Accentuating the Politics of Bangladesh

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Accentuating the Politics of Bangladesh SSRG International Journal of Humanities and Social Science (SSRG-IJHSS) – Volume 6 Issue 6 – Nov - Dec 2019 Accentuating the Politics of Bangladesh Upendra Kumar Doctoral Research Scholar, Dr. K. R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, 110025, India. Abstract The objective of this paper is to comprehend the Union fronts. However, the paper does not concern characteristics of the politics of Bangladesh that have with this polarisation. The polarisation which has been getting shape since the inception of secular been caused by domestic politics is the focus of the parliamentary democratic system in the country in paper. The role of Islam in the Bangladeshi political 1972. The paper argues that the trajectory of the system, the spirit of the Liberation War and the politics has been a bumpy road and this, eventually system of governance have became the major factors led the polarisation of the politics. The polarisation on which Bangladeshi politics polarised. in Bangladeshi politics emerged as a basic feature since the Liberation War. And initially the Keywords: Bangladesh, Bangladesh Nationalist polarisation happened in the form of pro- and anti- Party, Caretaker Government, Liberation War, India, pro- and anti-China and pro- and anti-Soviet Islamist, Secular, Awami League, Polarisation, Islam, secularism. I. INTRODUCTION In 1972 the constitution of Bangladesh was person, which eventually led to the manipulation of promulgated in the midst of various socio-economic state institutions and the bureaucracy. Bangladesh‟s and political challenges facing the war-torn country. Election Commission could never work In these circumstances, Bangladesh began its journey independently (Hakim, 2002: 104). It was always from 1972 as a secular state but, could not sustain used by governments for electoral manipulation. This this position for long. The first Awami League (AL)- is why after every national election the defeated party led secular government of the state could not fulfil its alleges irregularities in election and blames the promises to which it had committed during the Election Commission for being partisan. Although Liberation War. The heightened expectations of the non- partisan caretaker governments were people due to the promises remained unfulfilled. The institutionalised with constitutional status for disappointing performance of the AL-led government conducting free and fair elections, it could not win undermined newly set up state institutions. Mujibism credibility among political elites. In fact, the failed before gaining the trust of the Bengali people.1 caretaker government was manipulated during the The credibility of Mujibism was being questioned BNP-led four party-alliance government to a great among people due to the inability of the government extent. Finally, its abolition by the current AL to solve people‟s social and economic difficulties. government made opposition parties to come out on When Mujibur Rahman took some steps to neutralise the streets to protest and demand a reinstatement of the crisis of legitimacy to which he was facing, the the care-taker government. Free and fair elections are four pillars of the state namely secularism, socialism, essential requirement for a democracy and the growth democracy and Bengali nationalism, became less of a harmonised political culture. attractive. As the state institutions were newly set up, it needed time to be consolidated. But within three to The military-junta regime used Islam as a source of four years, the constitution was amended to centralise legitimacy and as political tool to legitimise itself in state power. An emergency power, which was given the eyes of the people. The crisis of secularism, to the president, made it possible for the state to head which happened due to not addressing the socio- towards authoritarianism. The authoritarian tendency economic challenges of the people by the first of the Mujib government ended after his government of the AL, gave Islamists an opportunity assassination (15 August 1975), which eventually led to emerge as political players. By declaring Islam as to a military regime. the state religion General Ershad claimed that religion had potential to solve the socio-economic The emergence of the military-junta regime, which problems of Bangladesh (Hakim, 1998). And was backed by rightist and radical leftist groups, Islamist political parties were legitimised during the wrecked the democratic institutions. Under the movement for the restoration of democracy. After the military-junta regime, all power of executive, legitimisation of Islamist political parties and their legislative and judiciary was possessed by one emergence as a considerable political force, the main ISSN: 2394 - 2703 www.internationaljournalssrg.org Page 92 SSRG International Journal of Humanities and Social Science (SSRG-IJHSS) – Volume 6 Issue 6 – Nov - Dec 2019 political parties have focused on how to obtain "Bangladeshi Nationalism." Indeed, the BNP was the support from these very outfits to capture state mixture of several political parties and factions power. Often, the principal parties made alliances particularly leftist and rightist factions, which kept a with Islamist political parties to capture power. common desire to be patronised by Zia's regime, and During the anti-Ershad movement and in the 1990s to hold positions in the government (Jahan, 1980: both the BNP and the AL maintained formal and 213). The electoral symbol of the BNP interestingly informal relations with the Jamaat-e-Islami (Riaz, came from one of the mixture parties. The sheaf of 2003). In this sense, both the principal political paddy, which became the symbol of the BNP, was