AClT·llon GUllDte SOUTH AF ICA

NONVIOLENT ACTION TRAINING PROGRAM

For eddltlonal copl_, wrtt. PED-Reeowcee, AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE. 1501 Cherry Str.... PhIl8delphla. Pao 19102 Price: $ 1.00 1

Why act on southern African issues?

We in the West are not going to liberate trade, diplomatic acceptance, cooperation anybody in southern Africa. That is for in public relatiols campaigns, and low­ the people of southern Africa themselves profile alliances through military and to do. Besides, we face massive tasks intelligence establishments. Corporations in eliminating perverse human relation­ have been principal conduits for this ships right here at home; we must over­ support. come racism and concentrated power, to name two characteristics our 'society Despite the continued domination by minor­ shares with much of southern Africa. ities, however, change is coming in south­ ern Africa. Nonviolent direct action of We can, however, support those people the kinds described in this booklet can struggling for justice and peace in lend support to the dominated majorities southern Africa by our actions at home. and can help make the systems they exist And we can let them down by our under more vulnerable to change. Western inaction. governments and businesses will continue to deal with South Africa and Southern The minority rulers of southern Africa Rhodesia only so long as the costs in have never stepped aside, or changed dollars and prestige are low. The actions their policies, unless pressured from suggested here can raise the costs tre­ within their own countries. Reinforc­ mendously, cut into profits, and mobilize ing those internal pressures, however, shame. They also provide effective means have been the actions of others: Inde­ to sensitize and educate people. Nonviolent pendent African countries, units of direct action has worked before in chipping the United Nations, some Western govern­ away at apartheid, and it can have formid­ ments, and local and international able impact in the months to come as the groups of ordinary persons. working United States faces new demands for a through their churches, black commu­ changed policy toward southern Africa. nity groups, sports associations, activist coalitions, legislatures, * and so forth. Gandhi began a form of nonviolent direct In post-Soweto southern Africa, the action, which he termed "satyagraha" , minority governments of South Africa long ago in South Africa. The end of and Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) are outside support for South Africa's system retrenching and actively seeking sup­ may well begin once more with Gandhi. port from the West. Western support, while never loudly proclaimed, has been forthcoming by way of investment, *

This third edition of the Action Guide on Southern Africa is the result of cooperative effort by staff of, and a consultant to, the AFSe's Nonviolent Action Training Program (NVAT) of the Peace Education Division, and staff of the Southern Africa Program of the International Division. It is the outgrowth of work originally done by NVAT staff, here incorporated into Section 2. Thanks must go to a number of individuals whose suggestions and criticisms have, we hope, made this edition better than the last. Philadelphia, December 1976.

Graphics credits: Cover: si Ihouette of Namibian demonstrators from Namibia News, top photo from Southern Africa, lower left The New International ist, lower right NVAT-AFSC; p. 6, Sechaba; p. 7, The Africa Fund; p. 8 the companies' adverts; p. 9 NY Times; p. 11 the Star (Johannesburg); p. 12, The Guardian (New York); p. 14 unknown; p. 15 ad in Soldier of Fortune; p. 18, FCNL; p. 21, Sechaba; p. 23 lOAF; p. 24 Pro Veritate; p. 27, Pro Veritate; p. 28 lOAF; p. 30 unknown; p 37, UN Assn of USA; p. 52 The Colorado Dai Iy; p. 55, Newsweek; p. 63 lOAF. Our thanks to al I.' 2 *** Contents ***

Why Act on Southern African Issues? 1 Section 1. Action Campaigns: What Has Been, and Could Be, Done Economic Leverage: Some Considerations .• •••. . 3 Bank Loans to South Africa: The Buck Starts Here • . . 4 Stopping South African and Rhodesian Imports . • ...... 6 Stockholder Action and Public Hearings • • • . . . 7 Boycotting Consumer Goods ..••..•. 8 Gold and Diamonds -- The Krugerrand •.. . 9 Action on Technical Cooperation. -- Giving South Africa the Bomb? 11 Minority Regime Presence in the United States .•.•..• 12 Action on Military and Intelligence Cooperation •••• 14 Mercenaries •• .••• 15 Sports •• •• 15 Entertainers .• •• 16 Tourism. ••• 17 Legislative Action 17 Operation Namibia -- Focus for Namibia Support •• •• 20 Encouragement to Others •••• •• •. 21 Political Movements •.••• 21 Political Prisoners • •••• 22 Labor Groups •• .• 23 Women's Organizations. • 23 Section 2. Some Techniques in Organizing a Campaign 1. Get in touch with others • ' ••• 24 2. Investigate •••• 24 3. Set Goals / Develop Strategy 25 Further Reading •• •.•• 29

Section 3. Organizations A. National Activist Organizations • 31 B. Information and News 33 C. Specialized Groups ••••• 33 D. National - Mainly Academic 34 E. Local Groups •• •••••• 35 F. Canada •••••••••• 37 G. Organizations in Britain and Elsewhere 38 H. African Liberation Movement Representatives in the U.S •• 39 I. Representatives of Newly Independent African Countries + OAU 39 Section 4. Resources Basic Information 40 Southern Africa's Links with the West 40 Periodicals ••••• 41 Films ••••••••• 43"

Appendixes A. Local Action on Corporate Complicity with South Africa (SALC) •• 51 B. Speakers.. ••.•••.••••.••.• 52 C. An Example of Action Around a Sports Event: The Fed Cup. 53 D. AFSC Policy Guideline on Southern Africa 56 E. ·501 idar; ty Dates ...... ···. 59

Note: The last page (no. 64) is a feedback form. Please help us make the next edition of the Action Guide on Southern Africa better. Fill out the form, and send it to us. Thanks! 3 Section 1. Action Campaigns: What Has Been, and Could Be Done

Economic Leverage: Some Considerations

Some of the most effective points of leverage against the white minority regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia are economic. South Africa freely describes itself as "a capital-hungry economy" and despite its negative balance of trade considers multi-million dollar propaganda campaigns in the u.S. more than worth its while -- whether aimed at the u.S. consumer ($5 million ad campaign in 25 American cities to sell Krugerrand coins) or the u.S. investor (32 pages of advertising in the Nov. 22, 1976 Business Week). J. J. Kitshoff, head of South Africa's Industrial Develop­ ment Corporation, puts South Africa's case quite bluntly:

Whether one agrees with all its (S.A.'s) polities and practices or not is really beside the point. What counts is that one knows where one stands and that one is not likely to be confronted with sudden and violent changes in policy.

The school children of Soweto give the lie to that prediction of calm and stability, but Kitshoff knows where South Africa's salvation rests:

Over the years foreign capital and enterprise have made an invaluable contribution to our development and we hope that they will continue to do so in years to come. We realise that apart from supplementing our domestic savings, foreign capita~ normally brings with it know-how and expertise, and often skilled manpower and export markets as well.

The u.S. is now South Africa's third largest trading partner, surpassed as a customer only by·the United Kingdom and Japan, and as a supplier by the United Kingdom and West Germany. There are approximately 400 u.S. firms active in South Africa with investments of at least $1.5 billion book value representing 20% of all foreign investment in South Africa. Investment is likely to continue to grow, despite business jitters about the Soweto riots. So is trade. South Africa quotes the u.S. Department of Commerce: "A number of projects deserve attention by u.S. suppliers."

Americans therefore have unusual leverage to make a difference in southern Africa. President-elect Jimmy Carter himself points out (Financial Mail November 5, 1976):

Our economic presence in S. Africa gives us a greater influence on that government than its government has over Rhodesia.

Yet, he goes on to say, with disturbing implications for future u.S. policy:

I think our Ameri~an businessmen can be a constructive force achieving racial justice within South Africa. and comes out in favor of relaxed terms for u.S. investment in South Africa and against anti-apartheid economic sanctions as "counter-productive." 4

The presence of u.s. corporations over the years in fact has done nothing to halt the essential progress of apartheid. u.s. corporations, for instance, were not heard to protest the formation of bantustans like the ,Transkei as labor reservations for white industry. Furthermore, U.S. industries will consciously seek to locate in South Africa to take advantage of cheap black labor. Jack Anderson's column revealed that the Lummus Corporations anticipated "substantial savings" in average rands/hr wages paid to trained black labor as opposed to white labor in its secret memos for a projected construction job in South Africa. -Lummus anticipated additional savings by planning black workers' housing that would accommodate seven times more people in half the space than in white quarters, putting nine blacks per room. (Washington Post, Oct. 1, 1976). Although Lummus did not get,its construction job, its reasoning reflects that of a good part of the u.S. business community.

Nonetheless, bad publicity in the United States and cancellation of investments and trade can have very damaging effects on the economic under­ pinnings of white minority governments. There are many stages for action, as the following sections suggest.

Bank Loans to South A~rica -- The Buck Starts Here

South Africa's massive -- and growing -- debt to private Western banks effectively locks the West into dependence- on South Africa's continued pros­ perity. Falling international gold prices combined with expanded defense spending have increased South Afric'a' s trade deficit to $2.4 billion, up from $1.7 billion in 1975. To counter this negative balance of trade, u.S. banks have extended nearly $2 billion by 1976 in loans to South Africa, almost double the 1975 level.

In 1966, the American Committee on Africa successfully led a campaign to terminate a $40 million consortium loan to South Africa headed by Citibank and Chase Manhattan. In 1973, local church groups in Washington, Baltimore, Detroit, and other cities banded together with the Interfaith Center for Corporate Responsibility and the Washington Office on Africa to convince several u.S. banks to withdraw from a similar consortium loan and to extract promises from others that there would be no further loans. Tactics used in Baltimore during this campaign included a resolution by the regional United Church of Christ urging member churches to withdraw accounts from a cooperating bank, cancellation of a $500,000 account by the local Federation of Credit Unions and a $5000 account by the Ecumenical Church Council, a boycott of the bank by black community groups, and'the threatened loss of a $500,000 account of the Montgomery County Council. The bank first responded by sending a delegation to South Africa to study the situation there, and when the delegation returned~ announced its decision to withdraw to one of its church shareholders.

In November 1976, Citibank organized yet another consortium loan to provide $110 million to the apartheid regime. ACOA once again is mounting a drive based on "community groups, churches, and trade unions" to fight this 5

loan. Even a Citib~nk spokesperson has been quoted in Busi. (November 15) as saying, "This is an embarrassing loan." Th\ it even more embarrassing for Citibank and other like-minded ~ to force eventual cancellation of the loan.

The problem grows continually more complex. New research shows to South Africa going through the Eurocurrency market (hard currency filll~ held in European banks by depositors allover the world), thus making links back to the originating U.S. banks still harder to prove. In addition, in November 1976 the International Monetary Fund granted a $184 million loan to South Africa with funds from the United States, France, Canada, West Germany, and Brazil. Continued research and concerted public pressure are required by this ongoing support of apartheid. For a list of banks currently participa­ ting in South African loans, contact ICCR (See Sec.3) ICCR's suggested action steps protesting such loans appear below:

1. Write the Banks involved and. express your opinion (presently we are aware of the loans by Citibank, Chase Manhattan, Morgan Guaranty, Manufacturers Hanover Trust and European-American Banking Corporation (EABC).

2. Ask your congressional representative to publicly oppose loans to South Africa.

3. Write the State Department and President-elect Carter and ask them to discourage loans to South Africa.

4. If you or your institution own stock in these Banks, raise your voice as a stockholder by writing letters, calling management, requesting a meeting with management and co-sponsoring stockholder resolutions.

5. As a depositor, the bank should be informed that your relationship with them will depend on their policy on loans to South Africa.

6. Informational pickets before local bank branches could inform other depositors of their bank's policy.

7. Open letters, released to the press, should be sent to the banks from organizations, expressing their opposition to bank loans to South Africa.

8. Senator Clark and the Senate Subcommittee on Africa should be asked to present legislation ending loans to South Africa.

9. Prominent individuals should be asked to speak out.

10. Citizen petitions should call for end to South African loans.

11. Church representatives have already testified before the U.N. Concerned U.N. countries and the OAU are demanding an end to these loans. This should be publicized and the positions of individual countries transmitted to the banks. 6 Resources for Bank Loan Action: Contact the American Committee on Africa, the Corporate Information Center, both in New York (See Section 3) 1."Banking on Apartheid" CIC Brief, October '76,4 pp 60¢. 2.Rev. David Ha1sam, "Role of Shareholder Action in Opposing Loans to South Africa," UN Center Against Apartheid Notes and Documents SEM/9, June 1976, 5 pp. 3.Martin Bailey, "Barc1ays and South Africa," 3rd World Pub­ lications, 138 Stratford Rd., Birmingham, UK, 10 pp, 50¢ 4."The Frankfurt Documents," CIC Brief, July '73, 4 pp, 60¢ 5."South Africa: Why Foreign Credit is Hard to Come By", Business Week, Nov 15, '76 pp 57-58.

Stopping South African and Rhodesian Imports

In 1968, the U.N. voted complete bans on trade and investment in Rhodesia in order to force the whites tq give the African majority political rights. In 1971, the U.S. Congress passed the Byrd amendment permitting importation of chrome, asbestos, and other "strategic and critical materials" from Rhodesia -- despite the fact that the United States at that time had a five million ton stockpile of chrome. Rhodesia gets $75 million annually from its U.S. chrome trade, while Union Carbide, owner of the Rhodesian mines, gathers added profits, and U.S. 'stain1ess steel manufacturers benefit from cheaper chrome because of the exploitative wages Union Carbide pays in Rhodesia. In the meantime, Foote Minerals, a domestic chrome producer, closed its plant in Ohio, citing the competition of cheap foreign imports..

Longshoremen on the Gulf, East, and West Coasts have passed resolutions against handling Rhodesian cargoes. Several shipments of Rhodesian chrome were in fact turned back (at considerable cost to the shippers) because dockers in several cities refused to unload them. Black longshoremen have been parti­ cularly active in the boycott movements.

Cheap South African coal poses the same threat to U.S. workers as cheap Rhodesian chrome, and for the same reason -- low-cost competition because of starvation wages for Africans. In 1973, members of the United Mine Workers started direct actions against the Southern Company, a major U.S. utility, for its importation of South African coal. In Cambridge, Massachusetts, the Southern Africa Coordinating Committee investigated New England Power Company's source of coal and discovered that thousands of tons per week flowed from South Africa to NEPCO's Somerset, Massachusetts power plant. Direct action followed with supporting outcries in the State legislature. Res.ources. for acti,on a~ound imports.. Coa1i~iqn Contact, for example: Africa Liberation Support Committee 1 Baltimore., to Stop Rhodesian and South African Imports, Philade.1phi.a, South Africa B.oycott Committee, Dayton, Southern Conference Educational Fund, Louisville (for informa­ tion on UMW-related action), Southern Africa Solidarity Committee~ Boston. (See Section 3, part B.) For written background, see the "Action News and Notes" columns of Southern Africa magazine (various issues). 7

Stockholder Action and Public Hearings

Where is your church's, college's, pension fund's, or voluntary organiza­ tion's money invested? If it is in major u.s. manufacturing stock, it is likely to be part o~ the South African economy.

The Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR) has helped many religious groups coordinate efforts to challenge corporate policy, es­ pecially on southern African holdings. They have met with some modest success. In February 1976, for example, ITT was persuaded to make the precedent-setting announcement that it'would no longer seek contracts with the South African military or police. Similar pressure apparently convinced several energy giants (Getty Oil, for example) and a major u.S. mining firm (American Metal Climax or "AMAX") to pullout of their holdings in Namibia. Encouraging individual stockholders to vote on ICCR -- coordinated stockholder resolutions and per­ suading them to sell their stock are major tasks. Such efforts provide effective education and action outreach as first steps toward building sentiment for total corporate withdrawal from South Africa.

Research can also lead to action. When the Center for Social Action of the United Church of Christ produced a report implicating Mobil Oil in the sale of petroleum products through South Africa to Rhodesia -- in defiance of U.N. sanctions and U.S. law -- the American Friends Service Committee sold all of its Mobil stock in August 1976. Public hearings -- such as the ICCR hearing on IBM presence in South Africa -- provide still another forum for public exposure of corporate involvement in southern Africa.

Resources for Stockholder Actions Contact, first of all, the Corporate Information Center / Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, New York. CIC/ICCR has been a principal fact-gathering and coordinating institution for groups interested in mounting actions of this kind. 1. "Voices for Disengagement" 4 pp., 10¢, ACOA 2. "The Withdrawal Debate: U.S. Corporations and South Africa", ICCR, 4 pp., available from ACOA, 15¢ 3. "U.S. Corporate Expansion in South Africa" CIC Brief, April '76, 4 pp. 60¢. 4. CIC, Church Investments, Corporations, and Southern Africa, 1973 (See Section 4) 5. Study Project on External Investments in S. Africa and Namibia, 1975 (Section 4) 6. Jennifer Davis, Testimony before the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs, Sept 29 '76, on "US Corporation Support for Apartheid -- IBM and the Oil Companies." (Hearings to be printed in early '77) 8

Boycotting Consumer Goods

In Europe and Australia, where South African products ranging from fish to oranges regularly reach grocers' shelves, direct boycott campaigns have involved thousands of individual shoppers. In the United States, South African consumer goods are far less common. South African lobsters do show up on some restaurant menus. Patrons can write their protests on their dinner checks or express their protests directly to the source (South African Rock Lobster Service Corporation, New York City). Sardines provide a tricky arena for con­ sumer protest. Sardine can labels give no clue when their contents come from Namibia -- a not surprising omission since it is illegal for companies to catch or sell Namibian sardines under the licenses they hold. Nonetheless, Smith­ Corona-Marchand, through its subsidiary Durkee Famous Foods, markets Namibian sardines under the trade name "Granadaise." Star-Kist markets Namibian sardines through the French Sardine Company of California using the label "Eatwell." In fact, the U.S. Department of' Defense -- contrary to the 1971 ruling of the International Court of Justice (~inrling on all United Nations member states) -- bought $1,139,251 worth of Namibian" fish from Star-Kist in 1976. Del Monte (now facing severe scrutiny and possible action from BA-NAG and ICCR. also sells Namibian fish illegally, as do the Norwegian Fish Importers and the Mitsubishi International Corporation. Since there are still other distributors of illegal Namibian catches, it become~ hard to buy any can of sardines with a clear conscience.

