The Ukrainian Weekly 1994
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FAULTLINES the K.P.S
FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 edited by AJAI SAHNI Kautilya Books & THE INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. © The Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi November 2020 ISBN : 978-81-948233-1-5 Price: ` 250 Overseas: US$ 30 Printed by: Kautilya Books 309, Hari Sadan, 20, Ansari Road Daryaganj, New Delhi-110 002 Phone: 011 47534346, +91 99115 54346 Faultlines: the k.p.s. gill journal of conflict & resolution Edited by Ajai Sahni FAULTLINES - THE SERIES FAULTLINES focuses on various sources and aspects of existing and emerging conflict in the Indian subcontinent. Terrorism and low-intensity wars, communal, caste and other sectarian strife, political violence, organised crime, policing, the criminal justice system and human rights constitute the central focus of the Journal. FAULTLINES is published each quarter by the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. PUBLISHER & EDITOR Dr. Ajai Sahni ASSISTANT EDITOR Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya EDITORIAL CONSULTANTS Prof. George Jacob Vijendra Singh Jafa Chandan Mitra The views expressed in FAULTLINES are those of the authors, and not necessarily of the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. FAULTLINES seeks to provide a forum for the widest possible spectrum of research and opinion on South Asian conflicts. Contents Foreword i 1. Digitised Hate: Online Radicalisation in Pakistan & Afghanistan: Implications for India 1 ─ Peter Chalk 2. -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合the Competing Interests Between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine
南 華 大 學 國際事務與企業學系歐洲研究碩士班 碩士論文 歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合 The Competing Interests between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine 研 究 生:張家豪 指導教授:鍾志明 中華民國 106 年 6 月 26 日 南華大學 國際事務與企業學系 歐洲研究碩士班 碩士學位論文 、、、電 歐盟與俄羅斯在烏克蘭危機中之利益競合 The Competing Interests between the EU and Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine 研究生:朱永多 經考試合格特此證明 口試委員: 給州: 指導教授: 主 長 口試日期:中華民國 -0六年六月二十六日 摘 要 1991 年 12 月,前蘇聯加盟共和國的十一位領導人簽署了阿拉木圖宣言;正式 宣告蘇聯中止存在,獨立 國家國協成立。其中,位處波羅的海到黑海中樞位置的 烏克蘭,是個擁有豐富林、礦產業、蘊藏大量煤礦與天然氣資源的國家,而其土 地面積在 東歐大陸上僅次於俄羅斯。1993 年馬斯垂克條約生效,歐洲聯盟正式形 成,為擴大周邊區域的穩定,乃採睦鄰政策,與鄰近國家進行策略結合,整合彼 此 資源、獲取雙邊外交或經濟實需;而位置重要的烏克蘭,自然是歐盟極力爭取 的合作對象。但是,長期作為俄羅斯附庸國的烏克蘭,早已被俄羅斯視為藩屬; 即便獨立國協早已成立,但俄國對烏國的霸權主義及己身國際戰略考量,仍不願 樂見烏克蘭和歐盟、甚至西方國家有密切互動。2013 年烏克蘭爆發政治危機,俄 羅斯以維護安全為藉口派兵進入烏國,歐洲大陸上俄羅斯與歐盟的政經角力,也 再次浮現至檯面上。本文試圖從烏克蘭危機中歐盟與俄羅斯的外交處理方式,探 討烏克蘭在歐洲大陸上的利益競合與未來雙方外交可能面臨的挑戰。 關鍵詞:歐盟、烏克蘭、俄羅斯、睦鄰政策、利益競合 I Summary The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) had been officially announced and realized after the Alma Ata Declaration was signed by 11 leaders of the Soviet Socialist Republics. The Ukraine, the second largest country of Eastern Eurpoe, is located in the pivot of Black Sea and Bsltic Sea. The country is aboundanted in nature resources, such as, woods, mines, coal mines, and gas. The Maastricht Treaty, entered into force since 1993, marked the beginning of formation of the EU. The European Neighbourhood Policy was undertaken in consideration of strategy combination, resource integration, bilateral diplomacy and economic corporation with the neighboring countries. As the result of above, it is reasonable that the Ukraine was certainly the first priority for the EU which they were targeted to buy off for aligment. -
Yuschenko Government Hangs On, For
INSIDE: • “CHORNOBYL: THE FIFTEENTH ANNIVERSARY” Special section — pages 4-10. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXIX No. 16 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, APRIL 22, 2001 $1/$2 in Ukraine HE YuschenkoKRAINIAN government hangsEEKLY on, for now U.S.T grants asylum U W by Roman Woronowycz Rada, which last week submitted 237 law- Kyiv Press Bureau makers’ signatures in support of the propos- to Melnychenko, al. A simple majority of 226 signatures was KYIV – The government of Victor needed to table the proposal. The parlia- Yuschenko was left hanging by a thread on mentary session accepted the motion on Myroslava Gongadze April 19 after Ukraine’s Parliament voted in April 17 prior to a report by Prime Minister by Roman Woronowycz support of a resolution criticizing the work Yuschenko on the progress made in 2000 Kyiv Press Bureau of his Cabinet in 2000 as unsatisfactory. on implementation of the government’s The lawmakers decided to schedule a vote KYIV – The wife of Heorhii Gongadze, economic revival plan, called “Reforms for on a motion of no confidence within a the missing journalist feared dead who is at Well-Being.” week, which if passed would lead automati- the center of a huge political crisis in Kyiv, The Social Democrats (United), Labor and a former presidential bodyguard who cally to the dissolution of the government. Ukraine and the Democratic Union are con- produced tape recordings that seemingly The stormy session was marked by a sidered the bastions of the business oli- implicate the president in the disappearance near tragedy as National Deputy Lilia garchs and are led respectively, by Viktor have received political asylum in the United Hryhorovych of the Rukh faction doused Medvedchuk, Viktor Pinchuk and States, revealed the U.S. -
