Muslims of Nepal's Terai Author(S): Mollica Dastider Reviewed Work(S): Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol

Muslims of Nepal's Terai Author(s): Mollica Dastider Reviewed work(s): Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 10 (Mar. 4-10, 2000), pp. 766-769 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4408986 . Accessed: 30/03/2012 15:25

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http://www.jstor.org origin as around97 per cent of the total Muslims of Nepal's Terai Muslimsin Nepal reside in the plains of Terai [Ansari 1981b; Siddiqa 1993]. Accordingto the figures given in the TheMuslim minority of Nepal, especially of the Terai region,faces StatisticalYear Book of Nepal (1995), the a dilemma.The Muslims no longer wish to accept their inferior highest numberof Muslimsare found in status in But as soon as articulate their the central Terai district of Rautahat society. they identity,they followed the westerndistrict inviteon themselves the attentionand Hindu (71,379), by hostility of of Kapilbastu(62,512), andthen again by fundamentalists. the centraldistricts of Mahottari(53,852) andBara (48,648). The next Terai district, MOLLICADASTIDER however,only refersto the plain stripof which is famous for its Muslim popula- land lying within the southernboundary tion, is the mid-westerndistrict of Banke M uslims constitutethe most dis- of Nepal, i e, the Terairegion that exclu- (45,787). The growing significance of tinctand well-definedminority sively belongs to Nepal. Muslimpresence in the Teraidistricts has groupin the Hindukingdom of The Terai area of Nepal has its own been rightlyunderlined in a recentstudy Nepal. Besides theiradherence to Islam, share of multipleethnic, linguistic,reli- by HarkaGurung, where he has pointed theirethno-cultural affiliation too, gives gious and cultural groups of people. out that Muslims, in fact, constitutethe Muslimsa distinctidentity in a predomi- Among themTharus are numericallythe single largestsocial groupin the districts nantlyHindu-Buddhist set-up. According largest and historicallythe oldest indig- of Parsa,Rautahat, Kapilbastu and Banke to the 1991 census report,the 6,53,218 enous people of the area. The Gorkha [CBS 1995b].3 Muslimsin Nepal comprise3.5 per cent rulers'policy on encouragingnew settle- The other conclusion drawnfrom the of thetotal population. Nevertheless, they ments in Teraiever since its unification census data is that while the centraldis- formthe second largest religious minority (in 1768), and later on followed by the trictsof Terairecord the highestconcen- group,next only to the Buddhists(7.78 Ranasduring their rule till 1950,had greatly trationof Muslims,there has been a sub- per cent in 1991). influencedthe demography of Nepal.The stantialincrease in Muslimpresence in the The 1991census data, which for the first beginningof settlementof people of 'In- easter regionof Terai,i e, theregion border- timelisted 64 ethnicand caste groups,is, dian origin' is thus inseparablylinked ing Darbhanga,Saharsa and Purneadis- however,termed misleading by most of with the history of settlementsin Terai. trictsofBihar.ThedistrictsontheNepaliside theseethnic/caste groups. Many Muslims A sizeableincrease in the populationof and the populationof Muslimsthere are as well as Hindus in Nepal believe that Indianorigin occurredwhen the British Morang(26,987), Sunsari (45,737), Saptari theexact figure of the Muslimpopulation governmentreturned the territoriesof far- (35,020)and Siraha (32,116) [Yadav 1992]. in Nepalis muchhigher than shown in the westernTerai to Nepal(which were taken In one of the CNAS studies, Bista at- census,and they constitutenot less than away by them duringthe Anglo-Nepali tributesthe population increase to thelatest 6 per cent of the total population[CBS War of 1814-16), as a goodwill gesture arrivalof BihariMuslims and caste Hindus 1993a, 1995a].1 to the Ranas,who had providedmilitary from across the border into the Nepal TheMuslim population in Nepalis quite assistanceto the British to suppressthe Terai[Bista 1985]. Thereare also reports dispersed,and mainly concentrated in the IndianMutiny in 1857-58.The restoration of allegedinfiltration of Bihari(Muslims) outlyingareas along the Indianborder. of Teraidistricts like Banke, Bardia, Kailali refugees from Bangladesh,who entered Populationdata, based on the 1991 cen- and Kanchanpurby the Britishto Nepal the easternTerai region of Nepal in the sus, shows thatexcept for north-western increasedthe numberof Muslimsin the post-1971period [Sharma1994].4 How- districtsof