Successful boycotts in the United States are much more likely to center on consumer products of corporations with investments in South Africa, Rhodesia, and Namibia. In this context, a great range of consumer products -- tires, gasoline, light bulbs, flashlight batteries, for example -- are potential targets for boycott.

The South Africa Committee Congregation for Reconciliation, in Dayton, Ohio, has launched an ITT Boycott, citing ITT as the llnited States' #1 cor­ poration supporting apartheid (after Autolo.il companies) and as the world's mas t irresponsible corporation (with connections to Nazi Germany and the destabiliza­ tion of Chile). Other U.S. corporations whose investments are important to South Africa' s security are: GM, For'd, Chrysler, Firestone, Goodyear, Mobil Oil, Texaco, Standard Oil of California, General Electric, Motorola, and their affiliated banks: Citibank, Chase Manhattan, Morgan Guaranty Trust. Union Carbide provides a similar target in Rhodesia.

Resources for Boycott Campaigns Contact, for example, the Anti-Apartheid Connnittee for Selective Purchasing, Washing­ ton, DC, or the South Africa Boycott Committee (See above, and Section 3} 1. Esau du Plessis, "Don't Squeeze a South African Dry," Africa Today, spring ·74 9

Gold and Diamonds -- The Krugerrand

Gold and diamonds prop up the South African economy -- an irony in light of the misery these luxury items cause black African miners. The De Beers Company has advertised South African diamonds for years: "A diamond is forever.•. ". One tactic could be a campaign to encourage local jewelers to obtain diamonds from other sources.

Gold, however, provides a major stage for action. Gold is a major export for South Africa, one of its main defenses against a negative balance of trade and a growing military budget. A rise or fall in the international price of gold shows up directly in the South African balance of trade. The South African Chamber of Mines is attempting to increase its sales of gold by putting it in coin form and making its sales directly to Western consumers. The South Africans recently signed a $5 million contract with Doyle, Dane, and Bernbach of New York to mount a huge advertising campaign in 25 American cities for the South African Krugerrand. The campaign has taken the form of full page ads in the New York Times, ,the Wall Street Journal, and the Christian Science Monitor, as well as on network TV before Monday night football. One combined campaign began in the Times on September 28, 1976 with the appearance of companion ads for the Krugerrand ~nd the "independence" of the Transkei. Every Tuesday the·reafter, up until and including Transkei "independence" day (October 26), these ads appeared. Kruggerand ads have continued to appear by themselves every Tuesday up to this writing. The latest advertising ploy is to reconnnend Krugerrands as Christmas gifts:- "No gift at Christmas is more appropriate."!

The effect of the advertising on the sales of the coins is hard to guage. The Johannesburg Star reports that Kruger coin sales are down considerably since 1975, along with the price of gold itse~£. Sales here are apparently slower than they are in Europe. Nonetheless, every coin sale is a direct contribution t~ the apartheid regime and helps to' provide an illusion of respectability for the South African government.

Actions against the Krugerrand campaign include.:

1. Call 800-243-6000, the toll-free Krugerrand Humber, to lodge a protest against South African presence in the United States.

2. Call 800-243-6000 to find out what dealers in your area handle the Krugerrand coins.

3. Approach these local dealers (usually banks and coin dealers) about their involvement. Offer the dealers a decal for their windows: "We do not cash in on apartheid. No Krugerrand coins sold here." (These can be made up locally. Check the Yellow Pages.) 10

4. Write up an informational packet on the Krugerrand sales effort in your area and show how this effort directly supports the denial of basic human dignity in South Africa. Distribute these to local media, schools, churches, unions, civic organizations, the local city council.

5. Combine this educational effort with a vigil or informational picket outside the offices of dealers who continue to offer Krugerrands.

6. Approach local coin clubs. Stress that the Krugerrand is being marketed as an investment, not as a coin in real use (although it does carry the dubious distinction of being legal tender in South Africa). Provide educational literature at local coin shows. Write to local coin columns and magazines. (The Philadelphia Inquirer Sunday coin column carried information critical of the Krugerrand three weeks after it had originally described the coin in detail.)

7. Write or telephone department stores (such as Abraham and Strauss [A & S] in New York) that offer Krugerrand coin jewelry. Urge other individuals and groups to do likewise. Such stores depend on high volume sales and are likely to drop a sensitive item rather than risk a potential consumer boycott.

8. Write letters ot protest to the editors of newspapers .carrying Krugerrand ads. (e.g. New York Times Christian Science Monitor, Wall Street Journal) and to TV networks carrying the ads (ABC).

9. Protest directly to Doyle, Dane, and Bernbach (NYC), the firm making a profit from the Krugerrand ads. Doyle, Dane, and Bernbach has just signed a new contract with Bayer aspirin (Is the Krugerrand account giving them headaches?). Perhaps Bayer Aspirin needs to hear of vast public disapproval of Doyle's cooperation with South Africa.

10. Communicate with the AFSG Southern Africa Program and your local Congressional delegation about what you are doing.

Resources for Action on Gold Contact the American Committee on Africa (ACOA) or the Corporate Information Center/Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (CIC/ICCR). 1. "Gold", Newsweek, 29 November 1976, p. 93. 2. "Don't Yawn When the Gold Price Falls," The Sta·: (Johannesburg) International Airmail Edition, 7 August, 1976, p. 15. 11

Action on Technical Cooperation -- Giving South Africa the Bomb?

South Africa's fear of a world economic embargo has made it channel a lot of money and know-how into developing self-sufficiency in energy, food, and weaponry. Most of. the technolog~ to achieve this, and much of the money, has corne from abroad. The United States, for example, helped South Africa set up its nuclear power industry, and Allis Chalmers helped to build South Africa's first nuclear reactor. Since 1965, the United States has supplied enriched uranium to South Africa. A General Electric-led consortium almost got the contract to build the first nuclear power plant in South Africa. Thanks to pressure applied by Senator Dick Clark, among others, on the Nuclear Regula­ tory Commission, South Africa switched its contract to the French nuclear energy consortium, Framatome -- in which Westinghouse plays a supporting role. That the South Africans feel capable of producin3 an atomic bomb and would not hesitate to use it in times of duress is spelled out in William Rusher's column (Philadelphia Inquirer, November 1, 1976), written just after he had returned from a South Africa Foundation-sponsored trip to South Africa.

Other forms of scientific and technological collaboration exist. The Fluor Corporation of California is. proposing a billion dollar investment in South Africa's new coal-to-oil plant, SASOL II -- and has- already met pickets and leafleting from the African Activists Association of students (connected with the African Studies Association at UCLA). Local groups wanting to mount similar actions to halt technical links must do careful research into s-uch com­ panies, and in·to the technologies in which they specialize: nuclear power, coal gasification, agribusiness, chemicals, and communications. Resources for Action 1. UN Unit on Apartheid, "Involve- ment of Foreign Economic Ins­ titutions in South Africa's Industrial Development Projects," Notes and Documents No. 35/75. 2. "The Nuclear Conspiracy," Sechaba, Nov/Dec, 1975. 3. Study Project on External Investment in South Africa and Namibia, The Economic Factor, and The Policy Debate. 4. Ronald W. Walters, "The Nuclear Arming of South Africa," Black Scholar, Sept. 1976, pp 25-32. 5. Ruth First, J. Steele, C. Gurney, The South African Connection, Penguin, 'London, 1973. 6. "Los Angeles Campaign to Stop Fluor Corporation," Southern Africa, May, '76, pp 37­ 38.

- Cartoon by BelT,.· "Mrs Shabalala - can you lend me 20e for some candles.. ..!". 12

Minority Regime Presence in the United States.

The Information Service of South Africa (ISSA, official propaganda arm in the United States) has its main office in New York, with operations in the Embassy in Washington, D.C. and in the new South African Press and Information Office in Los Angeles. Formerly registered as a foreign agent -- which required it to make public reports of its activities and finances, ISSA has been granted consular (and therefore more secret) status by the Justice Department over some protest by the State Department's Africa Bureau. South African consulates function in New York, Washington, San Francisco, and New Orleans, with Scienti­ fic and Agricultural Offices attached to the Washington Embassy. This offi- cial presence is complemented by the government agencies of South African Airways (New York, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and a toll-free link-up in Washington, D.C.) and the South African Railways and Airways Procure­ ment Office (Valley Stream, N.Y.). The South Africa Foundation (which receives large contributions from American firms in South Africa and underwrites tours to South Africa for sympathetic journalists) has headquarters in Washington. The South African Tourist Corporation has offices in New York, Los Angeles, and Toronto. New York hosts the South African Rock Lobster Service Corporation, the South African Iron and Steel Industrial Corporation, Ltd., and the South African Marine Corporation, N.Y. The Rhodesian Information Office still operates in Washington.

Donald DeKieffer of Collier, Shannon, Rill and Edwards law firm in Washington, D.C. is a $5G/hour political lobbyist for South Africa. In fact, a recent Jack Anderson column revealed that two Congressmen had used DeKieffer speeches on the House floor to advocate recognition of Transkei "independence"! He has also hired a priest-turned-journa1ist, Lester Kinso1ving, to attend stockholders' meetings to counter anti-apartheid testimony." The law firm of Casey, Lane and Mittendorf (Washington) is registered as an agent 'for the South African Sugar Association, but has also given "attention" to the United Mine Workers' protest against South African coal in Alabama. South Africa also pays Albert Berstein $15,000 a year for 2 days a week of consulting work with the South African repre­ sentative to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. 13

ISSA publications include South African Scope (published in New York) South African Panorama, and the South African Digest. To the Point Interna­ tional, a "news" magazine about Africa, seems from its advertising to concen­ trate on exotic tribal customs, Idi Amin, and the whites of South Africa and Rhodesia -- hardly balanced fare. A bi-monthly radio program, South African Magazine, reaches 125 predominantly rural area radio stations where there are few resources available for rebuttal. South African films are shown through the distributor Association-Sterling Film. Image Industries, Inc. has a South African contract for a multi-media teaching kit for school children.

Black Americans are a special target for South African propaganda. Sydney S. Baron and Co., a public relations firm in New York, recently signed a $365,000 contract with the South African Government's Department of Information. Andrew Hatcher, Baron's newly hired black vice president and former assistant press secretary to President Kennedy, appeared opposite George Houser, executive director of the American Committee on Africa, on NBC's "Today" show. Hatcher defended the all-white government's policies. In Meridian, Mississippi, a black cosmetics firm, E. F. Young Co., si'gned a contract in front of Governor Finch with a chain of South African druggists to export skin lighteners and hair straighteners to South Africa. An exchange journalism program between the University of Mississippi and the segregated University of the Western Cape is now a possibility, following the government-sponsored trip to South Africa by Ole Miss professor Dr. Ronald Farrar. A special Transkei ad (starting "Peace, Brother") has appeared in the black community-based Philadelphia Tribune, placed by Amalgamated Publishers (New York), U.S. agents for Devilliers. and Schonfeldt in Johannesburg. This ad is apparently part of a campaign aimed at the hom~­ town newspapers of the 17 members of the Congressional Black Caucus, at the suggestion of Andrew Hatcher.

The New York advertising firm of Doyle, Dane, and Bernbach is the reci­ pient of South Africa's massive $5 million Kruggerand account, pushing gold coins and South African respectability in American newspapers and TV. In the past, the ACOA has filed suit to stop the New York Times from accepting ads for jobs in South Africa (jobs open only to whites). Present South African propaganda efforts call for combined efforts of exposure in local media (The Philadelphia Tribune· did an article on the E. F. Young-South Africa case when that information was made available.), direct protests to the South African agency involved (through letters or informational pickets), and to the American agents (calling the toll-free number for Kruggerands, for example).

Resources for Action 1. Barbara Rogers, "South Africa's Propaganda Machine," Southern Africa, Aug. '76, 5-9. 2. ACOA, Memorandum on Some Current Public Relations Efforts by South Africa in the U.S., 1976. 3. "South African Propaganda in U.S. Increases," Southern Africa, Sept '76, pp 14-15. 4. Robert J. Janosik and Barbara E. Lawrence, "Southern African Pressure Politics in the U.S.," Issue, Fall, 1974, pp 76-80. 5. Robert O. Keohane, "The Big Influence of Small Allies" Foreign Policy, Spring, 1971, pp 161-182. (South Africa has the precedent of other nations in Washington influence-peddling, which is described in this background article.) 14

Action on Military and Intelligence Cooperation

The u.s. government has, despite its self-imposed arms embargo against South Africa, approved sales of Lockheed Hercules C-130 transport and Cessna light aircraft which the South Africa military use. During South Africa's incursion into Angola, there were reports that U.S.-built C-130 transport planes of the South African air force played a major role. The South African mili­ tary relies on U.S. trucks, computers, and other sophisticated equipment for moving goods and information. In October 1976, the Wall Street Journal indicated that Colt Industries of Olin, Inc., had shipped thousands of its handguns to South Africa, by way of the Canary Islands. The U.S ..Justice Department is prosecuting.

Collaboration between U.S. and South African intelligence establishments is difficult to verify despite numerous allegations -- many of which surfaced during the Angola interventions in late 1975. The major link-up has been through NATO, which drew up secret contingency plans for' NATO-South African military collaboration (Esquire, October 1974) and which has, mainly through West Germany, forged electronic intelligence links.

The Episcopal Churchmen for South Africa is presently investigating the assertion published in a Washington Post interview with South African Minister of Police James Kruger on November 6, 1976, that South African police officials visited the United States and Europe before the Soweto uprisings to study "riot control." The State Department has denied knowledge of any such visit, asserting that it does no~ collaborate with South Africa' on riot control or any other form of police activity which enforces apartheid. ECSA has asked the State Department to run a thorough check of all visas granted South Africans to determine who these South African Police (SAP) officials were, when they came, and under what guise they entered the United States. ECSA has issued a general appeal for information from anyone in the United States pertaining to training of SAPs here.

Resources for Action Contact ECSA, ACOA (See Section 3). 1. Jennifer Davis, "South Africa's Military Build--qp: U.S. on the Scene," Southern Africa, December 1975 2. "Confidential U.N. Memo Unmasks U.S. Covert Action Against Namibia," Counterspy, Vol 3, Issue 2, '76, pp 42-48. 3. Winslow Peck, "Apartheid's Corporate Covert Action," Counterspy, Spring, '76, pp 46~55. 4. Michael T. Schieber, "Apartheid Under Pressure: South Africa's Military Strength in a Changing Political Context," Africa Today, Jan-Mar 1976, pp 27-45. 5. Tad Szulc, "Why are We in Johannesburg?" Esquire, October, 1974. 6. Center for National Security Studies (Wash. DC), "CIA's Secret War in Angola" Intelligence Report Volume I, Number 1, 1975. 50¢ 15

Mercenaries

Mercenary soldiers have already played a conspicuous part in the fighting in southern Africa and will undoubtedly continue to do so. In Rhodesia, for example, young white-male Rhodesians have been leaving the country rather than face compulsory service. Their absence makes soldiers for hire from the United States and Europe all the more attractive. Under Title 18, United States Code 959, it is illegal to enlist, or to recruit someone to enlist, in the United States for service in a foreign armed force. The penalty is three years in prison and $3000 fine. Yet, Robert K. Brown, editor of Soldier of Fortune, a U.S. magazine for "professional adventurers" that' advertises for Rhodesian army recruits, flew into Rhodesia from Johannesburg in late September 1976 to check out the action and to see how lucrative "the market" in Rhodesia is. Public pressure apparently forced U.S. Justice Department investigations during the height of the Angola recruitment. Continued pressure can be coordinated through groups like

San Antonio Committee Against Mercenary Recruitment P. O. Box 893 San Antonio, Texas 78293

Resources for Action 1. "The African View of Mercenaries," Africa Currents, No.6, (London), Summer, 1976. 2. Mike Marchino and Robert Musil, "The American Mercenaries," The Nation, April 10, 1976, pp 428-430. 3. Akbarali H. Thobani, "The Mercenary Menace," Africa Today, July-Sept. '76, pp 61-68. 4. David Anable, "The Return of the Mercenaries," Africa Report, Nov-Dec 1975, pp 2-6. 5. James Cassell, "Local Angolan Mercenary Movement Gains Momentum," Philadelphia Tribune, February 7, 1976.

Sports

White South African interest in sports borders on a national mania. Exclusion from international competition is a continuing reminder of world opposition to apartheid. South Africa has tried to counteract this isolation by bringing Western teams and athletes to events on its own soil (witness the New Zealand rugby team whose tour in South Africa triggered the African boy­ cott of the 1976 Montreal Olympics). Bowing to international and internal pressure, South Africa announced in September 1976 a "new policy" of integrated sport. White teams can now play black teams at all levels, but blacks and whites can only play on the same team in international competition (thus hopefully qualifying South Africa for world matches). In October 1976, eight white rugby players participated with 22 black rugby players in a club match, resulting immediately in a threat of prosecution from the government. The resulting world-wide publicity highlighted South Africa's duplicity and con­ tinuing commitment to apartheid. 16

Direct action against South African participation in international sports goes on almost monthly in Australia, New Zealand, and Britain with great effectiveness. In the United States, actions have been directed against amateur baseball competition and professional tennis. Sports without wide audiences -- bpw1s, table tennis, and gymnastics -- provide both arenas where South Africa can win acceptance in this country and occasions for effective protest against apartheid. (See Appendix C for an example of action around tennis.)

