The country is aboundanted in nature resources, such as, woods, mines, coal mines, and gas. The Maastricht Treaty, entered into force since 1993, marked the beginning of formation of the EU. The European Neighbourhood Policy was undertaken in consideration of strategy combination, resource integration, bilateral diplomacy and economic corporation with the neighboring countries. As the result of above, it is reasonable that the Ukraine was certainly the first priority for the EU which they were targeted to buy off for aligment. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1994
1NS1DE: ^ voter turnout in repeat parliamentary elections - page 3. " Committee focuses on retrieving Ukraine's cultural treasures - page 3. o. ^ Mykhailo Chereshniovsky dead at 83 - page 5. THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association inc., a fraternal non-profit association vol. LXII No. 31 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY ЗІ , 1994 75 cents international Monetary Fund Repeat elections succeed in filling to assist Ukraine's recovery only 20 Parliament seats out of 112 by Marta Kolomayets Foreign Affairs. by Marta Kolomayets in Washington. Kyylv Press Bureau Sounding invigorated and optimistic, Kyyiv Press Bureau 9 Odessa region: Yuriy Kruk; deputy Mr. Camdessus said he was impressed minister of transportation. KYYiv - The international Monetary with the Ukrainian leadership and its KYYiv - Only 20 deputies were elect– 9 Kharkiv region: volodymyr Fund will work together with the Ukrainian commitment to reform. He said that Mr. ed on Sunday, July 24, in the latest round Semynozhenko, an academic and direc– of voting to fill 112 vacant seats in the 450- government to help this country recover Kuchma showed him a document outlin– tor of a research institute. from a sagging economy, said Michel seat Ukrainian Supreme Council, reported 9 ing key issues he wants to tackle to move Khmelnytsky region: viktor Camdessus, 1MF managing director, during the Central Electoral Commission. ahead with economic reform. Semenchuk, a director of a trading orga– a visit to Kyyiv on Wednesday, July 27. Commission officials said that many Although Mr. Kuchma has not yet dis– nization. "We have now a clear window of of the parliamentary races were unable to 9 opportunity for action. -
Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: the Right and Its Politics, 1989-1994
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 2, 1997 RADICAL NATIONALIST PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINE BEFORE AND AFTER INDEPENDENCE: THE RIGHT AND ITS POLITICS, 1989-1994 Taras Kuzio Introduction The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three move- ments—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the national- ist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the emigre Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr). Other organisations, such as SNUM and the more radical eastern Ukrainian-based Association of Ukrainian Youth (SUM), increasingly adopted "revolutionary nationalism" as their ideology in 1990-1991, with nationalists propagating a "youth cult" to attract the younger generation (both for members and intellectual support).1 It is also often pointed out that Ukrainian nationalism will have a large appeal among the youth of tomorrow.2 Other nationalist groups, though smaller, have also emerged, such as the Ukrainian National-Radical Party (UNRP) and the Organisation for the Liberation of Ukraine,3 but they have remained largely insignificant. The UNRP was established at the end of 1990 in L'viv, joined the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly (UMPA) but remained underground. Its leader, Mykhailo Stasiuk, launched the nationalist and widely read journal Derzhavnist in 1991, claiming the highly inflated membership figure of 500 members.4 The Ukrainian National Party (UNP) and the Ukrainian People's Democratic Party (UNDP), the founders of the UMPA, amalga- mated into the Ukrainian National Conservative Party (UNKP) in 1992. -