Manang,Muslims can be found westernTerai, as these districtsalready ever, due to lack of adequatedata on in all otherdistricts, i e, they are present had a sizeableMuslim population before such infiltrations,it is difficultto confirm in 74 out of the total75 districtsof Nepal integrationinto Nepal. such reports. [CBS 1993b]. Also duringthis period,the bordering Like their Hindu counterparts,Terai areasof mid-westerndistrict of Muslimstoo have socialties across The Kapilbastu strong Region saw the settlementof big Muslim land- theborder and receive cultural sustenance The narrowplain strip of land of the lords from Awadh region, as they were fromthe larger Muslim population of Uttar Teraibelt starts from the foothills of Siwalik invitedby the Ranasfor theirzamindari Pradeshand Bihar. rangeof the Himalayasand stretchesup skills. They were given vast areasof for- As for the legal statusof the Muslims to the Gangeticplains of Biharand Uttar estedlands at nominal rates for maximising as a religious minoritygroup, the Legal Pradeshin India. For this geographical agriculturalproduction and revenues from Code of 1963 (the presentcode) which regionthe word 'Terai' is usedinterchange- the lands.2 abolishedcaste based social stratification, ablywith 'Madhes'which is derivedfrom Muslims in Terai constitute3.28 per guaranteesequal rights and opportunities the Sanskritword 'Madhyadesh',mean- cent out of theirtotal 3.53 per cent rep- forall peopleof Nepal,regardless of ethnic ing the mid-countrybetween the foothills resentationin the wholeof Nepal.Among origins and faith. Accordingly,Muslims of the Himalayanmountains in the north the Terai caste/ethnicgroups, they form of Nepalare free to practisetheir customs and Vindhya mountainsin the south. the thirdlargest group, coming only after and have been treatedas an integralpart People living in this regionare therefore the Tharus(6.46 per cent) and Yadavs of Nepalesesociety. They are also free to describedas MadhesisorMadhesiyas [Jha (4.01percent). Thus the Muslim population engage in religious activities and build 1993]. In this study, the word 'Terai', in Nepal is predominantlyof Madhesi mosques.5 While Muslim traditional

766 Economic and Political Weekly March4, 2000 marriage(nikah) is recognisedby law, the Mahendranagar),Muslims form a signifi- ligious) for being 'bideshi'(foreigner) by traditionaldivorce known as 'talaaq'is not cant part of the small traders. As for the stateenacted legal codes (forexample, so recognised. Nepalgunj, due to historical reasons, Codeof 1935,vol5: 15-16and 29 andCode Nepal being a Hindu state, the legal EklainiBazaar, the maintrading centre, is of 1963:223). In generalusage, Islam was provisionsthere naturallyallow Hindu dominatedby Muslim shopownerswho furtherderogated as 'Ulto(wrong) Dharma' customsand tradition, in contrastto other are the directdescendants of the original [Gaborieau1972:92-93]. With this reli- religions,feels Hamid Ansari, a Nepali traders,who were invitedby Ranarulers gious and social status in a traditional Muslimscholar. He pointsout thatthough around1860-75 from the Awadh region society and an authoritativehierarchy, Muslimshave readily acceptedthe laws (Nandpara)to establish a tradingcentre Muslimsin Nepalhad no optionother than of the land thatprohibit proselytism and alongthe Indo-Nepalborder. Nepalgunj is acceptinga low andsubordinate position. ban cow slaughterand in the hills have theonly placein thewhole of Nepalwhere In the post-1990Nepal, MadhesiMus- even got assimilatedwith the local tradi- Muslim tradersare found in substantial lims have acceptedthe establishmentof tions and customs, their position in the numbers[for a moreexhaustive study see popular democracy with a mixture of society has not changed much [Ansari Sharmand]. hope andapprehension. While welcoming 1981a].The introductionof the new legal Barringthe few shopkeepersand small the newly acquireddemocratic freedoms, code (1963)may have officially ended the tradersand even fewer landlords, the overall the Muslims in Terai are also concerned discriminatorycaste based provisions that economiccondition of the TeraiMuslims about the fallout of majorityrule on the existed in 1853 and 1952 codes, but in hasremained one of impoverishment.The community.They feel thatpolitical parties practicethe 'mlechcha'or impurerank of economic statusof the Muslimsin Terai would only be interestedin the majority the Muslimsstill dominatethe minds of matches their inferior social status. A voters, who would bring them to power, the Hindus,and is reflectedin theirsocial caste based hierarchicsocial