In London in November 1976 the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee issued a call for a boycott against South Africa in a field far removed from that of sport. South Africa sent two contestants to the Miss World competi- tion -- a white Miss South Africa and a black Miss Africa South. Nine countries (Mauritius, Swaziland, Liberia, India, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Philippines, and Yugoslavia) withdrew to protest this latest manifestation of apartheid.

Resources far Action Around Sporr~ Contact: South African Non~Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC), 28 Seymour Street, London W 1, England, or Prof. Dennis Brutus, President, SANROC, 624 Clark Street, Evanston, Illinois, 60201, (312) 492-7294. 1. Richard E. Lapchick, The Politics of Race and International SEo.rt: The Case of South Africa, Greewood Press, 51 Riverside Ave., Westport, CT 06880, hard­ back, published 1975. $13.95. 2. Dennis Brutus, "The Sportsman's Choice," in Alex La Guma,. ed., Apartheid (See Section 4) 3. George V. Wright, Jr., "Racism in Sport: An Update," Africa Today, Spring '74. 4. UN Unit on Apartheid, "Apartheid and Sports: International Boycott of Apartheid Sports" by Tom Newnham,. Notes and Documents No. 15/76, July 1976 14 pp

En tertainers

Singers, entertainers, and actors are constantly invited to South Africa in large numbers. Some refuse to go. Others just do not know what they are getting into. The American Committee on Africa, along with others, has encouraged entertainers to pledge not to perform in South Africa. This work, however, is only beginning to make an impact. For further information, contact Ray Gould, ACOA (See Section 3). 1. "Supremes Bow to South Africa's Apartheid••• And Show Biz Wonders if the Beat Will Go On!" Amsterdam News (New York), October 15 2. See also article on cultural boycotts in the New York Times Magazine, sometime in August, 1976. 17

Tourism

Tourism generates sorely needed foreign exchange for white minority governments and develops local business and service industries. It also helps.build political good will in this country through the return of American tourists who have been shown only one side of life in white-ruled southern Africa. In the special case of Rhodesia, hundreds of U.S. travel agencies' have violated U.N. sanctions, backed by U.S .. executive orders, by arranging tours there.

Once identified, local travel agencies arranging tours to southern Africa could be approached to end this service. A decal (made up locally check the Yellow Pages) could be offered to cooperating agencies: "This office does not handle tours to South Africa -- Namibia -- Rhodesia." Agen­ cies that plan package trips to Africa in general might be persuaded to eliminate white-controlled southern Africa from their itineraries. In Wisconsin, a member of the Madison Area Committee on Southern Africa achieved just this result in protesting a Rhodesian tour stop by the Wisconsin AAA. In response to the point that such a stop would contravene u.S. law and U.N. sanctions, a vice-president for Northwest Airlines, the tour carrier, wrote: "We have directed Wisconsin AAA World Wide Travel to remove all of the brochures from circulation and either delete Northwest (Airlines) or the Rhodesian stop from the itinerary. We are advised that Southern Rhodesia will be deleted and a visit to Victoria Falls via Zambia will be included instead." Such a move not only denies financial and political support to an illegal repressive government, but also has the positive effect of channeling tourism business to an independent black African nation.

Resources for Action around Tourism Contact: Corporate Information Center or Anti-Apartheid Movement, USA (See Section 3). 1. Statement of Edgar Lockwood, Director of the Washington Office on Africa, Washington, DC, in U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa, Hearings before the Subcommittee on African Affairs, U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, June ,July, 1975, pp 207-220. 2. CIC Brief, "Tourism to Rhodesia: Breaking Sanctions", October '74, 4 pp; 60¢ ..

Legislative Action

National: The U.S. Congress has faced several major questions on southern Africa in recent years -- the Byrd Amendment permitting the import of chrome from Rhodesia; the Sugar Quota permitting the importation of' South African sugar;, the Tunney Amendment preventing covert aid to Angolan factions fighting the MPLA. A vast number of decisions, however, never make it to Congress but are instead decided deep within the executive branch. Members of Congress can bring pressure to bear on specific questions if the policy choice receives public exposure -- sometimes by a "leak" to tIle press. For example, in early 1976, the Ford administration appeared ready to accept an internal staff recommendation (backed by U.S. business interests and South African sympathizers) to relax u.S. policy on loans to South Africa from the U.S. Export-Import Bank. Direct action projects got word of this to Congress­ ional representatives and thereby played an importan.t role in blocking that potential support for South Africa. 18

Representative Charles Diggs, Jr. (D.--Mich.) of the Congressional Black Caucqs is a pivotal force within Congress on policy toward southern Africa. Another key person is Senator Dick Clark (D.--Iowa), Chairperson of the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Com­ mittee. Committee staff aides can frequently supply useful information on Congressional action.

State: In 1973, local constituents helped prompt an investigation in the California legislature of California firms' involvement in the Sou~h African economy. Similar action prompted discussion in the Massachusetts State Legislature of the New England Power Company's use of South African coal. Comparable investigations" could be initiated in all 50 states.

City: Each city has its own foreign relations with the rest of the world -- including South Africa -- through trade, cultural ties, and investment. In Gary, Indiana, the City Council passed a resolution in 1975 calling on the city to stop buying goods and services from four firms with heavy interests in South Africa -- IBM, Motorola, ITT, and Control Data. Mayor Richard Hatcher ·pocket-vetoed the resolution, but the council voted to override. Similar efforts have been made in Madison, Wisconsin; East Lansing, Michigan; and Washington, D.C. with varying amounts of success. See "Local Action•.. " on page 51 for details on the East "Lansing effort. (Appendix A.)

Legisl~tive Approaches: Congressional representatives do pay attention to letters, visits, and telephone calls from their con­ stituents. Do not hesitate to write, or call, or visit your Senators and or Representative either in Washington or in your home district.

Write to your Senator{s) c/o United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510

arid to your Representative c/o House of Representatives Washington, D.C. 20515

Letters should be brief (preferably one page), legible (type"d if necessary), and tactful (the rules of human nature apply to people in Congress, too). Your letter should express your opinion on some aspect of u.S. relations with southe~Africa and suggest a Congress~ ional investigation or a bill for the legislative action.

Call 202-224-3121 in Washington, D.C. and ask for your Senators or Representative by name (the same number serves for both Houses of Congress). Congress people also maintain offices in their home districts. Check your telephone directory or call your hometown newspaper for their local telephone numbers and addresses. 19

Visit your Congressional representatives in Washington, D.C. (write or call ahead for an appointment) or in your home district (again, set up an appointment in advance). Come prepared with specific suggestions for action (investigations, initiating bills, making specific votes).

Petitions can be effective means of involving thousands of people in a'protest against apartheid and minority government in southern Africa. Draw up a petition expressing clear-cut sentiments which many constituents can readily support. The Southern Africa Solidarity Committee of Boston circulated the following petition following the Soweto riots in mid-June 1976:

We, the undersigned, register our strongest protest against the South Africa government's massive use of violence against demonstrators resisting apartheid in South Africa. We agree with the U.N. Security Council that the policy of apartheid is "a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind and a serious danger to peace and security." We call upon you to oppose actively th~ policy of apartheid and to terminate any means of assistance to the white supremacist government in South Africa.

Submit your petitions to your representatives, preferably in person, along with a carefully worked out presentation of facts and suggested policy.

Contact lobbying groups like Washington Office on Africa and FCNL (Friends Committee on National Legislation, 245 Second St'reet, N.E., Washington, D.C. 20002; (202)-547-4343) to keep up to dat~ with current legislative efforts.. Coordinate your letters, visits, phone calls, and petitions with the lobbying efforts of these groups. Relay the information gathered from WOA and FCNL to your local groups and be sure to notify these Washington offices of your own local efforts to influence your Congressional delegation.

Resources 1. Washington Office on Africa, "Congressional Voting Record on Southern African Issues," 1976, 8 pp; 25¢ 2. Bruce Oudes and Francis A. Kornegay, Jr. have both produced good inside reports on Washington DC politics and Africa in Africa Report magazine. Check back issues. 3. George Alderson, "How to Influence Your Congressman" in The Voter's Guide to Enviornmental Politics, Ballantine Books, 1975. 20

Operation Namibia -- Focus for Namibia Support

On October 27, 1976 -- the tenth anniversary of the U.N. resolution declaring South Africa's occupation of Namibia illegal -- the Golden Harvest set sail from England to risk a nonviolent confrontation with South African authorities. The boat is carrying books banned by the South African govern­ ment which have been requested by Namibian nationalists. Since the ship will be stopping in various West African ports before its arrival in May 1977, and will be attracting world-wide press coverage as it sails, the aim is not merely to deliver contraband books, but also to draw public attention to the issue: South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia.

Operation Namibia, sponsor of this project, is a transnational collective support group working in the United States, Australia, Europe, India, and Africa. The Golden Harvest provides a focal point for the Namibia support work of local groups -- support which becomes all the more important in light of South Africa's military presence in Namibia. Support actions include:

Getting Namibia into local newspapers, radio, TV (through letters to the editor, columns, phone-ins to talk shows, debates on TV or radio). Contact operation Namibia for key dates to issue press releases in support of the Golden Harvest. Developing public awareness through teach-ins and film showings (the Lutheran Church of America did just this in declaring the week October 3l-November 7, 1976 to be Namibia Week).

Approaching companies with investments in Namibia (Visit branch offices of such companies if nearby, i.e., Del Monte, which packages Namibian fish; or AMAX (American Metal Climax) and Newmont Mining, which own controlling interests in Tsumeb Corporation, a copper and minerals company in Namibia.)

Collecting contributions for Operation Namibia

Staging rallies, marches, vigils, pickets, or street theater per­ formances to dramatize the issues and ~o get press coverage

Donating funds or equipment to the SWAPO (South West Africa People's Organization) Printshop Workshop (Two-fold purpose: generate more effective communication about the Namibian struggle both within Namibia and internationally, and .also provide educational materials for SWAPO's several schools and training centers). Contact Liberation Support Movement Bay Area Unit, P. O. Box 756, Berkeley, Ca. 94701.

Organizations: Operation Namibia Bay Area Namibia Action Group 4811 Springfield Avenue 611 Frederick Philadelphia, Pa. 19143 San Francisco, Ca. 94117

Sources: Namibia Packet, a collection of materials detailing aspects of Namibian history, economy, and U.S. corporate involvement, $2.00 each (available from Bay Area Namibia Action Group)

Memoranda available from Operation Namibia, Philadelphia

Dollars and Sense, October 1976 21 Encouragement to Others

In adaition to responding to initiatives by foreign and domestic govern­ ments and multinational corporations, it is possible to take positive action.

Supporting particular movements for change by providing money, publicity, attention, and encouragement (See Section-3)

Commemorating past achievements and personal triumphs in the freedom struggles in southern Africa (See Appendix 'F, page 63.)

Singling out particular individuals for recognition, speaking appear­ ances or awards Applauding shifts of government policy or corporate withdrawal

Circulating petitions for submission to U.S. office holders or multinational corporations

Producing and selling solidarity cards, posters, buttons, and stickers to increase community involvement and to raise funds

Donating funds to the Africa Fund (tax exempt associate of the American Committee on Africa, 305 E. 46th Street, New York City 10017), which sponsors projects such as educational supplies requested by the African National Council of Zimbabwe, assistance for political prisoners inside Rhodesia, legal defense and scholarships for South African Students Organization students, textbooks for the South West Africa People's Organization's (SWAPO's) institute in Zambia, and emergency assistance to southern African refugees~

Donating funds to the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, P. O. Box 17, Cambridge, Mass. 02138, for effective legal and financial aid to political prisoners and their families in South Africa.

Political Movements in southern Africa work under many burdens, including financial ones. They need money, but they need wider audiences and other types of support, too. Although many of their official representatives are clustered around New York City (see list on page 39), they are available for speaking appearances elsewhere, particularly if their expenses are met. Local resource people who can speak to the issues as well as about the movements themselves may be closer at hand. University international houses and asso­ ciations are places to start looking. In some major U.S. and Canadian cities, liberation support organizations have sprung up. (See Section 3, parts A and E) 22

Political Prisoners:

Imprisonment of all political leaders and critics has been one of South Africa's most potent tools of repression. The tempo of these jailings has increased markedly since the emergency in June 1976 of a new generation of protestors -- the school children of Soweto. The South African Institute of Race Relations reports that nearly 4200 people have been charged in courts since the-June uprisings and more than 1200 people -- 926 juveniles and 355 adults -- have been convicted.

International public pressure can be of help, however, against the image­ conscious South African government. One example is the reaction following the jailing of John Kani and Winston Ntshona in early October 1976 in the Transkei after a performance of "Sizwe Banzi is Dead" -- a play for whose performance they had received the 1974 Tony award in New York. The timing was particularly awkward for South Africa since the Transkei was supposed to become "independent" 18 days after the arrest. The story of Kani's and Ntshona's arrest appeared in the same issue of the New York Times that carried the front page item about South Africa's threatened prosecution of 8 white rugby players who dared to play on the same team with blacks. Significant support developed immediately for Kani and Ntshona, particularly in New York City amongst the theater community. The two South African actors were conveniently freed from solitary confinement just in time to head off a major demonstration outside the South African embassy in New York on the day of Transkt:~i "independence."

Other political prisoners with an appeal for a special interest constituency in the United States are black journalists in South Africa who" have proven to be the only source of reliable information on the Soweto riots. Newsweek. devoted a full page in mid-November 1976 to the imprisonment of journalists in South" Africa. Publicity calling for their- release could be built up in the U.S. media community.

In yet another effort, the Pan African Students Organization in the Americas (PASOA) has launched support ~fforts for the nine members of the South African Students Organization (SASO) on trial in Pretoria. They are asking for contributions to "The SASO Nine Defence Fund," P. O. Box 467, New York, N.Y. 10025.

Episcopal Churchmen for South Africa (ECSA) maintains up-to-date informa­ tion on political repression in South Africa and Namibia. ECSA puts out a regular newsletter with news of current jailings and updates on those already in prison. ECSA organizes campaigns against these political imprisonments and can provide a valuable resource for local organizing groups. Amnesty International has specific information on political prisoners in South Africa and Rhodesia and is willing to serve as a resource center for individuals/groups interested in initiating southern Africa prisoner work. AI can also provide possibilities for aiding a specific prisoner through public pressure and/or monetary donations. Finally, Clergy and Laity Concerned will be developing "country kits" directed at political.prisoners as part of their U.S. Power and Repression Program. They, too, wish to serve as a resource center for local group actions. Resources for Action around Political Prisoners Get in touch with: Episcopal Churchmen for South Africa (ECSA), International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (IDAF), Amnesty International (AI), and Clergy and Laity Concerned - U.S. Power and Repression Program, Washington DC. 1. UN Unit on Apartheid, Notes and Documents Nos. 22/72, 25/75, 33/75, etc. 2. Joel Carlson, No Neutral Ground, Crowell, New York, "1973. 23

Labor groups in minority-ruled countries need support. In'South Africa, black labor unions enjoy none of the legal rights of white labor groups. Conse­ quently, they are almost powerless, having no legal right to bargain, strike, or picket. In mid-November 1976 the South African government issued "banning orders" against 13 labor activists (11 of whom are white), prohibiting them from engaging in any labor organizing activities for five years. The assumption in labor ,circles is that the government has decided to end the role of whites as organizers and advisers to the black labor union movement. On the other hand, Harry F. Oppenheimer, head of the largest industrial empire in South Africa (including Anglo-American and DeBeers) has said that one of his big con­ cerns is that black workers are unorganized and could suddenly take some un­ predictable steps. (New York Times, October 6, 1976): "We don't know what is in the minds of the black workers."

Direct support for black workers is not possible but publicity and education in this country about black South African labor organizations can put pressure on u.S. industries and the South African government. Resources for Action on Labor Groups in Southern Africa Contact: South African Institution of Race Relations, Box 97, Johannesburg, South Africa, and Black Sash, 37 Harvard Buildings, Joubert St. Johannesburg. 1. Alex Hepple, South Africa: Workers Under Apartheid, IDAF, 1971 2. D.B. Horner, ed:, Labor Organization and'the African, South "African Institute 3. of Race Relations, 1975. 3. "P"rospects for Change: Apartheid and the African Worker", published by the Africa Fund (affiliated with ACOA) New York, 1975, 6 pp. 4. Wages Commission of the Students' Representative Council, ·University of Cape Town, "African Labor in South Africa," in Objective: Justice, Oct-Dec 74.