Abn Correspondence Bulletin of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations
FREEDOM FOR NATIONS ! CORRESPONDENCE FREEDOM FOR INDIVIDUALS! JANUARY-FEBRUARY 1989 CONTENTS: Carolling Ukrainian-Style ....................... 2 The Autobiography of Levko Lukyanenko ..................... 3 European Freedom Council Meeting ..............................16 Statement of the European Freedom Council .............. 16 Hon. John Wilkinson, M.P. Eastern European Policy for Western Europe .............. 19 Genevieve Aubry, M.P. Is Switzerland Ready for a New Challenge with the European Nations .......................... 26 Sir Frederic Bennett Can the Soviet Russian Empire Survive? ....................... 31 Bertil Haggman Aiding the Forces of Freedom in the Soviet Empire ................................... 34 Ukrainian Christian Democratic Front Holds Inaugural Meeting ........... 40 David Remnick Ukraine Could be Soviets’ Next Trouble Spot ..............41 Bohdan Nahaylo Specter of the Empire Haunts the Soviet Union ..........45 Appeal to the Russian Intelligentsia ......... ......................47 Freedom for Nations! Freedom for Individuals! ABN CORRESPONDENCE BULLETIN OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS Publisher and Owner (Verleger und Inha It is not our practice to pay for contribut ber): American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik ed materials. Reproduction permitted only Bloc of Nations (AF ABN), 136 Second Avenue, with indication of source (ABN Corr.). New York, N.Y. 10003, USA. Annual subscription: 27 Dollars in the Zweigstelle Deutschland: A. Dankiw, USA, and the equivalent of 27 US Dollars in Zeppelinstr. 67, 8000 München 80. all other countries. Remittances to Deutsche Editorial Staff: Board of Editors Bank, Munich, Neuhauser Str. 6, Account Editor-in-Chief: Mrs. Slava Stetsko, M.A. No. 3021003, Anna Dankiw. Zeppelinstr. 67 Schriftleitung: Redaktionskollegium. 8000 München 80 Verantw. Redakteur Frau Slava Stetzko. West Germany Zeppelinstraße 67 Articles signed with name or pseudonym 8000 München 80 do not necessarily reflect the Editor’s opinion, Telefon: 48 25 32 but that of the author. -
Institutional Change, Power, and Political Executives in Ukraine Under the Kuchma Presidency
Studies of Changing Societies: Comparative and Interdisciplinary Focus Vol. 1'(2)2012 SCS Journal INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE, POWER, AND POLITICAL EXECUTIVES IN UKRAINE UNDER THE KUCHMA PRESIDENCY ©Martin Carrier, University of Montreal To assess how and why some institutions may be more efficient in promoting change without disrupting the initial institutional design, this article proposes to analyze the evolution of the power relationship between the political executive in the semi- presidential regime of Ukraine under the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. The analysis of the power relationship between political executives in Ukraine reveals the hazard of understanding the political process solely through institutional lenses. The results show that in this consolidating democracy, executive power is often a function of non-institutional and partisan explanations, and that state weaknesses in its autonomy and capacity are core explanations, since it allows important societal divides, such as ethnic and regional affiliation, and network competition to polarize the political sphere and make political competition between political executives a zero-sum game. Keywords: semipresidentialism, institutional change, institutional design, Ukraine, Kuchma. Traditionally, political scientists interested in institutional change have focused on research questions pertaining to issues of institutional design performance or of determinants of political behavior in selected institutional settings. For instance, a large section of the literature on democratization -