'Civil Democratic Control' of Armed Forces in Ukraine Conflict Studies Research Centre ISBN 1-903584-20-5 January 2001 G90
Conflict Studies Research Centre G90 SECURITY, DEMOCRACY AND ‘CIVIL DEMOCRATIC CONTROL’ OF ARMED FORCES IN UKRAINE James Sherr In the former Soviet Union, control of armed forces by civilians does not guarantee 'civil democratic control', let alone guarantee that armies and security services will serve the declared aims of the state. Ukraine's 1997 National Security Concept rightly connected the growth of civil democratic control with the strengthening of civil society. Although parliament and civilian experts have gained influence in Ukraine's defence system, the trend has been towards stronger presidential control rather than democratic control. MOD armed forces are now undergoing serious and essential reform; they are also becoming more transparent and more accustomed to outside scrutiny. But until these trends embrace Internal Troops and other 'non military formations', Ukraine will not possess an integrated and properly controlled national security system. The notion that ‘civilian control over the military is a pre-requisite for the normal functioning of a civilised state’ has become one of the orthodoxies of our time.1 Since the collapse of the USSR, this orthodoxy has been given formal expression in numerous state and inter-state documents, including NATO’s 1994 Partnership for Peace Framework Document. It has also assumed a contractual form in the Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between Ukraine and NATO (1997) and a quasi-legal form in the OSCE Code of Conduct Regarding Military-Political Aspects of Security (1994). Reiterated, echoed and amplified as the orthodoxy is, the fact is that it calls for more reflection than it has received. Where Ukraine and other countries of the former USSR are concerned, reflection is required for a number of reasons. -
Abuse of Power – Corruption in the Office of the President Is His Most Recent Book
Contents 1. Preface 2. 1 “Evil has to be stopped” 3. 2 Marchuk, the arch-conspirator 4. 3 Kuchma fixes his re-election 5. 4 East & West celebrate Kuchma’s victory 6. 5 Kuchma and Putin share secrets 7. 6 Corruption 8. 7 Haunted by Lazarenko 9. 8 Bakai “the conman” 10. 9 “Yuliya must be destroyed” 11. 10 Prime minister’s wife “from the CIA”? 12. 11 Kidnapping Podolsky & killing Gongadze 13. 12 Covering up murder 14. 13 Marchuk’s “secret coordinating center” 15. 14 Kolchuga fails to oust Kuchma 16. 15 The Melnychenko-Kuchma pact 17. 16 “We can put anyone against the wall” 18. 17 Fixed election sparks Orange Revolution 19. 18 Yanukovych’s revenge 20. Bibliography 21. Acknowledgements 22. A note on the author 23. Books by JV Koshiw Artemia Press Ltd Published by Artemia Press Ltd, 2013 www.artemiabooks.com ISBN 978-0-9543764-3-7 Copyright © JV Koshiw, 2013 All rights reserved. Database right Artemia Press Ltd (maker) The photograph on the front cover It shows President Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko clasping hands, while his rival Viktor Yanukovych looks on. Yushchenko’s pot marked face bears witness to the Dioxin poisoning inflicted on him a few weeks earlier during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Photo taken by Valeri Soloviov on Nov. 26, 2004, during the negotiations to end the Orange Revolution (Photo UNIAN). System of transliterations The study uses the Library of Congress system of transliteration for Ukrainian, with exceptions in order to make Ukrainian words easier to read in English. The letter є will be transcribed as ye and not ie. -
Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions Kyiv, 27 October 2015
European Network of Election Європейська мережа організацій Monitoring Organizations зі спостереження за виборами International Observation Mission to Ukraine Міжнародна місія зі спостереження в Україні Local Elections 2015 Місцеві вибори 2015 Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions Kyiv, 27 October 2015 The first round of Ukrainian local elections was mainly held in a peaceful environment and in line with most international standards and national legislation. However, the politicized composition and conduct of a number of territorial election commissions, supplemented with the complexity of the new law leave space for concern. The European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations (ENEMO) is a network of 22 leading election monitoring organizations from 18 countries of Europe and Central Asia, including three European Union countries. This is the tenth Election Observation Mission by ENEMO to Ukraine, which began with the arrival of 8 core team members to Kyiv, on 1 October in order to observe the Local Elections 2015. ENEMO additionally deployed 50 long-term observers (LTOs) countrywide to observe and assess the electoral process in their respective regions for the elections on 25 October 2015, as well as the eventual second round of elections. 