Women's organizations in South Africa have been powerful forces pushing for change, frequently using nonviolent dir~ct action to resist apartheid. The groups range from the predominantly middle-class Black Sash (all-white until 1963), which has staged many silent protests against apartheid laws (with participants wearing the symbolic black sash), to the ANC's Women's League, the Women's Federation, and the new Federation of Black Women. Winnie Mandela, "Mother of the Black People in South Africa," now in prison once more follow­ ing the riots in Soweto, has said, "I don't think that there is a country where women are as exploited as in this country... she has no status at all... she can hardly own a home. She has no rights whatsoever... just the same as a child." Yet, she goes on to say, "The women, I reiterate, will lead the struggle of the oppressed in this country." DirecL financial support for women's groups in South Africa is not easy to do, but international contact and support can have great value. Resources for Action on Women in Southern Africa Contact: South African Institute of Race RelationE (SAIRR), Johannesburg, Black Sash, Johannesburg (for addresses of both, see above), and The Women's Federation, 1901 Main Street, PO Clerna­ ville, South Africa. 1. Hilda Bernstein, For Their Triumphs and their Tears: Women in Apartheid South Africa, IDAF, 1975. 2. Zanele Dhlamini, "Women's Liberation: A Black South African Woman's View" in Sechaba, Sept. '72. (Available from AFSC Nationwide Women's Program, Phila, PA) 3. Elizabeth S. Landis, "Apartheid and the Disabilities of African Women in South Africa," UN Unit on Apartheid Notes and Documents No. 4/75, March 75. Section 2 ~ Some Techniques in Organizing a Campaign

1. Get in touch with others: Develop an Action/Study Group

Teams of from 3 to 12 people who can study an issue and develop and implement an action strategy around it are at the core of any campaign. Where does one look for members of such groups? It depends on the issue, of course, but the possibilities are many: third world peoples' groups, church congregations, student organizations, study classes on world affairs, and so forth. But campaigns need support from others, too. Often, a core Action/Study Group will need three bases of support:*

1. Necessary allies who give or get the approval the group needs, possibly money & staff as well.

2. Other community 3. Network of consultants, groups working on the II who have vital pers­ issue, who provide -----. pectives & information Your Study/ ideas., people power, A_ for the work of the Action Group & occasionally money. group.

(*from Robert H. Bonthius, "So You Want to Change the System?")

National and local organizations, especially of type number 3, are listed at the back of this guide. Some of these can be helpful in the second part of developing a campaign, namely investigation.

2. Investigate

You can't have all the facts before acting, but you should be reasonably sure that your interpretation is based on solid ground. Interviews, obser­ vation, library research, and personal experience can give you the raw data. Some of the most useful and telling facts for presenting your case to others are those from governments, corporations, university ,research units, or other "established" and "reputable" sources. Some of the most damning indictments of u.S. policy toward southern Africa have come from the mouths of senior officials recorded in the pages· of Congressional hearings! In the back of this guide, some few selected sources are listed -- for starters. 25

Getting the facts is easy. Many are already assembled and available (See Organizations and Resources section, particularly the "Notes and Documents" from the U.N. unit on apartheid). More difficult is making them mean something wi~hin a framework of understanding. That's where study, reflection, and exchange come in. In a group setting, one process many have found helpful is "Macroanalysis." This entails, at the outset, coopera­ tive learning: a list of things to be read is assembled and parts· of it are assigned to each member of the group, who in turn shares the essentials of the assigned reading with the whole group. This way, a lot of material can be covered rapidly, and in a focused way. (For information on techniques, write: Macroanalysis Collective, 4719 Cedar Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 19143.)

3. Set Goals/Develop Strategy

What do you want to accomplish? Whom do you want to convince?

Strategy is the overall plan for achieving goals. The group determines where the campaign should go, where it is now, and what steps are needed to achieve the goals. Overall planning is crucial. Spontaneous and intuitive action will always and should happen as the need and spirit arises; but a good campaign will have at least the basic outline of how to get "from here to there."

The development of strategy may be depicted this way: awarress conclusion +- tactics/time line~resources~objectives~goals .....~I5-----~ ~ r 1) ~ ~ data analysis \Levaluation

Goal-Setting

A group can brainstorm ideas to derive goals and objectives. But goals come largely out of looking closely at the facts and analyzing them; some good action ideas can come from that analysis. Some goals are long-range. A long-range goal for Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) is genuine majority rule under a regime responsive to the needs of all Zimbabweans. Your analysis may lead you to conclude that present U.S. corporate involvement in Zimbabwe blocks realiza­ tion of that goal, rather than smoothing the path toward such a realization (as corporations claim). Or you may conclude that the success of Zimbabwean liberation movements is the best way of characterizing the goal.

Objectives

They're what you set out to accomplish by the end of the campaign. Brainstorming is more useful here; it is important that ideas flow in a brain­ storming session without criticism (which can come later, in the cool light of analysis). For instance, having set a long-range goal of rendering South Africa more vulnerable to non-violent change, your analysis may lead you to conclude that nuclear energy self-sufficiency for South Africa makes it less vulnerable to change. Therefore, a possible objective for a local group is to stop the flow of nuclear technology to South Africa through legislative action. 26

Resources

In order to get a sense of what is practical and possible, brainstorm a list of resources which would help accomplish your objectives. For example, if you want to get people to stop taking tours in Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), some obvious resources are: lqcal travel agent, a university with a travel program on campus, an interested news reporter, free travel brochures, a statement by u.s. government officials favorable to Rhodesian sanctions, a community leader willing to speak out against tourism to Zimbabwe, etc. Pos­ sible speakers would include students and other visitors from Zimbabwe and sympathetic u.s. tourists who have returned from southern Africa.

Tactics/Timeline

Tactics depend, of course, on the institutions on which you focus. This means both offending institutions (e.g. a firm importing South African coal) and institutions where you can seek helpful political or legal action (e.g., the local city council, the u.s. District attorney and Federal court). Tactics will also depend on the prevailing political connciousness and sympathies in the community. Tactics can follow sequentially, building up in a crescendo of activity and public attention. For example, tactics may begin with public education of a low-key kind (visiting community leaders, personal contact, newspaper articles, letters-to-the editor), then of a more visible kind (leaflett.ing, street speaking, radio or TV interviews, public meetings & teach­ ins, etc.). Note: Some campaigns have not been able to resist the temptation to drag the educational process on fore.ver, without taking action. As many organizers have discovered, there are many'situations where the most effective public education takes place through nonviolent direct action.)

Mounting a non-violent direction action takes careful planning and attention to small details. Otherwise, one risks alienating folks, garbling the message, discouraging co-workers, and producing yawns from your audience. It could also result in people getting hurt.

Many have found it useful to adhere to some principles in non-violent direction action:

1. Conflict is an essential part of social change. Our problem is to wage it non-violently and effectively. 2. Truth belongs to both sides. Because opponents have some truth in their positions, too, negotiations will be necessary at some point. "3. Openness in planning and actions must be maintained, both to preserve internal democracy and to present a clear image to the public. 4. Non-retaliation can have a disarming effect on an opponent, and can enhance community support and sympathy for your campaign. 5. Preparation: identifying goals, objectives, tactics, and establishing discipline and emotional and social strength. 27

A Timeline is simply a calendar for tactics. It will be useful for thinking through the crescendo-building, and the sharing-out of tasks.

Evaluation

Once a group has defined its objectives and identified appropriate tactics, it should . ~ ... ~.. . ••I• ~...... meet regularly with a planned agenda. Whatever else is scheduled, the agenda should always make place for these questions:

1. What new information have we that affects our plan of action? 2. What do we need to know or do next? 3. Who will take primary res­ ponsibllity for each task? 4. When do we want these tasks accomplished?

This provides for regular eva­ luation of the strategy, in­ cluding revision of objectives, if necessary; for clarity in the divisions of responsibility; for work deadlines which build in accountability to the group. Each meeting should be evaluated, as well as the objectives in view. A good format for evaluation is a three-column chart, listing first the positive things, th~n negative, then how things can be done better. I -+ (P6SfT''''- Ana(,T~) /.- (Sk~C.OMI... ea.Sll ~ (m1tl6s 70 ()o a£TT£l)

Principal Tasks

Experienced campaign organizers, have found these tasks central to their work: A) Coordination. To facilitate in overall guidance, to call meetings, to give thought to what might be overlooked, and to consider larger questions of strategy. B) Recruitment. To draw in allies and supporters, and to avoid alienating people. Sometimes just plain "warm bodies" are needed. They can be 28

reached through phone trees, mailings, publicity, leaflets, meetings, etc. Everyone should recruit but the recruitment team should take special responsibility. C) Funclraising. It is not always true that a good campaign will "sell itself"; a special committee, hopefully made up of persuasive, imaginative, presentable, and well connected types of folks, will usually need to hustle to get money or donations in kind. It will also need to keep accurate records and make financial reports. D) Press and Publicity. A press team makes up a press list, phone numbers of interested reporters, a press clipping file, mimeographed press releases to give out to reporters before and during demonstrations, conferences, or fund-raising events. E) Hospitality. If your campaign involves visitors from beyond the com­ munity -- speakers, for example -- you may wish to organize a team responsible for welcoming and accommodating them.

Tasks in a demonstration or direct action

F) Legal. To contact sympathetic lawyers and determine the legal situation. Do we need a permit to demo-Ilst=rate-'?- What local ordinances apply? What are the possible penalties if we engage in nonv~olent civil disobedience and break the law? Will the attorney help provide counsel if there are arrests? G) Training. To give non-violent training to potential participants, and to campaign organizers. Training is key if people are to act with assurance, calm and strength. For more information, contact Nonviolent Action Training Program (NVAT), AFSC, 1501 Cherry Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 19103. H) Demonstration information. To draw up and circulate information for discipline, reminding participants of the need for discipline, to give ~emonstr~tors new ' Il;l:)'~~ - ,, lnformatlon, to .. ll.

Durban strikes, 1973. A massive strike wave by African workers swept O\,P/ the InclustrlJ! centres of Natal and spread to other regions in 1973. Starvation waqes v\Prc t'1(' CClUSP. 29

help overcome problems, make needed on-the-spot decisions if the unexpected happens (as it will). Scouting out the route of a march or. picket site, setting up transportation to and from the demonstra­ tion, arranging for special equipment (bullhorns, public address system, canoes for a ship blockade, etc.), and arranging for possible medical care on the spot are some of the tasks needing attention here. J) Signs and leaflets. Signs should be waterproof. Their messages should be brief (not over six words) and clear. Someone will need to write and layout a clear, brief, factual, neatly printed leaflet to give out to the public at demonstrations. Keep your readers in mind when writing leq.dlets.

Leafletting is relatively easy to organize, is fun, and provides face­ to-face contact with folks. Some hints for leafletting: (1) Choose a captain to serve and relieve other leafletters; (2) Space yourselves widely, covering the most important approaches to the area covered; (3) Speak to the person in charge of the place being leafletted (e.g. store manager) to make clear the reasons for leafletting, the size of the group, how long you intend to leaflet, etc.; (4) At a busy site, 500 leaflets per hour is a minimum; leaflets of one color only will let people know you're handing out only one thing; (5) Make sure your leaflet clearly identifies your group; (6) Use a firm but friendly approach; don't expect people to approach you; (7) Make a friendly, positive comment, such as "This should interest you" and do say "Thank you!" (8) Leaf­ letting can lead to discussion with passersby; share what you know and admit what you don't know; (9) Signs help publicize the leafletting; sandwich signs leave your hands free to pass out leaflets.; (10) There is no law or ordinance which prohibits leafletting and picketing where there is no attempt to block public passageways. You can't legally leaflet or picket private property (e.g. inside a store). Don't interfere with sidewalk traffic and be sure to pick up any leaflets dropped on the ground, so you can't be accused of littering.*

K) Police. To contact appropriate law enforcement authorities ahead of time and inform them of your purpose, nonviolent spirit, where and how you'll be demonstrating. This team may also be responsible for relating to police on the day of the demonstration.

L) Other tasks. Taking photos 'or films for your own evaluation; developing a song list; arranging for support of family members'who cannot participate (that is, day care, holding down the home front, etc.); relating to and helping people who go to court or jail; raising bail money for people in jail; taking care of props and costumes for street theatre; getting the speaker a place to stand, e~c.

Further reading: Martin Oppenheimer and George Lakey, A Manual for Direct Action, Chicago, Quadrangle paperback, 1965. A still­ useful classic.

Theod~re Olson and Lynne Shivers, Training for Nonviolent Action, London, Friends Peace Committee and International Relations Committee, 1970. Available from PED-Resources, AFSC, Philadelphia, $1.00.

*Adapted from "Hints for Leafletting," Friends Peace Committee, Phila., Pa. 30

Richard K. Taylor, A Manual for Nonviolent Direct Action, 1975, pamphlet available from PED Resources, AFSC, 25¢.

Richard B. Gregg, The Power of Nonviolence, 2nd Revised ed., New York, Schocken, 1959. $1.95. A classic.

Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action, Boston, Porter Sargent, 1974. Encyclopedic treatment of the subject.

Marty Jezer, Helen Michalowski, and Henry Bass; edited by Henry Bass; edited by Robert Cooney; The Power of the People: Active Nonviolence in the U.S.; The History of the American Nonviolent Movement Since 1315, Institute for the Study of Nonviolence, Palo Alto, 1976. Available from PED-Resources, AFSC $3.65. 31 Section 3: 0 RGA NIZA TIONS

These pages provide a working index of groups concerned with southern Africa. For a more complete list of U. S. organizations concerned with all of Africa, see "U. S. Constituency for Africa" published by the African Bibliographic Center. Note also that many groups on Africa tend to be short-lived, especially at the local level. Some of the organizations listed here, therefore, may no longer exist, or may have moved.

A. National Activist Organizations

1. American Committee on Africa (ACOA) A support group growing out of the Angola 305 East 46th Street Support Conference in Chicago in May 1976 New York, N. Y. 10017 (212) 838-5030 to assist the people of Angola in the develop­ ment of their newly independent nation. Research, publications, services to liberation groups in the U. S., and * political education have been the chief concerns of this major, long­ 5. American Friends Service Committee established organization working on (Southern Africa Program) questions of apartheid and colonialism. 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, Pa. 19102 (215), 241-7000 * Seeks to build understanding in the USA; 2. Anti-Apartheid Movement of the U.S.A. a representative, traveling alternately 346 West 20th Street in southern Africa and the USA, provides New York, N. Y. 10011 (212) 989-6389 r~ports and builds links between African struggles for liberation and local groups A relatively new group, in some respects a in the USA; program coordinated with counterpart to a long-established British ongoing peace education work of some organization which has built a network of regional AFSC offices. Puts out information many local chapters concerned with South packets on current issues. African racism and the West's role in it. (See "East" section for address of the * local Washington chapter. ) 6 Coalition for the Liberatio"n of Southern Africa * 'c/o Washington Office on Africa 110 Maryland Avenue NE 3. Anti-Apartheid Committee for Selective Washington D. C. 20002 (202) 546'-7961 Purchasing 1500 Farragut Street, N. W. National coalition of organizations (mostly Washington, D. C. 20011 local) that are working actively full or part (202) 544-5380 or (202) 833-9121 time for the liberation of southern Africa. Started in October 1975 at a nationwide Supports efforts by local groups to encourage conference in Madison, }Visco~sin. city councils to boycott products of corpora­ tions supporting the status quo in southern Africa. 7. Center on International Race Relations * Grad. School of International Studies University of Denver 4.. Angola Support Committee (interim) Denver, Colorado 80210 1514 South Albany Chicago, Illinois 60623 (312) 762-3432 Since 1969, has worked on international race relations and links with US foreign policy 32

8. Committee for a Free Mozambique Works especially on political prisoner issues. 825 west End A.venue Apt. 14F Provides legal defense and family support New York, N. Y. (212) 222-2892 within southern Africa. Publishes many valuable materials. Supports FRELIM:O, national party of Mozambique, through films, a news­ * letter, and fund- raising efforts in the U. S. IInterreligious Foundation for Community * Organizing (IFCO) 475 Riverside Drive Room 572 9. Episcopal Churchmen for South Africa New York, N. Y. 10027 (212) 870-3151 14 West 11th Street New York, N. Y. 10011 (202) 477-0066 A church foundation with strong black American and African ties; 13 denominations provide Works within and beyond the Episcopal direct grants and technical/organizational Church on apartheid, the U. S. role, assistance to community groups servicing and human rights and prisoners in minority and low-income people; publishes southern Africa. Publishes a variety a newsletter. of material. * * 14. Liberation Support Movement East Coast Unit

I 0'., February 1 Movement /P. O. Box 673 - P. O. Box 2413 Brooklyn, N. Y. 11202 Washington, D.C. 20013 and LSM Information Center Black activist student organization; P. O. Box 94338 publishes mOID1clbULy newspaper, The African Richmond, B. C. Canada V6Y 2A8 World. ~~~pte~"~~ tbroughout the USA. Provides support for liberation groups in southern * Africa through extensive publications, a calendar, and a quarte~ly, LSM News ($2.00/year). Send 11. nterfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility for literature list. (ICCR) and Corporate Information Center (CIC) 475 Riverside Drive Room 846 * New York, N. Y. 10027 (212) 870-2295 National A nti-Imperialist Movement in Solidarity Concerned primarily with church investments with African Liberation (NAIMSAL) and their social impact. Helps many churches 1 Union Square West Room 203 and synagogues"mount action -- such as stock­ New Yorl}, N. Y~ 100n3 (212) 929-5686 holder resolutions -- against corporations. CIC publishes the useful" Co-rporate Examiner" and Local chapters in Pldladelphia and Chicago. many valuable "briefs" on targeted corporations. * * 16. Office for Church and Society -- United Church 12. International Defense and Aid Fund for of Christ Southern Africa (lOAf) , 297 Park Avenue South 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Room 201 New York, N. Y. 10010 (212) 475-2121 Cambridge, Mass., 02138 (617) 492-1820 Research and action on southern Africa and other issues, especially for church constituency. 33

, ~Southern Africa Committee Produces a number of "Profiles" dealing with 156 Fifth Avenue Room 707 South African issues and interpretative material New Yorl< N. Y. 10010 (212) 741-3480 on World Council of Churches' decisions.