structureis andthese parties would therefore be biased behaviourtowards Muslims. inevitably linked with feudal land rela- whiledealing with Hindu-Muslim conflict Nepali Muslim scholarsmaintain that tions where low caste people usually situations. mere legal provisionsdo not ensurereli- constitutethe lowest economicstrata and This apprehensionis preciselythe rea- gious freedom for minorities. Taking have little or no influenceon the society son why the MuslimMadhesis, in spiteof advantageof the Hinducharacter of the and economy of that country. theirgood strengthin many of the Terai state,vested interest groups belonging to districts,are not organisingthemselves on the majoritycommunity have been suc- From Alienation to Affirmation? a single platform,to pressfor theirsocio- cessfulin intimidatingMuslims whenever economicdemands or in adoptinga policy they have triedto practisetheir religious Muslimsin Terainot only accountfor of self-assertion. freedom(which allows them to perform 12-13 per cent of the total Teraipopula- Nevertheless,the processof organising all acts consideredas duty in their own tion, they also constitutethe thirdlargest the entireMuslim population in Nepalhas religion)by buildingmosques, madrasas caste/ethnicgroup among the Teraisocial so far been initiatedby Terai Muslims or graveyards.6 groups(3.28 per cent, coming only after only, albeit with divergentinterests and As regardstheir economic status, like theTharus and Yadavs). Hence, the strength with a differentpolitical colour. The shift otherIndian settlers, Muslims too entered of the Muslimsin the regionis giving the in the nature and characterof Muslim Teraias farmers,and a majorityof them communitya new feelingof groupidentity bodies in post-1990 Nepal is discernible continueto remainlinked with agriculture. in the present set-up of pluralistpolity, as they attempt to focus on the socio- Thelack of properstatistics does not enable whichacknowledges the multi-ethnicand economic and socio-politicalaspects of us to estimatelandholdings of Muslims multi-religiousnature of Nepali society. the problemsfaced by Muslimsin demo- and their role in agriculture.However, Thepolitical transformation from absolute cratic Nepal. Muslim organisationsthat independentsurveys like that by the au- monarchyto parliamentarydemocracy is functionedin the predemocraticera ex- thor,reveal that all over Teraivillages in slowly but surely having some effect on isted solely for religious and cultural districtssuch as Jhapain the east, Barain theperipheral and religious minority groups purposes,as permittedby the monarchy- the centraland Kapilbastuin the west, like the Muslims. led panchayatregime, and were therefore Muslimoccupational castes, viz, Hajjam It must, however,be emphasisedhere not actuallyworking for the upliftmentof (barber),Darzi (tailor), Rajmistry (mason) thatthe community'sgradual affirmation poorMuslims. Many of the organisations andJulaha (weaver), all workin the fields of a separateidentity is not an easy task. in Teraieven existed only on paperwith duringthe harvestingseason, either on Since the beginningof theirsettlement in the prime motive of receiving donation theirown lands or as tenantfarmers. In- Terai,Muslims have always kept a very ('zakat' money) from the Gulf. These adequateincome opportunitiesin their low profile,and have quietly accepted their organisationsnever antagonised the Hindu hereditaryprofession have forced many low caste rank in the social hierarchy, rulerswith theirdemands and conformed occupationalcastes to fall upon tenant assigned to them on account of being to thelow-profile and non-assertive image farming or even work as daily wage outside the Hindu religion. It must be of the community(for a list of Muslim labourersin biggerfarms usually at four rememberedthat the post-unificationhis- welfare organisations, see Siddiqa kilogramsof rice per day.7 toryof Nepalhas been a historyof assimi- 1993:275-79). Inthe few urban centres in Terai, Muslims lationprocess or a drivefor Hinduisation If the liberalpolitical atmospherewith are however conspicuous in small- underthe aegis of Hindumonarchy. guaranteed democratic freedom has scale trade.In the towns of middle and Muslimswere not only relegatedto an brought the long suppressed Muslim western Terai (viz, Birgunj, Kalaiya, inferiorrank in the caste hierarchy,they ethnicityto theforeground, the prevalence Tauliwa, Krishnanagar,Nepalgunj and were even consideredas 'bidharmi'(irre- of Deobandischool of thoughtfor a more