Anders Åslund
Anders Åslund Ukraine: What Went Wrong and How to Fix It Anders Åslund BESET BY RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION and the legacy from its years of economic mismanagement, Ukraine faces an existential crisis that has also roiled the politics of Europe. Yet there is a glimmer of hope and opportunity for this tormented country. In 2014 Ukraine carried out free and fair elections of a new president and parliament. With this democratic foundation, Ukraine can shape its future and return to economic and political stability. In this book, one of the world’s leading experts on Ukraine offers its new leadership a strategy for reform. Anders Åslund maintains that the country’s fundamental problem is corruption and poor governance, which requires radical reform of the state from the top down. He calls for the cleansing of the judiciary and law enforcement, including the abolition of the many intrusive inspection agencies, which use a regime of licenses, permits, and certifications to squeeze the lifeblood of the economy. The book also advocates cuts in wasteful public expenditures and deregulation to promote growth—but it also calls for international financing spearheaded by the International Monetary Fund. The European UKRAINE Union and the United States must also help. The book focuses extensively on the energy sector, which Åslund argues is the biggest source of top-level corruption and wasteful subsidies and should be reformed with a unified system of energy prices determined by the market, not government. Åslund also details a series of reforms in education and health care. To assure Ukraine’s success, the European Union must assume the role of anchor of the country’s democratic and market economic reforms. -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
1 UNIVERSITATEA „ȘTEFAN CEL MARE” SUCEAVA FACULTATEA DE ISTORIE ȘI GEOGRAFIE DOMENIUL ISTORIE TEZĂ DE DOCTORAT Ucrainenii
UNIVERSITATEA „ȘTEFAN CEL MARE” SUCEAVA FACULTATEA DE ISTORIE ȘI GEOGRAFIE DOMENIUL ISTORIE TEZĂ DE DOCTORAT Ucrainenii în Bucovina interbelică: între integrare și iredentism Rezumat CONDUCĂTOR ȘTIINȚIFIC: Prof. univ. dr. Gheorghe ONIȘORU DOCTORAND: Ionuț BRAN Suceava, 2019 1 Interesul și motivația abordării problematicii referitoare la integrarea minorității ucrainene în Bucovina interbelică s-au născut, în conștiința mea, încă din timpul studenției. Fiind la origini bucovinean, am considerat firesc ca tema abordată pentru obținerea diplomei de licență, la absolvirea studiilor universitare, să încerce să abordeze tocmai evoluția și comportarea acestei comunități etnice din Bucovina. Sub îndrumarea prof. univ. dr. Cristian Troncotă, m-am oprit asupra studiului ucrainenilor din România, iar curând, simpla curiozitate studențească s-a transformat în nevoia de a aduna informații în paginile unei lucrări pe care am intitulat-o „Ucrainenii din România – trecut și prezent”. Ca temă de cercetare, am optat pentru imaginea de sine a etnicilor ucraineni din România, astfel cum aceasta reieșea din articole ale „Curierului Ucrainean”, publicație în limba română a Uniunii Ucrainenilor din România. Ulterior, am procedat la aprofundarea cercetării în chestiunea ucraineană, întorcându-mă în trecutul plin de necunoscute, pentru mine, al anilor interbelici, la sfatul părintesc al mamei și sub atenta, dar mai ales prieteneasca îndrumare specializată a domnului profesor universitar dr. Mihai Iacobescu, căruia îi sunt profund recunoscător pentru că a reușit să dezvolte, în mine, dorința de a cerceta, afla și apăra adevărul istoric, oricât de trist ar fi acesta. De altfel, aceste din urmă gânduri aparțin istoricului Mihai Iacobescu și se regăsesc, sub formă de dedicație, pe una din primele pagini ale lucrării domniei sale, 30 de zile în „Siberia” căutând arhivele Bucovinei, ediția a II-a, revăzută și adăugită, Iași, Editura Junimea, 2005. -