Study, education, and actio'n aimed at B. Information and News changing U. S. involvements and broadening (See "Periodicals" section for further support for the. liberation movements. listings) .. Publishes the invaluable Southern Africa magazine. 22. Africa News . Box 3851 * DurhalY'_, N. C. 27702 (919) 286-3910

. Unit o'n Apartheid Produces excellent weekly news digest ($48/year, Department of Political and Security $5 for one month trial, non-profit) and a weekly Council Affairs audio service for broadcasters. United Nations * New York, N. Yo 10017 (212) 754-1234 23. Afro-American Information Service 244 West 27th St reet Established in 1966 by a UN General New York, N. Y. 10001 (212) 691-5240 A ssembly resolution. Produces "Notes and Documents" series of in-depth studies of * aspects of apartheid. The UN Office of Public Information publishes for more general 24. Habari* -- telephonic news service (*Swahili for audiences: "United Nations and Southern Africa" (202) 659-2529 Washington, D. C. "news") and Objective: Justice. Taped news summary of African news and U. S. * policy links, issued six times a week, put out by the African Bibliographic Center and the . U. S. Catholic Conference (Africa desk) V!ashington Task Force on African Affairs. 1312 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, D. C. 20005 (202) 659-6812 * Produces pamphlets on issues in South Africa 25. South Africa News Agency Bulletin and Rhodesia. Write for literature list. c/o International University Exchange Fund P. O. Box 348, 1211 Geneva 11, Switzerland * SANA is a loose association of free-lance journalists

I Washington Office on Africa (WOA) within southern Africa aimed at providing in-depth 110 Maryland Avenue NE information service for the international press. Washington, D.C. 20002 (202) 546-7961 Originally distributed from South Africa but has now been declared an "undesirable publication"" Sponsored by four denominations and the ACOA. Produces information on Congressional legis­ * lation about southern Africa and organizes lobbying actions. Publishes "Washington C. Specialized Groups .. Notes on Africa" and "Africa Action". 26. Africa Legal Assistance Project * Lawyer's Committee for Civil Rights Under Law 733 15th Street NW L. World Council of Churches Programme to Washington, D. C. 20005 Combat Racism (WCC -- PCR) 475 Riverside Drive Suite 439 * New York, N. Y. 10027 34

27. Amnesty Inter'national -- USA D. National -- Mainly Academic 200 West 72nd Street New York, N. Y. 10023 (202) 724-9907 33. African Bibliographic Ce'nter 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW Suite 901 Provides information and channels for action Washi'ngton, D. C. 20036 (202) 223-1392 to aid political prisoners. Primarily a documentation ce'nter and informatio * service. AIso conducts seminars for national organizatio'ns, universities, etc. on Africa­ 28. A RENA: Institute for Sport and Social Analysis related issues. Produces Habari telephone c/o Dr. Richard E. Lapchick news service. Virginia Wesleya'n College Norfolk, Va. 2350.2 (804) 461-3232 *

Investigates sports issues, including the 34. African Studies Association (ASA) political economy of sport, sport and international 218 Shiffman Humanities Center politics, a'nd race and sport. Publishes Journal Brandeis University of Sport and Social Issues and a bimonthly ARENA Waltham, Mass. 02154 newsletter. Largest academic organization on Africa. * Publishes: African Studies Newsletter, African Studies Review, and Issue: ~ Quarterly 29. Ce'nter for National Security Studies Jour'nal of Opinion. 122 Maryland Avenue NE Washington, D. C. 20002 (202) 544-5380 * * 35. Black World Foundation P. O. Box 31245 30. Clergy and Laity Concerned (CALC) -- U. S. San Francisco, Cal. 94131 Power and Repression Program 1114 G Street SE Creates, pu~lishes, a'nd distributes Washington, D. C. 20003 (202) 546-8985 educational materials for black constituencies. Publishes The Black Scholar; Black Law Journal. Good resource center for political prisoner issues. Developing "cou'ntry kits" for southern * Africa, and other regions. 36. National Conference of Black Political Scientists * 1545 18th Street NW Washington, D. C. 20036 31. Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy 120 Maryland Avenue NE Black professional group; works closely with Washingto'n, D. C. 20002 (202) 546-8400 Congressional Black Caucus.

Provide action alert mailings and background * information on upcomtng Congressional legislation. 37. Southern Africa Research Association (SARA) c/o Professor Callistus P. D. Ndlovu * Department of History, Hofstra University Hempstead, New York 11550 32. Committee Against Merce'nary Recruitment and U. S. Interve'ntion in Foreign Countries Seeks to share research and publishing interests P.'O. Box 893 San Anto'nio, Texas 78293 of Africanists concerned with southern Africa. 35 j8. African Activist Association 44. Campaign for Global Justice African Studies Center 4709 Windsor Avenue University of California Philadelphia, Pa. 19143 (215) SA 6 7989 Los Angeles, Cal. 90024 (213) 825-3806 Church -oriented organization with special concern An academic/activist group founded in the for human rights in southern Africa. spirit of the ASA meeting in Montrea:l in 1969; seeks to recruit more black 45. MPLA Solidarity Committee students into African studies. Produces P. O. Box 549 the useful scholarly journal Ufahamu. New York, N. Y. 10025 (212) 222-2893

* 46. Operation Namibia 4811 Springfield Avenue E. Local Groups Philadelphia, Pa., 19143 (215) 724-1858

East Coast 47. Patrice Lumumba Coalition 251 West 125th Street 39. Africa Liberation Support Committee, N. Y. New York, N. Y. 10027 (212) 662-1256 244 West 27th Street New York, N. Y. 10001 48. Philad elphia Coalition to Stop Rhodesian and

f South African Imports 40. Africa Liberation Support Committee, Baltimore, c/o J. Silberman 1039 N. Mount Street 500 West Chelten Avenue Apt. 103 Baltimore, Md. 21217 (301) 728-2660 Philadelphia, Pa. 19144 (215) 848-2473

Chapters also in: 49. Southern Africa Solidarity Committee P. O. Box 101 Washington, D. C. Boston, Mass. 02123 Chicago HouSt011 50. Syracuse Committee on Southern Africa ~iberation ~ Hanover, N. H. 119 College Plaza Nashville Syracuse, N. Y. (315) 479-7783 New Orleans Atlanta 51. Task Force on Southern Africa Massachusetts Conference 41. Anti-Apartheid Movement U. S.A. United Church of Christ Washington Area Chapter 15 Lochmere Avenue P. O. Box 299 N. Weymouth, Mass. 02191 Garrett Park, Md. 20766 52. Task Force on Southern Africa 42. Committee to Support African Independence Potomac Association c/o Jim Davis United Church of Christ 143 West 85th Street #4 5898 S. First Street New York, N. Y'l 10024 A rlington, Va. 22204

43. Congress of Afrikan People 53. United People's Campaign Against Apartheid 502 High Street and Racism Newark, N. J. 07102 . (201) 621-2300 c/o Dina Portnoy 3723 Spring Garden Street Philadelphia, Pa. 19104 (215) 387-8099 36

54. Washington Task Force on African Affairs 65. New World Resource Center and P. O. Box 13033 Chicago Committee for the Liberation of Angola, Washington, D. C. 20009 Mozambique, and Guinea 1426 West Irving Park Aiming at black constituency in changing U. S. Chicago, Ill. 60613 (312) 348-3370 African foreign policy. Developing videotape and radio resources. Co-produces Habari 66. St. Louis Committee on Africa telephonic news service. P. O. Box 2975 St. Louis, Mo. 63130 55. Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) Support Committee -- New York 67. South Africa Boycott Committee, Congregation P.O.> Box 181 for Reconciliation Bronx, N. Y. 10453 Box 123, D. V. Station Dayton, Ohio 45406 (513) 276-4077 Mid West Produces "ITT Boycott Newsletter" 56. Amilcar Cabral Study Group 3733 Benton Boulevard 68. Southern Africa Liberation Committee (SALC) Kansas City, Mo. 64128 1118 S. Harrison Eas t Lansing, Mich. 48823 (517) 351-4648 57. Ann Arbor Southern Africa Committee 204 S. Fourth Avenue Active on local and national political scene. Ann Arbor, Mich. 48104 (313) 761-7981 69. Southern .Co·nference Educational Fund 58. Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) 3201 West Broadway Box 1986, 222 S. Downey Avenue Louisville, Kentucky 40211 Indianapolis, Ind. 46206 (317) 353-1491 South 59. Congress of Afrikan People, South Bend 1416 Linden Avenue 70. Africa Liberation Support Committee, Atlanta South Bend, Ind. 46628 (219) 234-3522 P. O. Box 11223 Atlanta, Georgia 30310 (404) 753-5685 60. Congress of Afrikan People, St. Louis 1401 Rowan 71. Africa Liberation Support Committee St. Louis, Mo. 63112 (314) 382-2763 (Research and Development) P. O. Box 5747 61. Lutheran Committee on Namibia, Madison Nashville, Tenn. 37208 c/o Lutheran Campus Center 1025 University Avenue 72. Freedom Information Service Madison, Wis. 53715 (608) 257-7178 Drawer D Tougaloo, Miss. 39174 (601) 956-4096 62. Lutheran Global Justice Task Force 4100 Franklin Boulevard West Coast Cleveland, Ohio (216) 281-3700 73. Bay Area Namibia Action Group 63. Lutheran Human Relations Association 611 Frederick 2723 N. Grant Boulevard San Francisco, Cal. 94117 Milwaukee, Wis. 53210 74. Southern Africa Solidarity Committee 64. Madison Area Committee on Southern Africa 3268 Lynde Street 731 State Street Oakland, Cal. 94601 (415) 534-5629 Madison, Wis. 53703 (608) 238-6950 Very active group. Good source of information. 37

F. Canada National Activist Organization (Late addition) 75. Southern Africa Action Coalition 1811 West 16th Avenue 79. The National Black Coalition on Southern Vancouver, B. C. Canada Africa (NBCSA) 4708 15th Street NW 76. Southern Africa Information Group Washington, D.C. 20011 Box 4443-E (202) 829-6484 Ottawa, Canada (613) 234-2561 Formed in the fall of 1976. Shows potential 77. Free Southern Africa Committee of significant leverage in U. S. -- southern P. O. Box 7689 Station A Africa relations. Edmonton, Alberta, Canada

78. Toronto Committee for the Liberation of Southern Africa (TCLSAC) 121 Avenue Road Toronto 5, Ontario Canada

An especially active group.

o

AN GOA Lobito

.-z,. NAMIBIA \'. ·Windhoek Walvis Bay s. AFRICA ~ (SOUTH WEST ~ AFRICA)

Durban

Miles .....-=====--==--...... 500 500 East London SOUTHERN AFRICA Kilometers Cape Town Port Elizabeth Simonstown 38 Organizations in (01-387-3182). Zimbabwe Solidarity Boycott Outspan Action, Britain and Published an excellent short Committee, 31 Brayd'on Rd, Pasteurstraat 26, Leiden, Elsewhere news sheet on Southern Africa, London N 16 and Zimbabwe Netherlands. which appears six times a year. Solidarity Front, 66A Etherley Anti-Apartheid Bewegung, 433 Mulheim, Ruhr, Wertgasse . Haslemere Group, 467 Rd, London N 15 . 23, W. Germany. Caledonian Road, London N7. Mozambique and Guine Angola Comite, Da Costastraat (01-607-3834) Information Centre, 12 Little 88, Amsterdam 1014, Haslemere is running Newport St, London WC2. Netherlands. campaigns against two major (01-734-9541). Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, British companies ~hich are Grew out of the Committee 20 Beechpark Road, Foxrock, Anti-Apartheid Movement, operating in Southern Africa for Freedom in Mozambique, Co. Dublin, Ireland. 89 Charlotte St., London WI Barclays Bank and Rio Tinto­ Angola and Guine (CFMAG), Comite Contre Ie Colonialisme (01-580-5311 ). Zinc. The group, as well as which disbanded itself in July et L'Apartheid, 14 Avenue Anti-Apartheid, founded back publishing briefing material on 1975 with the independence of in 1959, is the main action the firms, also distributes single Portuguese Africa. The Beau Vallon, 1410 Waterloo, group in Britain fighting shares in Barclays and RTZ information centre distributes Belgium. Centre-Europe - Tiers Monde, minority rule in Southern (costing £2.50 each). As a publications on the two 37 Quai Wilson, 1201 Geneva, Africa. The Anti-Apartheid single shareholder you are independent states - which Switzerland. Movement supports the entitled to attend their AGMs, includes their monthly bulletin, Informationsstelle Sudliches liberation movements in South held in April-May, and question Independencia, available for Afrika, Markt 10-12, 53000 Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia, the chairmen on their £2.50 a year - as well as perso~lnel Bonn I, Federal Republic of - as well as working for the activities in Southern Africa. recruiting technical Germany. international isolation of the End Loans to South Africa to serve in Mozambique and minority regimes. (ELTSA), 134 Wrottesley Road, Guinea-Bissau. Its current activities include London NWIO (01-965-7454). Angola Solidarity Committee, 30 Romilly Rd, London N4 Committee Against campaigns against Inilitary Campaigns to'stop British Racial Exploitation c..ollaboration with South banks from making loans to the (01-359-4545). Mrica; for the withdrawal of South African government and The Solidarity Committee, (CARE), Box 433, inv,estment, and a boycott of its corporations. The group has which also emerged from Civic Square, Can­ CFMAG, is a support group South African products; for an concentrated its attack on the berra, Australia. for the MPLA. Membership ­ end to migration and tourism; Midland, which has loaned including their monthly news for an international sports and £ 12 million to South Africa bulletin (MPLA for Angola) ­ Southern Africa De­ cultural boycott; and for the through the European­ is £2 a year. release of political prisoners in American Banking Corporation, fense and Aid Fund The Liberation Movements Southern Africa. and they hope to organise the in Australia, Box The liberation of South Anti-Apartheid has more presentation of a resolution 3316, Sydney 2001, Africa,. Namibia, and Rhodesia than fifty local groups through­ calling for an end to these aU maintain offices in London. Australia. out Britain, which hold loans at the bank's AGM in They distribute publications fre.quent meetings. Two a11- April. ELTSA's quarterly and offer information on the Halt All Racist day conferences are due tobe newsletter is available for 50p struggles in Southern Africa. held shortly in London - on a year. Tours (HART), Box South Africa the role of women in the Christian Concern for Southern 27125, Wellington, African National Congress struggle (24 April) and British Africa, 41 Holland Park, London (ANC), 49 Rathbone St, New Zealand. investment in South Africa WII. (01-229-8439) London WI (01-58Q.5303) (27 March) - and further Set up a group of Churchmen details can be obtained from to promote corporate ~espon- Pan Africanist Congress the Movement. A large number sibility in Southern Africa. (PAC), 35 Long Acre, Action for Develop­ of publications are distributed Christian Concern advocates London WC2 (01-240- ment/Freedom From by Anti-Apartheid (send for that British companies should 0480). Hunger Campaign, list). A listing of films on the remain in South Africa and Namibia liberation struggle _. such as FAO, (Program for encourage 'reform' from with- South West African People' Assistance to Lib­ Last Grave at Dimbaza - is in. It publishes a number of Organisation (SWAPO), also availa ble. specialised studies 21-25 Tabernacle St, eration Movements), Membership of Anti­ Two different groups London EC2 (01-588- F.A.O., Via delle Apartheid, which includes their supporting ZANU's struggle in 1878l. Terme di Caracalla, monthly newspaper (Anti­ Rhodesia. INTERNATIONAL 00100 Rome, Italy. 4partheid News), is £3 a South African Non-Racial ACTION year (£2 for students). Olympic Committee, 28 Seymour Similar organisations exist International Defence and Aid St, London WI. in a number of other countries: Fund for Southern Africa, 104 Fights for an end to racial Southern Africa Committee, Newgate St, London ECI discrimination in South 244 West 27. St, New York, (01-606-6123). African sports teams and NY I 000I, USA. Provides financial support to calls for a bar on South Southern Africa Action This page from: the families of those imprisoned African participation. Coalition, 1811 West 16th New Internationalist, in Southern Africa because Namibia Support Committee, Ave, Vancouver, Canada. No. 36, Feb. 1976. of their opposition to apartheid. 21-25 Tabernacle St, London Southern Africa Liberation for U.S. subcriptions, The Fund also publishes an EC2 (01-588-4342). Centre, 232 Castlereach St, excellent series of pamphlets Supports SWAPO's struggle Sydney, Australia. write: New World (send for their publications in Namibia, The Committee National Anti-Apartheid Coalition, Rm 209, list). distributes information.on Co-ordinating Committee, 419 Boylston st. Africa Bureau, 48 Grafton Way, Namibia and provides material PO Box 9154, Wellington, Boston, Mass 02116 London WI assistance for SWAPO. New Zealand. ($15 per year.) Published in U.K. 39

AFRICAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT REPRESENTATIVES OF NEWLY INDEPENDENT RE PRESENTATIVES IN THE UNITED AFRICAN COUNTRIES AND OAU TO THE STATES UNITED NA TIONS

Namibia Angola

Theo Ben Guirab Elisio de Figueiredo SWAPO Observer Mission to the UN Ambassador at Large 801 Second Avenue Room 1401 People's Republic of Angola New York, N. Y. 10017 c/o Nigerian Mission to the UN (212) 679-2022 757 Third Avenue New York, N. Y. 10022 (212) 421-2610 South Africa