Economicand PoliticalWeekly March4, 2000 767 Quranicway of life has also made the respective organisational activities in the apathyand the discriminationsthat they identity assertion among the Muslims recent past, have succeeded in creating a face in theirinteraction with the panchayat synonymouswith assertion of 'Islamic rift between the two. The rise and growth and district level officials, unites them identity'.This involves strict adherence to of Hindu militant bodies like Shiv Sena as Madhesis. thepuritanical rituals and practices of Islam. and Bajrang Dal in the urban centres of The growingnumber of Islamicfunda- Mushroomingof morethan a dozenMuslim Nepalgunj and Birgunj (Parsa) in the mentalistgroups in Terai is widely per- religiousand welfare organisations imme- aftermathof the Ayodhya incident in 1992, ceived as a measureof the success of the diately after the establishmentof demo- and their increasing support base among PakistaniIntelligence agency ISI in estab- cracyin 1990 indicatesa heightenedreli- the Hindu traders in these towns have lishing a base for themselvesamong the giousprofile of theMuslims in the country. polarised the Muslim and the Hindu Muslimpopulation of theregion. The most Madhesis of these towns. common the Indian Are United with the Hindus allegation(of govern- They Hindu-Muslim is more these is that are in the Hill Terai Divide? polarisation sharp ment)against groups they in the western Terai town of Nepalgunj, assisting and abettinganti-Indian activi- Ever since the unification of Nepal, where both the communities are mostly ties while operatingfrom their bases on inhabitantsof theTerai or the Madhesiyas involved in trade and Muslims are eco- the Nepaleseside of the open Indo-Nepal havebeen discriminated against - socially, nomically stronger than in any other parts border(i e, all along the Terairegion).12 economicallyand politically by the ruling of the Terai. The competitive strength of It is easy to smuggle contrabandinto elitesof theHills [Baral1990]. In theHill- Muslims (as against the Hindus) has made Indianterritory through the 500 mileslong Teraidivide, with complete domination of the situation more volatile ever since the openinternational border. There is misuse the Hill people and theirculture in every Hindu organisation VHS took up the of theopen border by thirdcountry nation- sphereof life, Muslimsand Hindusiden- Ayodhya issue for garnering support in als to carry out subversiveactivities in tify with the Teraiand possess a common this communally sensitive town.11 north India, and in providing material Madhesiidentity. However, added to the However, this change is essentially an supportto thesecessionist groups of Jammu plainsidentity, the religiousidentity of the urban phenomenon, as the activities of andKashmir, Punjab and even north-east- Muslims puts them, even lower on the Hindu fundamentalist organisations are ern provincesof India.13Nevertheless, to socialhierarchy. But it is mostlyfound that mostly urban-basedand their supportbase suspect the entire Terai Muslim popula- despitethe religiousdifferences Muslims usually consists of trading communities tionof beingparty to suchactivities would do identifywith the Hindusas Madhesis, (viz, Marwaris) in the towns of Terai. be wrong. againstany kind of Hill domination. Muslims in such places easily come under In such intriguesvery few locals are Opinionsdo differ, and it is beingpointed the influence of Saudi funded Islamic actually involved. There could be some out thatthe common'madhesi' identity is puritans and are seen to be disassociating cases of Muslim youth being lured by onlyat the broader level, as on thereligious themselves from Hindu Madhesis. money by agents of subversive organ- groundboth the groups strictlymaintain In rural Terai, there is no such polari- isations. These men are also convinced a separatereligious identity.8 One section sation of identity. The rural poor (mostly thatthey wouldbe furtheringthe causeof amongMuslim intellectuals itself believes agricultural labourers) consist of both Islamby helpingthe Muslimmilitants in that becauseof their vulnerableposition Hindus and Muslims. The administrative Kashmir.Some Terai Muslim leaders, like in society, Muslims have (during the panchayatrule) by andlarge remained loyal to the rulingparty and 'pro-system'as it INTERNET IN SOUTH ASIA ensuredphysical and moralsecurity pro- vided by the Hindu rulers.9 November 20, 1999 Reflectingthe TeraiMuslim sentiment, RPPleader Mohammed Mohsin observes Promoting the Internetin South Asia Arun Mehta thatin effect,Terai Muslims are the fourth Shahid Akhtar class citizenssince do not