The Extreme Right in Ukraine
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Ukraine MRIDULA GHOSH October 2012 n The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elec- tions reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology. n The economic crises, unemployment and corruption have enabled Svoboda to add a socioeconomic dimension to its ultra-nationalist agenda as well as to expand its out- reach by communicating with the grassroots rather than via elite lobby politics. This has helped Svoboda to gain power in regional legislative bodies in Western Ukraine. n Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream po- litical parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception. n Civil society has provided some counter-strategies to the Svoboda party. However, in the absence of political consensus, these efforts have proved feeble and futile. To raise awareness of the inadmissibility of right-wing extremism in mainstream poli- tics, it is necessary to turn to the substantive socioeconomic elements of participa- tory governance. MRIDULA GHOSH | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN UKRAINE Contents 1. Introduction: Overview of the Extreme Right and Its Electoral Performance ......3 2. -
HISTORY of UKRAINE and UKRAINIAN CULTURE Scientific and Methodical Complex for Foreign Students
Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine Flight Academy of National Aviation University IRYNA ROMANKO HISTORY OF UKRAINE AND UKRAINIAN CULTURE Scientific and Methodical Complex for foreign students Part 3 GUIDELINES FOR SELF-STUDY Kropyvnytskyi 2019 ɍȾɄ 94(477):811.111 R e v i e w e r s: Chornyi Olexandr Vasylovych – the Head of the Department of History of Ukraine of Volodymyr Vynnychenko Central Ukrainian State Pedagogical University, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate professor. Herasymenko Liudmyla Serhiivna – associate professor of the Department of Foreign Languages of Flight Academy of National Aviation University, Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences, Associate professor. ɇɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɨɦɟɬɨɞɢɱɧɢɣɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɩɿɞɝɨɬɨɜɥɟɧɨɡɝɿɞɧɨɪɨɛɨɱɨʀɩɪɨɝɪɚɦɢɧɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɨʀɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɿɧɢ "ȱɫɬɨɪɿɹ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɢ ɬɚ ɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɨʀ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɢ" ɞɥɹ ɿɧɨɡɟɦɧɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɟɧɬɿɜ, ɡɚɬɜɟɪɞɠɟɧɨʀ ɧɚ ɡɚɫɿɞɚɧɧɿ ɤɚɮɟɞɪɢ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɿɣɧɨʀ ɩɟɞɚɝɨɝɿɤɢɬɚɫɨɰɿɚɥɶɧɨɝɭɦɚɧɿɬɚɪɧɢɯɧɚɭɤ (ɩɪɨɬɨɤɨɥʋ1 ɜɿɞ 31 ɫɟɪɩɧɹ 2018 ɪɨɤɭ) ɬɚɫɯɜɚɥɟɧɨʀɆɟɬɨɞɢɱɧɢɦɢ ɪɚɞɚɦɢɮɚɤɭɥɶɬɟɬɿɜɦɟɧɟɞɠɦɟɧɬɭ, ɥɶɨɬɧɨʀɟɤɫɩɥɭɚɬɚɰɿʀɬɚɨɛɫɥɭɝɨɜɭɜɚɧɧɹɩɨɜɿɬɪɹɧɨɝɨɪɭɯɭ. ɇɚɜɱɚɥɶɧɢɣ ɩɨɫɿɛɧɢɤ ɡɧɚɣɨɦɢɬɶ ɿɧɨɡɟɦɧɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɟɧɬɿɜ ɡ ɿɫɬɨɪɿɽɸ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɢ, ʀʀ ɛɚɝɚɬɨɸ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɨɸ, ɨɯɨɩɥɸɽ ɧɚɣɜɚɠɥɢɜɿɲɿɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɨʀɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɨɫɬɿ. ɋɜɿɬɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɢɯɧɚɰɿɨɧɚɥɶɧɢɯɬɪɚɞɢɰɿɣ ɭɧɿɤɚɥɶɧɢɣ. ɋɬɨɥɿɬɬɹɦɢ ɪɨɡɜɢɜɚɥɚɫɹ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɚ ɪɢɬɭɚɥɿɜ ɿ ɜɿɪɭɜɚɧɶ, ɹɤɿ ɧɚ ɫɭɱɚɫɧɨɦɭ ɟɬɚɩɿ ɧɚɛɭɜɚɸɬɶ ɧɨɜɨʀ ɩɨɩɭɥɹɪɧɨɫɬɿ. Ʉɧɢɝɚ ɪɨɡɩɨɜɿɞɚɽ ɩɪɨ ɤɚɥɟɧɞɚɪɧɿ ɫɜɹɬɚ ɜ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɿ: ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɿ, ɪɟɥɿɝɿɣɧɿ, ɩɪɨɮɟɫɿɣɧɿ, ɧɚɪɨɞɧɿ, ɚ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɪɿɡɧɿ ɩɚɦ ɹɬɧɿ ɞɚɬɢ. ɍ ɩɨɫɿɛɧɢɤɭ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɿ ɪɿɡɧɨɦɚɧɿɬɧɿ ɞɚɧɿ ɩɪɨ ɮɥɨɪɭ ɿ ɮɚɭɧɭ ɤɥɿɦɚɬɢɱɧɢɯ