Thami Mhlambiso Cape Verde African National Congress' ( South Africa) Office to'the UN & North America Republic of Cape Verde 28 East 35th Street c/o Guinea-Bissau Missio'n (below) New York, N. Y. 10016 (212) 532-7940 Gutnea-Bissau David Sib~ko Pan Africanist Corigress of Azania Gil Fernandes 875 West End Avenue #14E Permanent Representative New York, N. Y. 10025 Republic of Guinea-Bissau (212) 222-6373 Guinea-Bissau Mission to the UN 211 East 43rd Street NewYork, N. Y. 10017 Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) (212) 661-3977

Elton Razemba African National Council ('Muzorewa) Mozambique 58-35 Granger Street #7G Rego Park, N. Y. 11374 Jose Carlos Lobo (212) 592-5441 Permanent Representative People's Republic of Mozambique Callistus Ndlovu c/o Tanzanian Mission to the UN African National Council (Nkomo) 201 East 42nd Street 104 East 40th Street Room 308 New York, N. Y. 10017· New York, N. Y. 10017 (212) 972-9160 (516) 538-9171

Tapson Mawere Organization ~ African Unity (OA U) Zimbabwe African National Union 89-09 162nd Street #3D Dramane Ouattara Jamaica, N. Y. 11432 Executive Secretary (212) 291-8039 OA U Mission to the UN 211 East 43rd Street New York, N. Y. 10017 (212) 697-8333 40 Section 4 BESOURCES lasic W'ormat.ion Hard facts on southern Africa are now fairly easy to find with a - little effort. Two important sources of basic information are: The American Committee on Africa, 305 East 46th street, New York NY 10017, and the UN Information Center, 1028 Connecticut Avenue W, Washington DC 20036 (or other UN distribution Centers), which provide on request the U.N. Unit on Apartheid's useful Notes and Documents series. Some libraries may carry useful reference works: Africa Yearbook and Who's Who (annual), published by Africa Journal Ltd., London, and the U.S. Defense Department's Area Handbooks for Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, and South Africa. ******** Useful surveys of economic, political, racial and diplomatic issues of the region: Africa Research Group, Race to Power: The StrtJtjgle for Southern Africa, An9hor, 1973. (pb.) Kenneth Grundy, Confrontation and Accomodation in ·Southern Africa, U. of California Berkeley 1973. Close analysis of international relations in the region. (pb.) Alex La Guma, editor, Apartheid. A Collection of Writings on South African Racism by South Africans. International Ptlblishers, 381 Park Ave. South, New York NY, 10016 1971 (ph.) Essays on schools, culture, the military, bantustans, sports, revolution, &c. Louise Stack & Don Morton, Torment to Triumph in Southern Africa, Friendship Press, New York, m:, 1976, (Pb.) Ea.SN" reading, basiez·introduction. Good basic bibliogTaphy. Basil Davidson, Joe Slovo, Anthony R. Wilkinson, Southern Africa: The New Politics of Revolution, Penguin Books', .London, 1976 (pb.) A collection ,~f thre ':"sharp analyses of liberation in the ex-Portugese colonies, South Africa, and. Zimbabwe (S. Bh0desia). Leonard Thompson and J. Butler -(eds), Change in Contempopg;y South Africa, Berkeley, tI. of California Press, 1975. Over 400 pages of articles, many very insightful of the region. ******** Important perceptions of life in southern Africa emerge from' writings such as: Dennis Bru.tus, A Simple Lust: Collected Poems of South African Jail and Exile; Ezekiel Mphahlele, Down Second Avenue, Voices in the Whirlwind and Other Essays, The Wanderers; Albert Luthuli, Let My People Go; Doris Lessing;'" 1J.11le Grass is Si!1€iing, African Stories, The Golden Notebook; Cosmo Pieterse (various titles). . ******** Southern Africa's Links-- At least two organizations monitor closely U.S. government and with the West business policy toward southern Africa, especially South Africa: - The Corporate Info:r:mation Center, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, NY 10027, and the Washington Office on Africa, 110 Maryland Avenue NE Washington DC 20002. Up-to-date written info~ation is available from both. 'Useful books include: Corporate Information Center, Church Investments, Corporations, and Southern Africa, 1973, (pb.) Company-by-company data. available from ACOA or Corp. Infor. Center. Ruth First, J. Steele, C. Gurney, The South African Connection, Penguin, Baltimore, 1975 (pb.) William Minter, Portugese Africa and the West, Monthly Review Pre~a, NY, rev. ed. 1976 (pb.) Barbara Rogers, White Wealth and Blaok Power: American Investment in Southern Africa, Greenwood Press, 5-1 Riverside Ave.-, Westport; C~- 66880. 'An important work; ($14.95) "Southern Africa and U.S. Foreign Policy", July-September 1976 issue of Africa Today. Includes a number of" valuable articles and book reviews ($2.50). Study Project on External Investment in South Africa and Namibia. 5 volumes. 1975 (pb.) Volumes include: The Policy.Debate (on economic disengagement), The Economic Factor, The Political and Military Framework, The Role of Foreign Firms in Namibia, The Con­ ditions of the Black Workers. Available from: African-American Institute, 833 UN Plaza, New York, NY 10017 ($16 complete set). Senate Foreign Relations Committee,. U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa, Hearings before the Committee's Subcommittee on African Affairs, June, July '75; (pb.) $4.80 U.S.G.P.O. 41

Periodicals. Basic resouxces for study/action groups have been noted with an asterisk ~ •.

Africa News weekly digest on all Africa, with emphasis on southern Africa. Nonprofit orgs $48 per year, one month trial $5. Also provides radio news service. Box 3851" Durham, NC 27702. tel. (919) 286-3910• .* AF Press Clips Weekly ·reprinting of major news stories on all Africa, ma.inly from U.S. news­ papers. Write: AF/p - Room 3509, Department of State, Washington DC 20520. You must make a persuasive case (e.g., research, organizational requirements, &0.) when asking to be put on the subscriber list. The service is free. * Africa Today QJJ.a,rterly, %Grad. School of International Studies, Univ. of Denver, Denver, Colorado 80208. Individuals: $8/year; Students: $6 year; Institutions: 12/year. "Publications" and "Announcements" sections useful for info/actione Facts &Reports fortnightly reprints of European and English press reports primarily on Angola and Mozambique. Published by: Angola CoInite, Da Costastratt 88, Amsterdam, Holland. Airmail $26. Focus monthly news bulletin of the International Defense and Aid Fund. !DAF, 2 Amen Court, London EC4, England. Donation requested. Objective: Justice quarterly, U.N. publication, Room LX-2300, New York BY 10017, $3/year. In-depth on Namibia and South Africa. Illustrated. Reprint-able. * Southern Africa the only U.S. periodical focusing on liberation, U.S. involvement, and support action. Monthly. $6/year for individuals, $18 year institutions. 156 5th Ave., Room 707', New York NY 10010. South Africa News Agency Bulletin Put out by SANA, a loose assn. of free-lance jouxnalists in ~outhern Africa. The Bulletin was recently decalred an "undesireable publication" by the S. African govt. It is now available from the IUEF, Box 348, 1211 Geneva 11', Switzerland. donations accepted. Washington Notes on Africa and Africa Action produced by Wash. Office on Africa, 110 Mary­ land Ave NE, Washington DC 20002. donation. X-Ray published 6 times a year, Africa Bureau, 48 Grafton Way, London W1. $5./year. Depth reportage on specific southern African issues. ****** other publications, briefly noted: Africa, monthly, 54 West 82nd st., New York, N.Y. 10024. $18/year. Produced mainly by African staffers. First-rate journalism covering the continent. Africa Confidential fortnightly, Research Publications Services, Ltd., Victoria Hall, Fingal Street, East Greenwich, London SE 10, England. Students: $16/year; others: $35/year. African Develo~ment, monthly; business and financial news; useful country surveys. $24 air. Africa Report times/year. General features on all Africa; some good Washington news. $11. ~~1~ & ~:P]l;jto]:> from Infomation Service of South African govt. 655 Madison Ave., NY, NY. Dissen , Na!10nal Union of South African Students (NUSAS), 202 Film Centre, 17 Jamieson st., Cape Town 8001 South Africa. Financial Times weekly, from London. Careful reportage, esp. on Europe-S.A. business l~. Focus .2!! South Africa, occasional; cormeoted with Black People's Convention and South African Students Or~zation. P.O.Box 13300, Phila., Pa. 19101. Produced by exiled South Africans. Issue: ! Quarterly Journal g£ Opinion, African Studies Assn., Brandeis Univ., 218 Shiffman Center, Waltham, Mass. 02154. Scholarly. Available to ASA members. Jouxnal .E! Modern African Studies ~uarterly. Good scholarly articles, many on southern Africa. Journal .E! Southern African Affairs quarterly. New scholarly journal. $12/year individual. 4133 Art/Sociology Building, Univ. of Maryland, College Park, Md., 20742. Put out by SARA. Journal of Southern African Studies, twice yearly. A new scholarly source. $13. London. Namibia~, occasional, SWAPO London Offices, 21/25 Tabernacle St. London EC 2, England. EE2. Veritate, and Christian Institute News ayailable from Christian Institute of S. Africa, raInterchurch Aid Dept. of the Netherlands Reformed Church, PO Box 14100, Utrecht, Holland. ~ Relations ~ (and other pUblications) available from the South African Institute of Race Relations, Postbox 97, Johannesburg, South Africa. 42

Review of African Poiitical Econ~ ,3 timesjY~ar. Students: $3//year; individuals: $6; institu­ tions 810 all surface mail , Merlin Press, Sufferance Wharf, '2-4 West Ferry Road, London E14, England. Good radical analyses on all of Africa. Revolution, ANC of Zimbabwe, PO Box 1996, Lusaka, Zambia $15. (Muzorewa wing.) each SASO Newsletter, occasional, distributed via lUEF, PO Box 348, 1211 Geneva 11 Switzerland. 30¢ Sechaba, quarterly, official organ of the African National COngTess (ANC) of South Africa, 49 Rathbone st. London W1, England. $6 year ai:rmail. hard-hitting, with plenty of graphics. The Star International Ainnail WeeklY. Summaries from the daily Star of Joharmesburg. $45/yr. A leading "establishment" newspaper, this gives a good window on events and views. South African Outlook, monthly, Outlook Publications (Pty.) Ltd., 'Ecumenical Centre, 1 Long St., Mowbray 7700 Cape Province South Africa $7 •.50. A journal of liberal religious workers. The World International Airmail Weekly. Compiles major stories from Johannesburg's leading paper for black South Africans. Box 6663 Johannesburg, South Africa. Tempo weekly newsmagazine from Mozambique. Entirely in Portugese. Caixa Postal 2917, Maputo, Mozambique. Empahsis on specific aspects of national development in the new Mozambique .. Ufahamu 3 times/year, published by African Activist Association, African Studies Center, Univ~ of California, Los .Angeles, CA 90024. Individuals: $'15t1year; institutions: $30/year. Zimbabwe Review, 6 times/year, organ of the ANC of Z~babwe (Nkomo wing), Box 1657, Lusaka, Zambia. Zimbabwe Bulletin, occasional, newsletter of the ZANU Support Committee, PO Box 181, Bronx, New York 10453. $3/year Spotlight on Africa, occasional, published by the African-American Affairs Association, 303 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10016. $10 donation. Commentary from the right.

Photographs The International Defense and Aid Fund, London, has produced a set of powerful photographs, 80 of them, with an accompanying text, and map. As a display, this is an excellent resource for reaching'people. The boxed set costs~ 7.50 postpaid. (Black and white photos, 14 inches by 9 inches). Write: Information Department, IDAF, 104 Newgate Street, London EC1A 7.AP, England. The set is entitled: Southern Africa -­ The Imprisoned Society.

BOESMAN AND LENA 44 102 min. Color. 1973. SilO. BoeS111an and Lena is a moving personal indictment of apartheid policy, one of the rare fums to THEY SPEAK OUT deal with the plight of people classified as "coloured" in South Africa. A New Yorker film critic has 24 min. Color. 1971. called it "a South African film that is equal to the work of Samuel Beckett." Boesman and Lena, a This United Nations film is based on long interviews with opponents of the South African regime "coloured" couple whose house is condemned and destroyed by the government, wander 'through the (Sean McBride, Olof Palme, Abdul Minty, Julius Nyerere, John Collins, and Ambrose Reeves, atnong shanty towns, weeds, and mud flats of urban South Africa looking for a place to call home. Eventually others). Interviews deal with the meaning of apartheid for those who live under it, pressu,res applied they settle temporarily on an island of land between black compounds, reflecting the marginal to its opponents, and alternatives available to those outside South Africa who seek change. Commenta­ position of the "coloured" population in South Africa today. The bitterness displayed by both char­ tors generally agree that greater economic pressure is needed along with strengthened United Nations acters-toward each other and the world--:starkly indicates the human effects of South African policy. action against South Africa, more aid to independent African nations, and increased effort to dissemi­ Boeslnan and Lena was a play in New York and London. English dialogue is heavily accented with nate information about South African policy. Includes footage of the Sharpeville Massacre. Afrikaans, requiring adult audiences and good projection equipment. NU-12; VA-I NY-14 WHITE AFRICA COME BACK AFRICA 40 min. 8/W. 1968. S8-30. 83 min. B/W. 1959. S60-125. A documentary fum on South African whites and their views of blacks, White Africa presents a Filmed secretly in Johannesburg, Conle Back Africa features Miriam Makeba. Forced to leave his South African panorama-industry, labor, recreation, shopping, touring-with accompanying commen­ village by famine, Zakhariah, a Zulu farmer, first works in the gold' mines near Johannesburg and then tary by white South Africans on their situation. Very effective in providing an inside view of white becomes a houseboy. Finally, he is left without work in a black slum. His family joins hinl and their South African life. Produced by BBC-TV and Time-Life Films. . story reflects the stark reality of apartheid and economic exploitation in South Africa. By following MI-4; NY-20 the travels of Zakhariah, many social situations of South Africa are viewed. Some feel this is the best film on South Africa for total impact. Produced by Lionel Rogosin. GOOD CA-2; CA-4; NY-3; NY-8; NY-9 SHOW IT TO ME IN BLACK AND WHITE THE HEART OF APARTHEID: WHAT SOUTH AFRICA'S BLACKS THINK ABOUT SEGRE- 24 min. Color. 1972. GATION ' Produced by the Church of Sweden Mission, this film provides another survey of South Africa, 39 min. B/W. 1968. S30. including scenes of rural and urban South Africa. an expose of apartheid, the Sharpeville protest South African blacks describe the apartheid system and its effects on their daily lives. Commentary massacre, and the work of the church, urban and rural. Varied responses of the churches to African does not dwell on the legal and economic intricacies of this policy, but rather focuses on its conse­ needs in South Africa are reviewed-assistance for farm workers, schools for children in rural areas, quences for individuafexistence. People speak frankly about racial separation and describe the dulling clinics and hospitals, scholarships and training funds.' Film faces the issue of whether Christianity is effects of life in the black ghettos around the major South African cities. At times the dialogue is an opiate for the African people or a source of resistance to apartheid, and what role churches can difficult to understand and some of the interviews are long, but the film dramatically depicts the play in a society in which their followers are segregated and discriminated against each day. human toll ofapQTtheid. MN-l NY-4; NY-16; NY-20 SOUTH AFRICAN ESSAY, PART I: FRUIT OF FEAR KATUTURA 60 min. B/'!I. 1965. $12. 37 min. Color. 1974. $8-48. The fust part of this two-part film sharply contrasts the social and economic conditions of the Katutura is an African word meaning insecurity. For South African blacks it describes daily life in black majority and the ruling white minority in South Africa. Views of a Cape Town resort, the the dornlitory towns where they live in white lands. This film depicts the substandard living condi­ Johannesburg stock exchange, and a black ghetto dramatize these differences. Interviews with South tions, poor medical care, and police harassment suffered by blacks under the apartheid system. Also Africans underscore the conflicting attitudes towards these distinctions. Those interviewed include includes an historical overview of early Dutch colonization, the arrival of the English, and the Great author Alan Paton, Nobel Peace Prize winner Albert Luthuli, the government Minister of Information, Trek. A dramatic film, poorly organized, but winner of a prize at the 1974 American film festival. a journalist in exile, and a professor at Stellenbosch University, among others. Includes little historical GA-l; IN-I; lA-I; MO-I; NE-I; NJ-I; NJ-2; NY-IO; NY-IS; OH-2 background regarding the development of apartheid policy and not much information on the ideolo&¥ and specific government policies that uphold it. Produced by WGBH-TV, Boston for NET. SOUTH AFRICAN ESSAY, PART II: ONE NATION, TWO NATIONALISMS IL-7; IN-2; MI-3; MN-2; PA-3 59 min. 8/W. 1965. $12. This second part of a two-part film (see South African Essay, Part I: Fruit ofFear) completes the FAIR NET study of South Africa. The political machinery of the governJnent which enforces apartheid is examined. Focuses on the development and power of the country's white Nationalist Party along with AFRICAN POWERHOUSE government plans to resettle most of South Africa's blacks on small, desolate reserves (the 13 min. Color. 1974. Free.· "Bantustan" policy). Presents the tragic history of black protest, and interviews African spokesmen Fair for its portrayal of wealth and industry only, African Powerhouse is a representative pro­ about the racial situation in the country. Produced by WGBH-TV, Boston, for NET. duction of the Information Service of South Africa. The film depicts the country's industrial power­ IL-7; IN-2; MI-3; PA-3 mines, fibres, factories-with a mention of recent efforts to "build bridges" to other nations of the continent. The narrative emphasizes South Africa's committment to a "free enterprise" system. GOOD TO VER Y GOOD Virtually nothing is said about the black population, except that they will "share the rewards." NY-I, free THE COLOR LINE: THE MIXED RACES IN SOUTH AFRICA 40 min. 8/W. 1971. $30. BLACK AND WHITE IN SOUTH AFRICA 30 min. B/W. 1958. This flim is unique among those listed because it is devoted to an area others only mention Rated fair due to its age, this collage is made of old and new film clips and still photographs of briefly-"coloureds" in South Africa, persons of Hmixed race." The topic is explored through personal South Africa. It investigates t~ South African government apartheid system, its potential for working, interviews dealing with themes such as marriage across the color line and the classification of marginal the limitation of African political rights, the growing racial conflicts, and the general economic and individuals (those who can "pass"). Interviews with South African officials give a clear picture of the political context. Produced by the National Film Board of Canada. far-reaching extent of apartheid, and the crucial importance which a slight difference in skin color can CA-4; IL-5; IL-7; IN-2; NJ-3; PA-3 make. NY-20, $30