180 short-term observers (STOs) have been deployed to observe the first round of elections to Ukraine. Together with mobile LTOs, ENEMO had 93 teams in the field, which have monitored the opening of 93 PECs, voting in 1211 PECs and the closing of 93 PECs. This preliminary report is based on the ENEMO observers’ findings from the field, where they focused on the work of election administration bodies, the conduct of election participants, the overall conduct of elections during Election day in terms of opening, voting, counting and the transferring of election materials, election-related complaints and appeals and other election related activities. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1996, No.28
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE:• Demjanjuk’s Israeli defense attorney speaks on the record — page 3. • Harvard’s Ukrainian summer school holds 25th anniversary reunion — page 7. • North America’s Olympians of Ukrainian descent — centerfold. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXIV HE KRAINIANNo. 28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 14, 1996 EEKLY$1.25/$2 in Ukraine More than 70 mines shut down T U Parliament approvesW Lazarenko as PM; by workers demanding back pay president names six “power” ministers by Marta Kolomayets miners in Luhanske and Krasnodon were by Marta Kolomayets defense minister and foreign affairs minis- Kyiv Press Bureau planning similar strike measures and a Kyiv Press Bureau ter, who are directly appointed by the presi- blockade of the railway. dent. Others who are directly appointed by KYIV — With thousands of miners According to Serhiy Raspopov, a KYIV — Ukraine’s Parliament voted the president include the commander of the throughout Ukraine striking to demand member of the Donetske miner’s com- 344-22 to approve President Leonid border guards, and the chairman of the unpaid wages — in some cases from as far mittee, the decision to block the railway Kuchma’s candidate for prime minister, State Customs Committee. The prime min- back as February — and more than 70 was made after the strikers received Pavlo Lazarenko — a first step by both ister also is a member of the NSC, which is mines at a standstill, government officials news on July 10 that they would be paid branches of power to abide by the state’s headed by the president.] scrambled to find funds to repay them. -
Almanac on Security Sector Governance in Ukraine 2010
Almanac on Security Sector Governance in Ukraine 2010 Partnership Network Security and Defence Management Series no. 2 Almanac on Security Sector Governance in Ukraine 2010 Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) www.dcaf.ch The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces is one of the world’s leading institutions in the areas of security sector reform (SSR) and security sector governance (SSG). DCAF provides in-country advisory support and practical assistance programmes, develops and promotes appropriate democratic norms at the international and national levels, advocates good practices and makes policy recommendations to ensure effective democratic governance of the security sector. DCAF’s partners include governments, parliaments, civil society, international organisations and the range of security sector actors such as police, judiciary, intelligence agencies, border security services and the military. 2010 Almanac on Security Sector Governance in Ukraine 2010 Geneva, 2010 Partnership Network, Almanac on Security Sector Governance in Ukraine 2010, edited by Merle Maigre and Philipp Fluri (Geneva: Geneva Centre for the De- mocratic Control of Armed Forces, 2010). Security and Defence Management Series no. 2 © Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, 2010 Executive publisher: Procon Ltd., <www.procon.bg> Cover design: Hristo Bliznashki ISBN 978-92-9222-116-4 (DCAF) ISBN 978-954-92521-2-5 (Procon) FOREWORD Strengthening the role of a civil society in providing for effective oversight of security activities and developing civil society expertise in defence and security issues are amongst the principal objectives of NATO-Ukraine co-operation in implementing de- fence and security sector reform. -
Institutional Change, Power, and Political Executives in Ukraine Under the Kuchma Presidency