to TelecommunicationsInfrastructure: A Long Way to Go VickramCrishna they belong Noor-ud-Din any of the threedominant social classes Baqai of the and Bhoop Raj Pandey Nepali society politics, viz, Fazlur Rahman Bahun-Chetri-Newarruling elite, Hill with the Divide: InternetInfrastrucutre, Hindus the otherHindu castes of the Struggling Digital (i e, Policies and Regulations MadanmohanRao Hills), andupper caste Hindusof Terai.10 Sanjib Raj Bhandari, S M Iqbal Notwithstandingthis inferiorityfeeling, Anjali Sinha, Wahaj us Siraj theoverall relationship between the Hindus Online Content in South Asia: Opportunities andMuslims has largely remained tension and Realities Madanmohan Rao free as the Muslimshave been reconciled Imran Rashid, Hasan Rizvi to their subservientstatus in society. Rajib Subha It must,however, be maintainedthat the growingproliferation of fundamentalists For Copies write to both within Muslim and Hinducommu- CirculationManager nities,(viz, Vishwa HinduSangh (VHS), Economic and Political Weekly Shiv Sena, Islamic Yuva Sangh (IYS), Hitkari House, 284 Shahid Bhagatsingh Road, Mumbai 400 001 Muslim Ekta Sangh (MES)) and their

768 Economicand Political Weekly March4, 2000 SalimAnsari, admit to such possibilities. or minoritycommunalism, in the commu- Delhi, May 29-June 4, 1994, pp 22-27. Also to the socio-economic sensitive Terai refer to various newspaper reports, e g, According them, nally region.BI1 The Hindustan backwardnessof the Muslimminorities is Times, January4, 1994, New Delhi; The Times of India, March 25, 1995, largely responsiblefor such misguided Notes New Delhi. activitiesof Muslimyouth in the region. 13 Seizure of huge amount of RDX explosives Some educated can 1 The basic premiseof this belief emanatesfrom in Kathmandu from an alleged Kashmiri unemployed youth a in the official (5th be andcan becomea tool report daily Gorkhapatra militant was reported in all major dailies of easily instigated Baisakh, 2038 BS) which published the total Kathmandu,viz, The KathmanduPost, The in the handsof trans-borderconspirators figure of Nepalese Muslim populationas 1.4 Rising Nepal, Gorkhapatrain their Decem- in exchangefor some lucrativeoffers like million, during the visit of Saudi foreign ber 17, 1996 issues. or in the Gulf.14 ministerin February1981. Doubts have been 14 Referring to this threat, RPP leader Mohd jobs scholarships aboutthe of census The installationof demo- expressed accuracy figures Mohsin says that such activities can be curbed multi-party by many prominent Nepali scholars, see initiatives Indian and in 1990 has only throughjoint by cracy in Nepal undoubtedly Kausakar (1989); Bhattachan (1995); Nepali governments. India can reduce the pavedthe way for pluralismand pressure Gautam(nd). influence of Islamic countries like Pakistan group politics in an essentially multi- 2 Koder Betwa village near Krishnanagar andSaudi Arabia by offeringNepalese Muslim (Kapilbastu district) has the distinction of youth the facilities to acquirehigher education ethnic,multi-linguistic and multi-religious - having only big Muslim landlords Abdul and technical expertise within India which minoritieslike the Mus- Khan is country.Religious Waheb one of them, who now owns would definitely reduce flow of Nepalese lims, in a Hindudominated state system, only 28 bighas (as permissible under Nepal Muslims to other Islamic countriesand hence findthemselves in an ambiguousposition Land Reform Act of 1964), while his ancestor help develop a positive attitudeamong them and On the one was initially given 600 bighas of forestedland towards India. of hope apprehension. at a nominal the then Ranaruler if have affirmedtheir Islamic very price by hand, they at the end of the 19th century (narratedto the References identityand have also organisedthem- author by Abdul Waheb Khan). selves under interestgroups (meant for 3 Based on these same figures of 1991 census, Ansari, Hamid (1981a): 'Muslims in Nepal', promotingMuslim interests), at the same the well known Nepali geographerand social Journal Instituteof Muslim MinorityAffairs, timetheir is also demographer Harka Gurung has identified vol 3, pp 149-50. religiousprofile making threemajorethnic and caste groupsof all the 75 - (1981b): 'Muslis of Nepal', CEDA Occasional themvulnerable to the antagonisticHindu districtsof Nepal in his study [Gurung1994]. Paper Series, July, p 21. pressuregroups. 