L.6 instances of interracial contact. We suggest these are useful only for the skilled and knowledgeable from Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, and Rhodesia. Provides an unusual glimpse of an inter­ teacher, who has budget sufficient to present alternate images of the socio-political aspects of southern national body at work in the field. Africa and who can present a balanced critique of the misleading infornlation and images. CA-4; IL-5; NJ-3; WI-4 NY-! FRONTLINE AFRICA: RHODESIA 30 min. Color. 1970. Not available for rental-$400 to purchase NAMIBIA A doculnentary film describing the activities of African guerilla forces along the Zambezi River between Zambia and Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). Many aspects of this stock liberation filnl appear contrived-the sloganeering, the commissar's educational session with his followers (in English), the EXCELLENT comnlentary, etc. In an interview, James Chikerema, leader of FROLIZI (Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe), predicts the failure of talks between Ian Smith and Joshua Nkonlo, African nationalist COLONIALISM: A CASE STUDY, NAMIBIA (a version of NAMIBIA: A TRUST BETRAYED, leader in Zimbabwe. The film also includes unusually informative interviews with an African teacher 27 min) and a black businessman who gave up secure lives in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe to join the guerilla forces. 23 min. Color. 1975. $8. They describe at length their motivations for joining the movement and the far-reaching effects this Reviews the period of Gernlan conquest and African resistance that led to the near elilnination decision has had on their lives. of the Herero, Nama, and Ovambo peoples. Artful use of old photographs helps tell the story of NY-7 early Gennan oppression .. The film succinctly explains how Nanlibia (then South West Africa) became FAIR a League of Nations Mandate and a United Nations Trust Territory under South African occupation. The latter part of the film deals with the country under South African domination and the efforts RHODESIA COUNTDOWN of the Namibian people to free themselves. 30 min. B/W.1969. $50 to rent, $195 to purchase. IL-4; NY-I0; WI-l A somewhat confusing effort to dranlatize the oppression of blacks in Rhodesia. Directed by a white filmmaker and featuring white and black Rhodesian actors, action in the film centers around LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN NAMIBIA a racist act and- resulting acts of terrorism. Although the film clearly portrays the racial bitterness 4()ffim:=eutor~--t915. in Rhodesia today, it says little about the government and policies which produced it. Rhodesia This Swedish television film describes the labor, homeland reserve, and social conditions faced by Countdown won a priZe at the Algiers Film Festival in 1969, but this award probably indicates African peoples in Nalnibia. The first part surveys the history of German colonization and South ideological approval rather than cinematographic excellence. African occupation of the country. The second half of the film reviews the guerilla struggle led by NY-8 SWAPO (South West African People's Organization) against South African domination, and presents the social program of the organization. Sam Nujoma, a SWAPO leader, attacks the Western interests SEARCH supporting South African occupation and emphasizes the party's commitment to freedom through 27 min. Color. 1969. armed struggle. Includes high quality photography of Windhoek, the Namibian capital. D~'scribes the United Church of Christ (UCC) in Rhodesia in the 1960s. Details traditionally NY-17, $30 defined spiritual, educational, and medical work of UCC, African church leaders (many of whom are now in prison or exile), and black nationalist leaders in the nlidst of tensions created by the racial GOOD policies of the Rhodesian government. Produced by the Board for World Ministries of UCC. IL-6; PA-2 NAMIBIA: THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM 22 min. B/W. 1971 (released 1974). $30. NOT VIEWED This film examines the living conditions faced by Africans in rural and urban areas of Nanlibia under the apartheid system-the quality of housing, lifestyles of urban servants and wage laborers, THE BREAKING POINT and the medical results of the system (a life expectancy of 34 years, a three percent incidence of 30 min. B/W. 1971. Not available for rental-$400 to purchase. tuberculosis, a very high infant mortality rate, etc.). Much of the footage was shot in 1971 inside the HRhodesians and South Africans who talked to World in Action investigators about apartheid country during a period of labor unrest and covers the strike of 20,000 workers at the United States­ policies in southern Africa later were punished-by imprisonment or deportation. This programme based Tsumeb mine. Interviews with strikers indicate that SWAPO (South West African People's looks at their fate" (advertisement by distributor). Organization) organized the strike. At the end, SWAPO camps are shown with a plea for support. NY-7 Substantive content of the film is better than the audio, narration, and technical work. NY-17, $30 A CHILD OF GOD: IN SEARCH OF FREEDOM 12 min. Color. 1972. $10. NOT VIEWED-FORTHCOMING "Bishop Abel Muzorewa speaks in this fum of the Rhodesian situation from his vantage point as President of the African National Council, a coalition of groups _struggling to achieve freedom for A new film on Namibia is being prepared in 1976 by West German filmmakers in cooperation with four-and-a-half million oppressed black Rhodesians. He speaks not only of the problems of Rhodesia the South West African People's Organization and may be available from th~ SWAPO office in New but also of the responsibility of developed nations to aid in stopping bloodshed in this country" York in very late 1976 or early 1977. The film is expected to be ca. 80 minutes in length and to cover (advertisement by distributbr). all facets of urban and rural Namibian life, including the SWAPO organization and military action. TN-l NY-17 GOODBYE MR. SMITH 30 min. Color. 1970. Not available for rental-$400 to purchase. ZI-MBABWE/RHODESIA "A report on the situation in Rhodesia in 1970, five years after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence. This programme includes a filmed interview with the Rhodesian Prime Minister, Ian GOOD Smith" (advertisenlent by distributor). NY-7 DECOLONIZATION IN AFRICA (also released as A MISSION TO AFRICA) 18 min. B/W. 1969. $6. HELLO MR. SMITH A United Nations ftlm recording meetings of the UN Special Committee of 24 during a mission to 30 min. Color. 1971. Not available for rental-$400 to purchase. southern Africa in 1967. Devoted to ending colonialism, the commission met with African leaders "This report looks at the situation in Rhodesia six years after UDI (Unilateral Declaration of

48 tillages. However, it also presents the general problems of cOlnmunity development-mobilization of the movement until his assassination in 1973. Mainly in Spanish with a few English subtitles, but )f the populafion, relations between the government bureaucracy and field personnel, and difficulties the message is conveyed even without translation. :;ommon to technical projects. CA-5, $40; NY-19, $45 MN-1, $8 FAIR TO GOOD BEHIND THE LINES 30 min. Color. 1971. $40-60. NOSSATERRA Takes a close look at FRELIMO (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique) during the years of the 40 min. Color. 1966. $50. war against the Portuguese. The film provides a detailed picture of life in one of the liberated areas of One of the earliest of the "liberation film" genre, this French-made documentary portrays the northern Mozambique. Sequences of newsreel film set the scene for the struggle and detail the military organization of the guerilla army in Guinea-Bissau. It also details efforts by the liberation relationship between the former Portuguese colonies and South Africa. movement to develop social infrastructure in the areas of the country under its control in 1966. The CA-2; NY -5; NY -9; CA-5, $40 film is in Creole and Portuguese with English narration. NY-19, $50 NOT REVIEWED PROCLAMATION OF THE NATION OF GUINEA-BISSAU o POVO ORGANIZADO (THE PEOPLE ORGANIZED) 2S min. Color. 1974. $30. 45 min.. Color. Forthcoming in 1976. Documents the formation of the first National People's Assembly by the PAIGC (African Party for Deals with events in Mozambique since FRELIMO (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique) the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde) in an African-controlled area of Guinea-Bissau assumed power after independence in 1975. Presents a brief historical overview of the colonial period during the independence struggle against the Portuguese. Features inaugural addresses· by PAIGC and liberation struggle, but focuese on FRELIMO's efforts to deal with internal contradictions leaders and a review of the guerilla ranks preparing for combat. inherited from the Portuguese. Describes the difficulties of transforming a revolutionary movement NY-19, $30 into an established government. Made by Robert van Lierop as the second part of a trilogy (A Luta Continua was the flIst in the series), the ftlm will be released in the fall of 1976. For information NOT VIEWED concerning distribution and sales, contact Robert van Lierop, 240 East 23rd Street, New York, N.Y. 10010, (212) 686-0394. CANCER OF BETRAYAL Probable distributor: NY-5 5 min. B/W. 1972. $25. Amilcar Cabral's speech at the funeral for Kwarne Nkrumah. NY~19, $25 GUINEA-BISSAU

GOOD

FREE PEOPLE OF GUINEA-BISSAU (also released as FREE PEOPLE OF "PORTUGUESE DISTRIBUTORS GUINEA") 50 min. B/W. 1970. $30-75. Sketches the history of the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and CALIFORNIA CA-7 UCLA Cape Verde) and the independence movement in Guinea-Bissau, and then focuses on the social infra­ African Studies Center structure for schooling, health care, and political understanding developed in zones controlled by CA-l Classroom Film Distributors 405 Kilgard Avenue the party during the strugglp. against the Portuguese. Includes footage of Amilcar Cabral, the PAIGC 6510 Hollywood Boulevard Los Angeles, CA 90024 leader assassinated in 1973. An unusual inside view of guerilla activity, although the revolutionary Hollywood, CA 90028 (213) 825·3779 dialogue appears staged. Portuguese dialogue with English subtitles and narration. (213) 462-3249 CA-6; NJ-5; NY-21 CA-2 Impact Films GEORGIA 114 Willow Street A NATION IS BORN Corte Madera, CA 94925 GA-l Atlanta Public Library 126 Carnegie Way, N.W. 43 min. Color. 1973. $20. (415) 924-1652 i Opening with scenes of the Declaration of the State of Guinea-Bissau on September 24th, 1973, CA-3 Lifelong Learning Atlanta, GA 30303 this Swedish f11m documents the accomplishments of the African Party for the Independence of Extension Media Center (404) 6884636 Guinea Bissau and Cape ,Verde (PAIGC) in the development of infrastructure in the face of many University of California years of Portuguese harassment. Visits to schools, hospitals, political meetings, and ~nterviews with a Berkeley, CA 94720 ILLINOIS wide range of militants and regional party officials provide an insight into the ways PAIGC hopes to (415) 642-0460 reform this former Portuguese colony. CA-4 Md;raw-Hill Films IL-l Audio Brandon CAN-I, $20 1714 Stockton Street 8400 Brookfield San Francisco, CA 94133 Brookfield, IL 60513 MADINABOE (415) 362-3115 (312) 485-3925 40 min. B/W. 1967. $4045. CA-5 San Francisco Newsreel IL-2 CCLAMG This Cuban ftIm in Spanish about the liberation movement in Guinea-Bissau opens with a close-up 630 Natoma Street 1476 West Irving Park of an African guerilla unit during preparation for an attack on a Portuguese garrison. The film San Francisco, CA 94103 Chicago, IL 60613 emphasizes the diverse backgrounds of the people fighting for the independence of their homeland. (415) 621-6196 (312) 348·3370 It shows efforts of the liberation movement to meet the people's needs for education, nutrition, and CA-6 Tri-Continental Films IL-3 Coronet Instructional Media health. Includes guerilla songs and an interview with Amilcar Cabral, leader of the movement until his P.O. Box 4430 65 East South Water Street assassination in 1973. Mainly in Spanish with a few English subtitles, but the message is conveyed Berkeley, CA 94704 Chicago, IL 60601 even without translation. (415) 548-3204 (312) 332-7676 CA-5, $40; NY-19, $45

50

Kent State University 731 State Street Kent, OH 44242 Madison, WI 53703 (216) 672-2072 WI-3 United Christian Audio-Visual Center other ~: OH-2 Cleveland Public Library 325 Emerald Terrace 325 Superior Avenue Sun Prarie, WI 53590 Burton Fox Reproductions Cleveland, OH 44114 (608) 837-7328 "Soweto" 16 min. (216) 623-2942 WI-4 University of Wisconsin-Extension Box 122 "On the Mines" 13 min. OH-3 Ohio Newsreel Bureau of Audio-Visual Instruction Milford Square, Pa. 18935 P.O. Box 19241 1327 University Avenue "Some Afrikaaners" 14 min. Corryville Station (215) 536-7179 . P.O. Box 2093 All for rent at Cincinnati, OH Madison, WI 53706 $18 (513) 561-6900 (608) 262-1644 QH-4 United Methodist Church Rents to contiguous states and in (Black and White) Board of Global Ministrie~ Wisconsin only. Service Center 7820 Reading Road CANADA Third World Newsreel Cincinnati, OH 45237 26 West 20th Street ".Angola: The Second War" .-(513) 761-2100 CAN-l Toronto Committee for the Liberation New York, N.Y. 10011 50 minutes/color of Southern Africa (212) 243-2310 Rental: $75 Sale: $650 PENNSYLVANIA 121 Avenue Road Toronto, Ontar:io, Canada PA-l American Baptist Churches, USA (416) 967-5562 Film Library Canada only. Valley Forge, PA 19481 CAN-2 IDERA (215) 768-2306 Development Education PA-2 Audio-Visual Office Resource Centre of British Columbia Stewardship Council 2524 Cypress Street American Friends Service Committee Film Rentals United Church of Christ Vancouver, British Columbia 1505 Race Street (604) 738-8815 Philadelphia, PA 19102 CAN-3 Development Education Center "LasttGrave at Dimbaza" Rental: $20 (215) ·5 68-5750 121 Avenue Road PA-3 Pennsylvania State University Toronto, Ontario, Canada Audio-Visual Services (416) 964-6901 "Apartheid: 20th Century Slavery" Rental: $10 University Park, PA 16802 Canada only. (814),865-6315 CAN-4 Liberation Support Movement Contact: Jack Malinowski c/o R. Sterling TENNESSEE Box 94 c/o Peace Education Department 338 Richmond, British Columbia, American Friends Service Committee TN-l Africa Office Canada 1501 Cherry Street World Division (604) 273-3225 Board of Global Ministries Philadelphia, Pa. 19102 United Methodist Film Service (215) 241-7000 1525 McGavock Street Nashville, TN 37203 (615) 327-0911

VIRGINIA

VA-I FMS Films, Inc. P.O. Box 7316 Alexandria, VA 22307 (703) 768-3912

WISCONSIN '

WI-l Lutheran Campus Center 1025 University Avenue Madison, WI 53715 (608) 257-7178 WI-2 Madison Area Committee for Southern Africa 51

Local Action on Corporate Complicity with South Africa Southern Africa Liberation Committee (SALC), East Lansing, Michigan

The Southern Africa Liberation Committee of East Lansing, Michigan, tackled the problem of u.S. corporate involvement by looking at industries close to home. SALC began preliminary research on links between Michigan's automotive industry and Southern Africa.. The following account of SALC activi­ ties provides a useful guideline for similar local actions elsewhere.

Research: SALC produced a position paper on the role of GM, Ford, Chrysler, and American Motors in the South African economy. SALC attached at proposal (not yet funded) for more extensive research into U.S. auto industries involvement and the feedback into Michigan's economy (i.e. corporations could step up production of cars and military-support vehicles in South Africa while cutting back on production and laying off workers at home). SALC joined in consultation with local university economists and the Interfaith Committee on Corporate Responsibility and presented certain aspects of their research a the annual GM stockholders' meeting in Detroit, symbolic center for both the automotive industry and massive unemployment.

Educational Campaign: SALC then turned to consciousness-raising.

Newspaper outreach through columns when possible and through letters to the editors Radio discussions with both local and visiting resource people Television debate growing out of previous issue-raising Conference on southern Africa, featuring liberation leaders, films~ and a welcome by the mayor (former anti-war activist) Wide distribution of films such as "Last Grave at Dimbaza," accom­ panied by a discussion leader Special presentation for secondary school and university classes using films, special video-tape prepared by SALC, simulation in the classroom o~ reverse apartheid, and general rap sessions Arranging speaking engagements for visiting liberation leaders and other movement visitors, e.g., ZANU, ANC, Washington Office on Africa Demonstrations to protest appearance of South African speakers, tourist films, and media propaganda

Congressional .District Hearing: Working directly with the local Representa­ tive from the Sixth District and with the Washington Office on Africa, SALC set up a local "Congressional hearing" after several private dialogue sessions between the Representative and SALC. The highly publicized hearing featured representatives from the u.S. State Department, a major liberation movement, the Cong~essional Sub-Committee on .Africa, the Interfaith Committee on Corporate Responsibility, and SALC. This event proved useful not only for public education but also in laying groundwork for subsequent city council action.