Studies of Changing Societies: Comparative and Interdisciplinary Focus Vol. 1'(2)2012 SCS Journal INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE, POWER, AND POLITICAL EXECUTIVES IN UKRAINE UNDER THE KUCHMA PRESIDENCY ©Martin Carrier, University of Montreal To assess how and why some institutions may be more efficient in promoting change without disrupting the initial institutional design, this article proposes to analyze the evolution of the power relationship between the political executive in the semi- presidential regime of Ukraine under the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. The analysis of the power relationship between political executives in Ukraine reveals the hazard of understanding the political process solely through institutional lenses. The results show that in this consolidating democracy, executive power is often a function of non-institutional and partisan explanations, and that state weaknesses in its autonomy and capacity are core explanations, since it allows important societal divides, such as ethnic and regional affiliation, and network competition to polarize the political sphere and make political competition between political executives a zero-sum game. Keywords: semipresidentialism, institutional change, institutional design, Ukraine, Kuchma. Traditionally, political scientists interested in institutional change have focused on research questions pertaining to issues of institutional design performance or of determinants of political behavior in selected institutional settings. For instance, a large section of the literature on democratization -
Anders Åslund
Anders Åslund Ukraine: What Went Wrong and How to Fix It Anders Åslund BESET BY RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION and the legacy from its years of economic mismanagement, Ukraine faces an existential crisis that has also roiled the politics of Europe. Yet there is a glimmer of hope and opportunity for this tormented country. In 2014 Ukraine carried out free and fair elections of a new president and parliament. With this democratic foundation, Ukraine can shape its future and return to economic and political stability. In this book, one of the world’s leading experts on Ukraine offers its new leadership a strategy for reform. Anders Åslund maintains that the country’s fundamental problem is corruption and poor governance, which requires radical reform of the state from the top down. He calls for the cleansing of the judiciary and law enforcement, including the abolition of the many intrusive inspection agencies, which use a regime of licenses, permits, and certifications to squeeze the lifeblood of the economy. The book also advocates cuts in wasteful public expenditures and deregulation to promote growth—but it also calls for international financing spearheaded by the International Monetary Fund. The European UKRAINE Union and the United States must also help. The book focuses extensively on the energy sector, which Åslund argues is the biggest source of top-level corruption and wasteful subsidies and should be reformed with a unified system of energy prices determined by the market, not government. Åslund also details a series of reforms in education and health care. To assure Ukraine’s success, the European Union must assume the role of anchor of the country’s democratic and market economic reforms. -
Skinheads in Ukraine : First Symptoms?
Skinheads in Ukraine : first symptoms? No. 16/264, April 22, 2002 On April 13, the main synagogue of the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, came under attack. That Saturday evening a group of youths, who left a football match between Kyiv Dynamo and Donetsk Metallurg at a nearby stadium, set upon worshippers, smashing windows and throwing stones. The injured included the rector of Kyiv's yeshiva (a Jewish school), Tsvi Kaplan. Investigation was launched immediately after the incident. The law enforcement agencies said the attack was not motivated by anti-Semitism or planned in advance, but was an act of brutal hooliganism. Investigators questioned almost 150 fans present at the stadium. Police detained a number of drunken hooligans, who were breaking synagogue windows after the football match. Arrested fans expressed deep regret for the incident. Following the raid on central synagogue in Kyiv, the Interior Ministry instituted proceedings against hooligans charged with brutal hooliganism committed by a group of persons (Article 296 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine). However, some members of the Jewish community do not believe police interpretations of the events as mere hooliganism and are convinced that the attack was a pogrom thoroughly planned by the Neo-Nazis. According to Rabbi Moshe-Reuven Azman, Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Kyiv region, the police arrived at the incident site some 20-30 minutes after the pogrom. He said the attack was carried out by almost 50 persons, who neared the synagogue as worshippers were leaving evening prayers. Rabbi Azman pointed to the fact that the mob was shouting fascist slogans «Death to the kikes» and «Heil Hitler».