4 Also duringa recentfield study in easternmost Baral, L R (1990): Regional Migration,Ethnicity The few incidentsof communalclashes districtof Jhapa,the authorhas observed that and Security: The South Asian Case, New a of the Muslim in 63-69. between the Hindus and Muslims, that large part population the Delhi, pp district are migrantMuslim workersfrom the Battachan, K B (1995): 'Ethnopolitics and have so far been reported(since 1990) adjoiningdistricts of Kishanganjand Galgalia Ethnodevelopment' in Dhruva Kumar (ed), from Tulsipur (Dang) in 1992, and in Bihar.While most of them have theirnames State Leadership and Politics in Nepal, Nepalgunj(Banke) in December1994 and in the voterslist, very few of them arecitizens. Kathmandu. October confirm the belief that 5 For the legal status of non-Hindus in the Bista,DorBahadur(1985:'Ethnicity: Its Problems 1995, successive of 1952 and and CNAS Muslimsare safe in as as Legal Codes 1853, Prospects', Report, Kathmandu, Nepal long they 1963, see AndrasHofer (1979) and Gaborieau p 13. maintaintheir age-old submissive and non- (1972: n 23, pp 86-91). Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (1993a): assertiveminority character. But as soon 6 General grievances of the Muslims, and their Population Census 1991, Kathmandu,p 39. as theybecome a littleassertive and aware overall statusin Nepal were recordedin 'Socio - (1993b): CBS Year Book 1993, Kathmandu, abouttheir democratic imme- Economic Status of Muslims in Nepal', a pp 21-25. rights,they working paper for Second National Muslim - (1995a): Population Monograph of Nepal, diatelyattract the ire of theHindu majority, Conference, held in Kathmandu,August 18- Kathmandu,p 313. andanimosity and mutual distrust displace 19, 1996. Also refer Ansari (1981b: n 30). - (1995b):Statistical Year Book of Nepal, pp 21-25. the harmoniousrelationship between the 7 As narratedby different occupational caste Gaborieau,Marc (1972): 'Muslims in the Hindu two communities. memberssuch as Hajjam(barber), Darzi (tailor) Kingdom of Nepal', Contributionto Indian and of Bara Parsa New New No VI. Thusthere is an need for the Dhuniya (cotton fluffers) Sociology, Delhi, Series, imperative (centralTerai) and Kapilbastu districts (western Gautam,Rajesh (nd): 'A FirsthandInvestigative politicalleadership in Nepal todayto pay Terai),as well as the landedgentry who employ Study of the Nepalese Muslims', an un- heed to moderateMuslim demandssuch these castes as daily wage labourersduring published paper, INSEC, Kathmandu. as (a) greateraccess to moderneducation; their conversations with the author. Gurung,Harka (1994): Nepal: Main Ethnic Caste better in state 8 Views expressedby Abullaish,reader, CEDA, Groups by Districts, Kathmandu. (b) representation apparatus; Tribhuvan University, in conversation with Hofer, Andras (1979): The Caste Hierarchy and (c) alleviatingpoverty among the rural the author in May 1994. the State in Nepal: A Study of the MulukiAin Muslims of Terai who constitute the 9 Opinion of another Muslim lecturer, S M of 1854, Innsbruck,pp 157-65. majorityof Nepal's Muslim community; Habibullah of Tribhuvan University, Jha, Hari Bansh (1993): The Terai Community and Muslimfestivals like Eid Kathmandu. and National Integration in Nepal, (d)declaring 10 RPP leader Mohd Mohsin's interviews with 1. andMoharram as These Kathmandu,p public holidays. the author during May 1994 and December Kausakar,V B (1989): 'Population of Nepal' in steps wouldprevent further alienation of 1996. K P Malla (ed), Nepal Perspectives on theMuslims. More importantly this would 11 The beginning of support mobilisation for Continuity and Change, Kathmandu. ensurethat the Muslim leadership does not building a Ram temple in Ayodhya (UP) in Sharma, Cholraj (nd): 'Nepalgunj Bazaar ka into the hands of fundamentalists. Nepalgunj,byHindu organisations like Vishwa Musalman laru ko samajik Tatha Arthik pass Hindu Sangh (since 1991), has sharply Jeevan', an unpublished paper, Tribhuvan While concedingto the legitimatede- polarisedthe otherwise united(in theirTerian University, Kathmandu. mandsof the moderates,the democratic identity) Hindu Muslim population of Sharma, Sudhindra (1994): 'How the Crescent stateof Nepalshould by all meanscheck Nepalgunj (Banke). Fares?' Himal, November-December,p 37. the rise of kind of fundamentalism 12 This growing apprehension is expressed in Siddiqa, Shamima (1993): Muslims of Napal, any various articles and over the 5- Kathmandu. as reports past (both Hindu and Islamic), they both 6 years. For details refer Ashok K Mehta, Yadav, S R (1992): Rural and Agrarian Social have the potentialto fan either majority 'Insidethe HimalayanKingdom', Sunday, New Structure of Nepal, New Delhi, pp 212-13.

Economic and Political Weekly March 4, 2000 769