City Council Boycott: A successful boycott action by the city Council in Gary, Indiana, against four corporations with significant dealings in South Africa '(ITT, IBM, Motorola, and Control Lata) -- as well as pending boycott legislation in Washington's City Council -- provided a model for a similar effort in East Lansing. The Mayor sent a letter of inquiry to 23 corporations requesting information on corporate investment and policies in South Africa. The replies (which have already started to come in) will be analyzed and used in preparing a subsequent public hearing -- which may lead to an East Lansing boycott resolution aimed at U.S. corporate complicity with South African apartheid. Local corporation ties to South Africa:·· SALC discovered a small Michigan­ based firm doing business in South Africa. PANAX is a local Michigan firm dealing in newspapers and printing presses which has set up XANAP, a subsidiary in South Africa. XANAP is responsible for the publication of comic books in South Africa aimed at the black population which portray mythical creatures that are half black man, half animal. After initial skirmishes in the local press, SALC met South African advocates brought in by PANAX in a 3D-minute local TV oebate. SALC made a video tape of the meeting and has since used it in pre­ sentation to university classes.

Appendix B':

Speakers

Speakers can be recruited from southern African political groups, liberation support organizations, U.N. agencies, black community and political groups, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) , church organizations, university-related communities, and organizations such as the American Com­ mittee on Africa, the Washington Office on Africa, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, and the American Friends Service Committee.

Speakers are most effective when their appearances grow out of earlier groundwork and lead to further education and action. Bill Sutherland, Southern Africa Representative for the American Friends Service Committee, spoke to members of the Southwest Workers Federation (SWWF) during October 1975 in. Little Rock, Tulsa, and Shreveport. Through the'efforts of AFSC's Third World Coalition and Community Relations Division, Bill's visit was discussed with each community before he arrived and films were made available to each group. Bill's· audiences in all three cities -'-tvere composed of black women and men workers -- people to whom he pointed out the connections between corporate exploitation in southern Africa and in' the souther United States. Bill's talks dealt with the political situation in southern Africa and attempted to describe the new order that Africans hoped to build there -- pointing out, as an example, the full participation of Mozambican women in their country's struggle for independence. In the months following Bill's visits some members of SWWF began asking how their Congressional representatives were dealing with the issue of southern Africa. Larger questions came up: Could workers raise a company's international policy as an issue during a collective bargain­ ing session? Could they challenge city governments that purchase South African, Namibian, or Rhodesian goods? The actual format of a meeting can be varied from that of speaker + film. 3 speakers = a panel. Speak­ ers + films + small group discussions = a teach-in. Each program should be tailored to a group's needs and resources. If you don't know your audience and think your program may produce yawns, use films, slide shows, posters, music, &c., to guard against "talk-only" formats.

Bill Sutherland 53

Appendix C:

An Example of Action Around a Sports Event: The Federation Cup, Philadelphia

A recent example of direct action against apartheid in sports took place in August 1976 in Philadelphia when South Africa and Rhodesia sent teams to the Federation Cup tennis tournament -- the women's equivalent of the Davis Cup. With advance notice of 1 1/2 weeks from the president of the South Africa Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC), a local ad hoc coalition banded together to protest the presence of racist teams. The following chronology may be of use to groups who plan similar actions.

Formation of the coalition. The Federation Cup Action Group drew its strength from black community networks, women's groups, religious groups, activist groups which previously had resisted South Africa and Rhodesia in various ways, as well as interested individuals from many different parts of the Philadelphia community. The coalition was hampered by the short advance notice and by the fact that many key religious, media, social, and political leaders were on vacation. Additional supporters were attracted by the first media reports on the coalition, as well as by radio "spots" announcing meet­ ings and demonstrations.

Issues In the wake of adverse publicity over the withdrawal of African nations from the Montreal Olympics a month earlier (in protest of New Zealand's renewed sports contacts with South Africa), it was important . to stress the cold facts of apartheid. The coalition pointed out that no black African or Rhodesian woman could have made it to Philadelphia to play on her country's team. In fact, a black playing ten.nis with a white in Johannesburg could end up in prison. ,Thus these "national" teams were exclusionary and did not genuinely represent the countries they claimed to represent. In response to the criticism that politics did not belong in sports, the coalition pointed out that South Africa and Rhodesia had already put politics into sports by sending whites-only teams and by using sports as an arena for gaining inter­ national acceptance. Rhodesia presented a special case since Kissinger had only recently been in Africa protesting the u.S. opposition to the illegal Rhodesian government. Thus the tournament was allowing an illegal government to fly its flag and act as a sovereign state.

Appeal to Cup Organizers A delegation of religious, black, women's, and activist representatives approached the Cup manage­ ment requesting them to bar the South African and Rhodesian teams, with no success. The International Lawn Tennis Federation (according to SANROC) in­ cludes 5 countries with 5 votes each: South Africa, Britain, the United States, France, and Australia. All other participating countries have only one vote. Since membership decisions must now be decided by a 2/3 vote, South Africa's and Rhodesia's position remained secure. An interesting sidelight was the fact that the Cup management had invited two members of the Philadelphia Police Civil Affairs (formerly Civil Disobedience) Department to this private meeting without consulting the demonstraters. Did the management fear for their safety or were they trying to intimidate the protestors? 54

Open letters to each of 36 competing teams were ineffective. The Cup manage­ ment accepted the letters but did not deliver them. The hotel where the athletes were staying would deliver messages only when addressed to specific names and room numbers of each player (which were unavailable since the Cup management would not provide them).

Media A press conference with speakers from SANROC and ACOA immediately after the meeting with Cup organizers attracted reporters from one newspaper and three radio stations, all with significant black audiences. Continued calls to TV, radio, newspapers, and wire services brought one TV camera crew and one major newspaper reporter to a planning meeting the day before the match began. "Last Grave at Dimbaza" was shown at this meeting and . the media people were obviously impressed by it. Significantly, the first truly supportive local mainstream media coverage came from these reporters. The continued attention on the sports pages of the New York Times, inspired by SANROC efforts, put additional pressures on the Philadelphia media to continue coverage of the pro­ tests. Continued press releases, TV and radio interviews, numerous phone calls, and letters to local newspapers all played their part in keeping the issue hot, and in the public eye.

Demonstrations The Action Group organized a large (100 people) picket and vigil line on the open­ ing day of the Cup matches. Pamphlets with graphics and a map of southern Africa were distributed to inform spec­ tators of the nature of life in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. Two smaller demonstrations were held on the days when the South Africans and Southern Rhodesians played. The fourth, and largest demonstration took place on the tournament's final day -- even though the offending teams had by that time been eliminated from competition. Some lessons: Big signs with short, pithy statements in bold lettering got the most attention from passersby and the media; demonstrators were given more attention when they moved, clapped, and chanted impromptu slogans than when they stood still in a vigil line; each demo ended A Rhodesian on her-way to with a morale-boosting rally, when announcements were made. the courts. Note rifle. Pressure on the University of Pennsylvania The University of Pennsvlvania came under significant pressure from members of the academic community, its own surrounding black community, and aroused interested individuals to deny use of its tennis courts for a match between Rhodesia and Belgium. Although the University did not retract its invitation to the Rhodesian team, the match was mysteriously switched from University courts to the City's Spectrum where most of the events were held. Later in the week, when attention had been withdrawn from the Univer­ sity, a consolation match between Rhodesia and Italy did take place on Univer­ sity tennis courts.

Approach to elected officials Disjointed approaches were made to a few members of City Council, and one or two State legislators. A letter was written to the governor. Letters of protest were sent to Betty Ford, honorary chairwoman of the event. At the local level, the approaches were hampered by the lateness of the requests and the absence of key community leaders who could have had influence with local officials.

Bicentennial Commission Philadelphia '76, the bicentennial corporation for the city, had given a pro forma endorsement to the Cup tournament after one routine call to the State Department (an ironic note given the State Department's professed ignorance of Rhodesia's presence -- 55

see below). Calls to the Commission to rescind the endorsement were ineffective since only board members and not the staff could make such a decision. The staff was not able to reach the board members in time and no official action was taken.

Human Relations Commission A call to the State Commission produced a mail- gram to the Action Group protesting the presence of Rhodesian and South African teams in very strong terms. Unfor­ tunately, despite the inundation of the local press with copies of this mailgram, it was never publicized.

You, too, can call the State Department On advice from the American Committee on Africa, the Action Group got in touch with the Rhodesia desk of the State Department in Washington (202-655-4000) to ask why the U.S. government had allowed Rhodesians to enter the country to represent an illegal regime. The New York Times (after some initial prodding from the Action Group) investigated the issue on its sports pages, discovering that the team members had entered the United States on valid South African and Dutch passports and had obtained U.S. visas by claim­ ing intentions of visiting friends and playing some tennis. The team members were not deported, but in a letter to Senator Schweiker, the State Department reported that these players had obtained U.S. visas fraudulently and would not be granted visas again.

Colgate-Palmolive Colgate sponsored the Federation Cup. The company was vulnerable not only for its inclusion of South African and Rhodesian teams, but also for the several factories in South Africa it operates under the apartheid system. These facts were pointed out in Action Group leaflets. Some calls were made to Colgate headquarters in New York, but the pressure of time cut these efforts short.

Team withdrawals Pressure from SANROC at the U.N. finally brought about the tardy withdrawal of five countries from the Cup matches. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union was seen as the leader of the protest (despite the fact that the Philippines was one of the five) and was criticized as being hypocritical by the local press on the issue of its treatment of its own minori­ ties. The International Lawn Tennis Federation responded by imposing fines on these countries (reports at this writing indicate that at least one country may have refused to pay) and by making thinly veiled threats about the 1980 Olympics in Moscow (this from the people allegedly trying to keep politics out of sports!).

Local Results The protests resulted in a heightened awareness of southern Africa i~sues in the Philadelphia area. They also lent impetus to a move to set up a permanent action group, the United People's Campaign Against Apartheid and Racism (UPCAAR), which then went on to picket the Ford-Carter debates in Philadelphia and sponsor a benefit for a Mozambican hospital by several showings of the new film "0 Povo Organizado". 56

Appendix ~: AFSC Thinking Re: U.S. involvement in southern Africa

It seems appropriate to include an indication of AFSC Peace Education staff thinking on the southern Africa situation. For a variety of reasons southern Africa is increasingly important in the world scene. To mention several:

1) Regardless of exactly what happens in the immediate future - in Rhodesia and Namibia in particular - southern Africa will remain a major U.S. foreign policy issue. Although Africa was a major issue once before at the time of the Congo crisis in 1960, it receded into the background for fifteen years. This time, however, it can no longer recede into the background.

2) A statement of the obvious: Namibia, Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), and South Africa are white racist regimes, practicing apartheid to a greater or lesser extent. Viewed from the AFSC perspective, they are an abomination. Some of the other countries of the region illustrate what is often not so obvious: that within the world economic order, many constitutionally "independent" majority-ruled countries are still virtual colonies lacking economic integrity and political autonomy while at least three countries (Angola, Mozambique, and Tanzania) are striving for authentic forms of independence.

3) Investments of U.S. financial institutions and transnational corpora­ tions are increasing in South Africa, and bid fair by 1980 to constitute the largest block of direct investment from anyone nation in South Africa••• These investments -- chiefly in manufacturing industries - have been a major source of economic dynamism and technological modernization in the South African economy. They have strengthened institutional racism, and an unjust economic order.

4) Although U.S. rhetoric has supported majority rule in southern Africa, in practice U.S. policy has favored continued privilege for the white populations, and consolidated power for the white governments. From NASA tracking stations to sales of jeeps and transport aircraft to subtle shifts on gold policy, the U.S. government continues to bolster the South African regime. The main emphasis has been, and will remain, on "stability" in the region regardless of the consequences for the non-white populations.

5) As the southern Africa situation develops in the next few years, it will become increasingly blurred; it will not be a sharp joining of the black ~. white issueo Particular black movements and client governments, having been given, or promised, a stake in the system, will serve to represent, indirectly, white Western corporate and other interests. Communist support of liberation movements will cloud the issue, suggesting to some that those movements \are fronts for a Soviet or Chinese power grab rather than authentic manifestations of nationalism. These movements' use of armed violence, although resorted to only under severe duress and after years of effort to achieve their freedom nonviolently, will complicate the situation for many sympathizers in the West, especially for pacifists. 57

Against this background the AFSC feels a sense of unity with the peoples of southern Africa as they struggle to end white minority rule, to eliminate exploitation and discrimination against black Africans, and to construct just, non-racist societies.

We see the present governments of Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa as defenders of minority rule and white privilege, resorting to police brutality and imprisonment of their opposition, and ready to use armed violence to maintain the status quo. Such policies and practices are an abomination by any moral or democratic standard.

We take note that for years the U.S. government paid relatively little attention to the plight of black Africans in southern Africa, and in fact maintained a record of official government backing for the white supremacy governments and support of the corporate and financial interests of those -countries, from which black Africans draw little benefit. Now, with considerable public attention given to its actions, the U.S. government is stressing the seriousness of the crises in southern Africa and undertaking diplomatic initiatives.

We welcome official declarations of opposition to racist oppression and minority rule. Such declarations are consistent with the high moral and democratic principles which should be the basis of U.S. policy throughout the world. ~here is no escaping the fact, however, that our government's actions are significantly motivated by a desire to sustain political equilibrium in the area, to assist Western economic and political interests, to forestall Soviet or other socialist nations' involvement in the area, and to eliminate indigenous radical movements.

That U.S. investment continues to grow in the region; that there is competition among the major powers for political alliances and strategic advantages in that region, as in others; that the U.S. and Western powers have supplied arms to these governments and have established other military and intelligence links: all are reasons to beleive that a main purpose of the recently announced policies is to protect U.S. national, financial and corporate interests in southern Africa.

We call for a genuine change in U.S. policy and urge the U.S. government to stand forthrightly for an end to racist oppression and minority rule, and to throw its weight into supporting a nonviolent process for the majority populations to achieve self-government, civil rights, human dignity and a full share in the we~lth and power of their country•

. Specifically we urge:

1) That the United States appeal to the white governments of Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa to accede to and cooperate with a program for transition to majority government in Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa, in the course of which the present governments will resign.

2) That the United States notify the present governments in these countries that it will send no U.S. troops or military aid to southern Africa in support of either governments or liberation movements, will refrain from U.S. arms sales either overtly or by intermediary countries or through institutions like NATO, 58

and will work vigorously to achieve an international arms embargo of Rhodesia and South Africa.

3) That the United States refrain from all covert actions in the area or in association with South African intelligence agencies.

4) That it be the policy of U.S. economic institutions, as long as there is white minority rule in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, to withdraw totally from economic involvement in these countries and, failing such voluntary withdrawal that Congress enact legislation to bring it about.

We recognize that in themselves these steps will not guarantee a nonviolent transition to freedom, self-determination and majority rule in southern Africa. Therefore, we express the fervent hope that the people leading the white regimes in southern Africa will honorably and peacefully accept what the rest of the world views as desireable and inevitable: the emergence of majority governments in these countries. But, even if we c~ot be certain of such action by the present rulers of these countries, we believe it to be right for the United States to cease henceforth all government and private activity which prolongs the existence of an unacceptable state of affairs in southern Africa.

********** )(XXXXXXXXX )(XX)()(XX***

The AFSC's interest in and concern for the people of southern Africa are of long standing. Our representatives were based in that area from 1957 to 1967, with community service projects in Zambia from 1964 to the present affirm­ ing AFSC concern for the future of that troubled region. Since 1974 Bill Sutherland has served as a special Southern Africa Representative, devoting one half his time to supporting and listening to people as they struggle for justice and freedom in Africa, and the other half to interpreting the issues and kindling active interest among Americans.

In mid-1976 the AFSC decided to expand its educational efforts in this country. With the addition of full-time staff in the national office a heighten­ ed awareness of the grim and unjust situation in southern Africa is being generated through our forty regional, area, and field offices. We hope that those who agree with our position feel moved to take appropriate action directed toward government, corporate, and financial institutions.

January 4, 1977 59

Appendix ~:

Solidarity Dates (examples of dates for rallies or teach-ins on issues of southern Africa)

March 21, 1960 Sharpeville massacre of unarmed protestors in South Africa June 16, 1960 Mueda massacre in Mozambique. Portuguese fire into peaceful demonstrations killing about 500 Mozambicans. May 25, 1963 Charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) is signed and Coordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa is established. Africa Freedom Day. October 27, 1966 United Nations revokes South Africa's mandate for governing Namibia. September 24, 1973 Independence of Guinea-Bissau June 25, 1975 Independence of Mozambique July 5, 1975 Independence of Cape Verde Islands July 12, 1975 Independence of Sao Tome and Principe November 11, 1975 Independence of Angola June 16, 1976 Soweto uprisings begin in South Africa (The UN General Assembly has proclaimed June 16 as International Day of Solidarity with the Struggling People of South Africa.) October 11 Day of Solidarity ~ith South African Politi~al Prisoners

Peasant women protest against the issuing of reference books (passes) to won-zen. Zeerust, Western Transvaal, 1957 · . \ *·feedback feedback" feedback * feedback * eedback * feedback * feedback * feedback * feedbac

I ~ear off this last page and teil us what you think of the Action Guide, 3rd Editio~. Send to: Nonviolent Action Training ·Program (NVAT), !FSC, 1501 Cherry, Phila' PA 19102 fe dback * feedback * feedback * feedback * feedback * feedback ~ feedback * feedback * feedback • )1. In what WlqS, and .with whom, have your used the Action Guide?

2. What sections did you 'find espec~ally useful? Why? What sections irrelevant? Why? I

3. Did you notice any mi takes? Where?

·4. What ·info1'D1&t1on .should .be included in the next edition of the Action Guide?

s. What direct action·or :other.work are. you doing on southern Africa? Any words of wisdom for others plann1~.similar activities?

of organization: Address: