A Study in Darjeeling District and Dooars Since the Formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration
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Downloaded from the ACCORD As the “Saviours”, and Darfurians Negatively As Only Just the “Survivors”
CONTENTS EDITORIAL 2 by Vasu Gounden FEATURES 3 Paramilitary Groups and National Security: A Comparison Between Colombia and Sudan by Jerónimo Delgådo Caicedo 13 The Path to Economic and Political Emancipation in Sri Lanka by Muttukrishna Sarvananthan 23 Symbiosis of Peace and Development in Kashmir: An Imperative for Conflict Transformation by Debidatta Aurobinda Mahapatra 31 Conflict Induced Displacement: The Pandits of Kashmir by Seema Shekhawat 38 United Nations Presence in Haiti: Challenges of a Multidimensional Peacekeeping Mission by Eduarda Hamann 46 Resurgent Gorkhaland: Ethnic Identity and Autonomy by Anupma Kaushik BOOK 55 Saviours and Survivors: Darfur, Politics and the REVIEW War on Terror by Karanja Mbugua This special issue of Conflict Trends has sought to provide a platform for perspectives from the developing South. The idea emanates from ACCORD's mission to promote dialogue for the purpose of resolving conflicts and building peace. By introducing a few new contributors from Asia and Latin America, the editorial team endeavoured to foster a wider conversation on the way that conflict is evolving globally and to encourage dialogue among practitioners and academics beyond Africa. The contributions featured in this issue record unique, as well as common experiences, in conflict and conflict resolution. Finally, ACCORD would like to acknowledge the University of Uppsala's Department of Peace and Conflict Research (DPCR). Some of the contributors to this special issue are former participants in the department's Top-Level Seminars on Peace and Security, a Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) advanced international training programme. conflict trends I 1 EDITORIAL BY VASU GOUNDEN In the autumn of November 1989, a German continually construct walls in the name of security; colleague in Washington DC invited several of us walls that further divide us from each other so that we to an impromptu celebration to mark the collapse have even less opportunity to know, understand and of Germany’s Berlin Wall. -
Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/05 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee Amory Gethin Thomas Piketty March 2019 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee, Amory Gethin, Thomas Piketty* January 16, 2019 Abstract This paper combines surveys, election results and social spending data to document the long-run evolution of political cleavages in India. From a dominant- party system featuring the Indian National Congress as the main actor of the mediation of political conflicts, Indian politics have gradually come to include a number of smaller regionalist parties and, more recently, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). These changes coincide with the rise of religious divisions and the persistence of strong caste-based cleavages, while education, income and occupation play little role (controlling for caste) in determining voters’ choices. We find no evidence that India’s new party system has been associated with changes in social policy. While BJP-led states are generally characterized by a smaller social sector, switching to a party representing upper castes or upper classes has no significant effect on social spending. We interpret this as evidence that voters seem to be less driven by straightforward economic interests than by sectarian interests and cultural priorities. In India, as in many Western democracies, political conflicts have become increasingly focused on identity and religious-ethnic conflicts -
'Spaces of Exception: Statelessness and the Experience of Prejudice'
London School of Economics and Political Science HISTORIES OF DISPLACEMENT AND THE CREATION OF POLITICAL SPACE: ‘STATELESSNESS’ AND CITIZENSHIP IN BANGLADESH Victoria Redclift Submitted to the Department of Sociology, LSE, for the degree of PhD, London, July 2011. Victoria Redclift 21/03/2012 For Pappu 2 Victoria Redclift 21/03/2012 Declaration I confirm that the following thesis, presented for examination for the degree of PhD at the London School of Economics and Political Science, is entirely my own work, other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. ____________________ ____________________ Victoria Redclift Date 3 Victoria Redclift 21/03/2012 Abstract In May 2008, at the High Court of Bangladesh, a ‘community’ that has been ‘stateless’ for over thirty five years were finally granted citizenship. Empirical research with this ‘community’ as it negotiates the lines drawn between legal status and statelessness captures an important historical moment. It represents a critical evaluation of the way ‘political space’ is contested at the local level and what this reveals about the nature and boundaries of citizenship. The thesis argues that in certain transition states the construction and contestation of citizenship is more complicated than often discussed. The ‘crafting’ of citizenship since the colonial period has left an indelible mark, and in the specificity of Bangladesh’s historical imagination, access to, and understandings of, citizenship are socially and spatially produced. -
Education Policy in West Bengal
Education Policy In West Bengal meekly.Sometimes How uncomfortable lax is Francis Daviswhen misappropriateswiggly and infusive her Simone ranking avoidunknightly, some butpolemarch? bistred Boris mothers illegally or hypostatised soaringly. Rad overcome Boys dropped and development of hindu state govemment has been prescribed time, varshiki and west in urban areas contract teachers and secondary schools The policy research methodology will be? How effectively utilize kyan has been set up to west bengal indicate that would support in education policy west bengal? Huq was not in west in bengal education policy, which were zamindars as a perfect crime reporter in. To achieve gender norms and. After a voluntary organisations were built by employing ict. The new leaders dominated western sciences are often takes drugs? Textbooks were dedicated to icse and. Candidates each other. This chapter will help many of education policy? Maulvi syed ahmed also seek different legislative framework. This background to wash their islamic culture of schools but hindus for studies will be cleared without persian. West bengal government wanted muslim. Muslim inspectors are involved with parents, private schools has not really sufficient progress as fazlul huq was highest academic year plan period financial. There is of west bengal proposed by hindu consciousness among muslims education policy in west bengal and. Initially muslim students from lower classes with other stationeries, by japanese bombs followed. As to maintain their capability enhancement with an urgent issue as fees, separate nation one primary level for? Prime objective of policies were not enrolled into limelight once all. The policies were still taken into professional training facility to continue securing grants. -
Land Tenures in Cooch Behar District, West Bengal: a Study of Kalmandasguri Village Ranjini Basu*
RESEARCH ARTICLE Land Tenures in Cooch Behar District, West Bengal: A Study of Kalmandasguri Village Ranjini Basu* Abstract: This paper describes and analyses changes in land tenure in Cooch Behar district, West Bengal. It does so by focussing on land holdings and tenures in one village, Kalmandasguri. The paper traces these changes from secondary historical material, oral accounts, and from village-level data gathered in Kalmandasguri in 2005 and 2010. Specifically, the paper studies the following four interrelated issues: (i) land tenure in the princely state of Cooch Behar; (ii) land tenure in pre-land-reform Kalmandasguri; (iii) the implementation and impact of land reform in Kalmandasguri; and (iv) the challenges ahead with respect to the land system in Kalmandasguri. The paper shows that an immediate, and dramatic, consequence of land reform was to establish a vastly more equitable landholding structure in Kalmandasguri. Keywords: Kalmandasguri, Cooch Behar, West Bengal, sharecropping, princely states, history of land tenure, land reform, village studies, land rights, panel study. Introduction This paper describes and analyses changes in land tenure in Cooch Behar district, West Bengal.1 It does so by focussing on land holdings and tenures in one village, Kalmandasguri.2 The paper traces these changes by drawing from secondary historical material, oral accounts, and from village-level data gathered in Kalmandasguri in 2005 and 2010. Peasant struggle against oppressive tenures has, of course, a long history in the areas that constitute the present state of West Bengal (Dasgupta 1984, Bakshi 2015). * Research Scholar, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, [email protected] 1 Cooch Behar is spelt in various ways. -
Citizens of Nowhere
A POWERFUL VOICE FOR LIFESAVING ACTION ciTizens of nowhere The STaTeless BihariS of BangladeSh Maureen Lynch & ThaTcher cook To The reader Millions of people in the world are citizens of nowhere. They can- not vote. They cannot get jobs in most professions. They cannot own property or obtain a passport. These “stateless” people frequently face discrimination, harassment, violence, and severe socioeconomic hardship. due to their status, they are often denied access to even the most basic healthcare and education that is available to citizens in the same country. The Biharis of Bangladesh are one such stateless population. Ban- gladesh has hosted 240,000–300,000 Biharis (also called stranded Pakistanis) since the civil war between east and West Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. neither Pakistan nor Bangla- desh claims Biharis as citizens. in november 2004, refugees international visited 11 Bihari camps in Bangladesh. We now invite you to learn more about their situation and to help restore the rights of these stateless individuals. We would like to offer special thanks to each individual who willingly and courageously told us their stories. Much apprecia- tion is due everyone who provided support for the original field visit on which this project is based and who helped in the production of this photo report. Maureen lynch and Thatcher Cook refugees international The photographs for further information in this report lives on hold: The human Cost of Statelessness, were taken by a Refugees International publication available online at: Thatcher Cook. http://www.refintl.org/content/issue/detail/5051 thatcher@ thatchercook.com fifty Years in limbo: The Plight of the World’s Stateless People, a Refugees International publication available online at: http://www.refintl.org/content/article/detail/915 JANUARY 2006 Citizens of nowhere: the stateless Biharis of Bangladesh Table of ConTenTs The human Cost of Statelessness ....................... -
Bangladesh: Urdu-Speaking “Biharis” Seek Recognition, Respect and Rights Bangladesh: Urdu-Speaking “Biharis” Seek Recognition, Respect and Rights
BANGLADESH: URDU-SPEAKING “BIHARIS” SEEK RECOGNITION, RESPECT AND RIGHTS BANGLADESH: URDU-SPEAKING “BIHARIS” SEEK RECOGNITION, RESPECT AND RIGHTS International Republican Institute IRI.org @IRIglobal © 2020 All Rights Reserved Bangladesh: Urdu-Speaking “Biharis” Seek Recognition, Respect and Rights Copyright © 2020 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] Cover Image Description: Aerial view of the Biharis Relief Camp, known as the “Geneva Camp.” IRI | BANGLADESH • Urdu-Speaking “Biharis” 3 OVERVIEW In early 2020, the International Republican Institute (IRI) conducted a qualitative research study of the Bihari community in Bangladesh — an Urdu-speaking linguistic minority group in the South Asian nation. The study examined the challenges and needs of Biharis in different locations around Bangladesh. The term “Bihari” refers to approximately 300,000 non-Bengali, Urdu-speaking citizens of Bangladesh who came to what was then East Pakistan mostly from the Indian states of Bihar and West Bengal after the Partition of India in 1947. -
The End of Bihari Statelessness Khalid Hussain
30 STATELESSNESS FMR32 The end of Bihari statelessness Khalid Hussain Approximately 160,000 stateless Biharis live in 116 for Bangladeshi citizens – giving makeshift settlements in Bangladesh. Despite recent access to 22 basic services. developments in voter and ID registration, they continue to A three-member delegation from the live in slum-like conditions, facing regular discrimination. camps, including a member of the Association of Young Generation The people known in Bangladesh education and health-care facilities of Urdu-Speaking Community, as ‘Biharis’ or ‘stranded Pakistanis’ hampers community development.1 Geneva Camp, met the Chief Election are the Urdu-speaking descendants Commissioner of Bangladesh in July of Muslims who lived in different Some of the camp residents, 2007 and submitted a petition for the Indian provinces but mostly in Bihar particularly the younger ones, have inclusion of camp residents in the and who, at India’s partition in 1947, been struggling for years to be new list of voters. On 6 September 2007, the government agreed to give citizenship to those Urdu- speaking Biharis born after 1971 or who were under 18 years at the date of the creation of Bangladesh. In November 2007, twenty-three eminent academics, journalists, lawyers and human rights activists, in a joint statement, urged the government to offer citizenship rights, in line with the country’s constitution, to all Urdu-speaking people in camps in Bangladesh. In August 2008, the Election Commission began a drive to register the Urdu-speaking communities in the settlements around Bangladesh. This was an important first step towards integrating these minority communities into Bangladeshi society. -
View and Print the Publication
Forest Fire Prediction Modeling in the Terai Arc Landscape of the Lesser Himalayas Using the Maximum Entropy Method Amit Kumar Verma and Namitha Nhandadiyil Kaliyathan, Forest Research Institute, Dehradun, India; Narendra Singh Bisht, Arunachal Pradesh Forest Department, India; and Satinder Dev Sharma and Raman Nautiyal, Indian Council of Forestry Research & Education, Dehradun, India Abstract—The Terai Arc Landscape (TAL) is an ecologically important region of the Indian subcontinent, where anthropogenic habitat loss and forest fragmentation are major issues. The most prominent threat is forest fires because of their impacts on the microhabitat and macrohabitat characteristics and the resulting disruption of ecological processes. Moreover, wildfire aggravates conflicts between humans and wildlife in the forest fringe areas. The lack of a proper forest fire monitoring system in the TAL is a major management issue that needs attention for long-term forest viability. Hence, the present study was undertaken using maximum entropy modeling to predict the areas across the TAL at risk of wildfire and to identify key variables associated with fire occurrence. Spatiotemporally independent fire incidence locations along with other environmental variables were used to build the model. The accuracy of the model was assessed using the area under the curve. To evaluate the importance of each variable, a jackknife procedure was adopted. Areas in the projected map were categorized into high fire, marginal fire, and no fire areas. An adaptive forest management strategy can be implemented in the modeled high fire areas to mitigate forest fire and wildlife conflict in the TAL. Keywords: forest fire, maximum entropy, Terai Arc Landscape, Tiger INTRODUCTION biodiversity (Dennis and Meijaard 2001) because of changes in climate and in human use and misuse of A forest fire, whether caused by natural forces or fire. -
The Journal of Parliamentary Information ______VOLUME LXIV NO.1 MARCH 2018 ______
The Journal of Parliamentary Information ________________________________________________________ VOLUME LXIV NO.1 MARCH 2018 ________________________________________________________ LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT NEW DELHI ___________________________________ THE JOURNAL OF PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION _____________________________________________________________ VOLUME LXIV NO.1 MARCH 2018 _____________________________________________________________ CONTENTS PAGE ADDRESS - Address by the Speaker, Lok Sabha, Smt. Sumitra Mahajan at the 137th Assembly of IPU at St. Petersburg, Russian Federation -- - Address by the Speaker, Lok Sabha, Smt. Sumitra Mahajan at the 63rd Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference, Dhaka, Bangladesh -- PARLIAMENTARY EVENTS AND ACTIVITIES -- PARLIAMENTARY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS -- PRIVILEGE ISSUES -- PROCEDURAL MATTERS -- DOCUMENTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST -- SESSIONAL REVIEW Lok Sabha -- Rajya Sabha -- State Legislatures -- RECENT LITERATURE OF PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST -- APPENDICES -- I. Statement showing the work transacted during the … Thirteenth Session of the Sixteenth Lok Sabha II. Statement showing the work transacted during the … 244th Session of the Rajya Sabha III. Statement showing the activities of the Legislatures of … the States and Union Territories during the period 1 October to 31 December 2017 IV. List of Bills passed by the Houses of Parliament … and assented to by the President during the period 1 October to 31 December 2017 V. List of Bills passed by the Legislatures of the States … and the Union Territories during the period 1 October to 31 December 2017 VI. Ordinances promulgated by the Union … and State Governments during the period 1 October to 31 December 2017 VII. Party Position in the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha … and the Legislatures of the States and the Union Territories ADDRESS OF THE SPEAKER, LOK SABHA, SMT. SUMITRA MAHAJAN AT THE 137TH ASSEMBLY OF THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION (IPU), HELD IN ST. -
Liberation War of Bangladesh
Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 By: Alburuj Razzaq Rahman 9th Grade, Metro High School, Columbus, Ohio The Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 was for independence from Pakistan. India and Pakistan got independence from the British rule in 1947. Pakistan was formed for the Muslims and India had a majority of Hindus. Pakistan had two parts, East and West, which were separated by about 1,000 miles. East Pakistan was mainly the eastern part of the province of Bengal. The capital of Pakistan was Karachi in West Pakistan and was moved to Islamabad in 1958. However, due to discrimination in economy and ruling powers against them, the East Pakistanis vigorously protested and declared independence on March 26, 1971 under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But during the year prior to that, to suppress the unrest in East Pakistan, the Pakistani government sent troops to East Pakistan and unleashed a massacre. And thus, the war for liberation commenced. The Reasons for war Both East and West Pakistan remained united because of their religion, Islam. West Pakistan had 97% Muslims and East Pakistanis had 85% Muslims. However, there were several significant reasons that caused the East Pakistani people to fight for their independence. West Pakistan had four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier. The fifth province was East Pakistan. Having control over the provinces, the West used up more resources than the East. Between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan made 70% of all of Pakistan's exports, while it only received 25% of imported money. In 1948, East Pakistan had 11 fabric mills while the West had nine. -
3Rupture in South Asia
3Rupture in South Asia While the 1950s had seen UNHCR preoccupied with events in Europe and the 1960s with events in Africa following decolonization, the 1970s saw a further expansion of UNHCR’s activities as refugee problems arose in the newly independent states. Although UNHCR had briefly been engaged in assisting Chinese refugees in Hong Kong in the 1950s, it was not until the 1970s that UNHCR became involved in a large-scale relief operation in Asia. In the quarter of a century after the end of the Second World War, virtually all the previously colonized countries of Asia obtained independence. In some states this occurred peacefully,but for others—including Indonesia and to a lesser extent Malaysia and the Philippines—the struggle for independence involved violence. The most dramatic upheaval, however, was on the Indian sub-continent where communal violence resulted in partition and the creation of two separate states—India and Pakistan—in 1947. An estimated 14 million people were displaced at the time, as Muslims in India fled to Pakistan and Hindus in Pakistan fled to India. Similar movements took place on a smaller scale in succeeding years. Inevitably, such a momentous process produced strains and stresses in the newly decolonized states. Many newly independent countries found it difficult to maintain democratic political systems, given the economic problems which they faced, political challenges from the left and the right, and the overarching pressures of the Cold War. In several countries in Asia, the army seized political power in a wave of coups which began a decade or so after independence.