parties became instrumental in accommodating the symbol of NAP (B) which had propagated Islamist political parties in the country‟s politics due "Islamic Socialism" under Maulana Bhasani's to power politics and antagonism with each other. leadership. Both political parties took the support of Islamist political parties during street politics. The AL had Another alliance emerged during military-junta colluded in the early 1990s with the Jamaat to regime was Ganotantrik Oiky Jote (GOJ) or United overthrow the first BNP-led government after the Democratic Alliance. It comprised several political restoration of democracy (Islam, 2001) while the parties namely Awami League, National Awami BNP led-four-party alliance government provided a Party (M), and Janata Party, Kirishak Sramik Party, big space for Islamist political parties in the political Gana Azadi League, and Bangladesh People's system and governance of Bangladesh. League. The manifestoes of the GOJ encompassed to return parliamentary democracy, safeguarding the II. POLITICAL POLARISATION UNDER values of the Liberation War, maintaining foreign MILITARY-JUNTA REGIME relations based on non-alignment etc. Political polarisation under military-junta regime Finally, during the anti-Ershad movement3, both (1975-1990) began after the promulgation of the PPR alliances were reshaped into 7-party alliance and 15- Act which allowed political actors to be active in party alliance. The BNP formed a 7-party alliance indoor politics (Hossain, 2000). Dankwart Rustow with the collaboration with United People's Party, (1963) says that "the ultimate success of a military- Bangladesh Jatiya League, Ganatantrik Party, NAP junta regime depends on its skill in allowing or (Nurur Rahman), Krishak Sramik Party and promoting the rise of effective civilian leadership" Bangladesh Biplobi Communist League. The 7-Party (p.19). In this respect Ziaur Rahman permitted alliance was an amalgamation of both rightist and left political party to perform. Thus, various political political parties (Hasanuzzaman, 1998: 108). parties revived and reorganised, along with they also Although the main Islamist political party Jamaat-e- crossed and faced various factionalism. Meanwhile, Islami did not join with any alliance, it maintained Zia planned to form his party so that the requirement "an informal understanding with BNP and its 7-party of political legitimacy for him could be ensured alliance." (Kabir, 2002:164). The AL formed 15- (Chowdhury, 1995). He introduced a political party alliance in which mostly party came from platform without direct involvement in it. In February Gonotantrik Oiky Jote and its factions. The 15-Party 1978, Jatiyotabadi Ganatantrik Dal (JAGODAL) was alliance was combination of Awami League, organised with the approval of President Zia2. BAKSAL, JSD, Gana Azadi League, Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal, Worker Party, NAP (Harun), NAP In the course of the presidential election of 1978, (Muzaffar), CPB, Sammobadi Dal, Jatiya Ekota political parties became polarised. Jatiyotabadi Front Party, Sharmic Krishak Samajbadi Dal, BSD (JF) or National Front emerged a political bloc with (Mahbubul Haq), Awami League (Siddique) and joining of Ziaur Rahman in an electoral alliance of Mazdur Party. The 15-Party alliance reduced to an 8- six political parties- the JAGODAL, People's Party, Party alliance when Awami League decided to Bangladesh Muslim League, Bangladesh Labour participate in third Jatiya Sangsad election of 1986. Party, and Bangladesh Scheduled Caste Federation, Five pro-Chinese left parties of the 15-party alliance NAP (B) included. The JF supported Ziaur Rahman's formed a separate 5-Party alliance because they had 19-point program, in which "the four fundamental opposed the pro-election decision of Awami League principles
Recommended publications
  • Access-Controlled High-Speed Corridor Project, 129 Adib-Moghaddam, Arshin, 19–20 Agwani, M. S., 64 Ahl-I-Hadith Movement
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-08026-3 - Limits of Islamism: Jamaat-e-Islami in Contemporary India and Bangladesh Maidul Islam Index More information Index 335 Index Access-Controlled High-Speed Corridor ‘available’/‘availability,’ concept of, 10 Project, 129 Awami League, 175–179, 184, 187–188, Adib-Moghaddam, Arshin, 19–20 195, 199, 204, 212, 219, 226, 230–232 Agwani, M. S., 64 Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam, 105 Ahl-i-Hadith movement, 180 Azam, Ghulam, 176, 194, 208, 218, 221 , Ahmed, Akbar, 49 232, 247-248 Ahmed, Justice Shahabuddin, 218 Ahmed, Raisuddin, 146 Alhle-e-Hadees, 113 Baathist regime of Iraq, 18 Ali, Maulana Karamat, 181 Babri Masjid Action Committee, 108 Ali, Maulana Wilayet, 180 Babri mosque demolition, 106 Ali, Mawlana Inayat, 180 Bandung Conference, 31 Ali, Syed Ameer, 181 Bangladesh Ali, T. Arif, 135, 137, 144 altered status quo, politics of, 189 All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimin anti-Ershad movement, 176–177 (AIMIM), 108 anti-Indian sentiments in, 233–234 All India United Democratic Front Constitution of, 176 (AIUDF), 108 disinvestment of profit-making Al-Qaeda, 6–7, 51 ‘state-owned enterprises,’ 201 al-Rāwandī, Ibn, 17 failure of Left movement in, 178–179 al-Rāzī (Rhazes), Abu Bakr, 17 inclusion and exclusion, politics of, Al-Sadr, Moqtada, 30 188 American imperialism, 31, 120 Islam as a political symbol in, protests against, 106–107, 124–125 175–178 vs Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), 111 Islamic symbols in Bangladeshi Amin, Samir, 11–13, 29, 46, 55, 187–188 politics, 179 Ansari, M. A., 105 Islamist parties in, 204
    [Show full text]
  • Sheikha Moza Serious Breach and fl Agrant Violations Structed and Kidnapped a Qatari fi Shing China’S President Xi Jinping Was of International Law
    QATAR | Page 24 SPORT | Page 1 Qatar’s Adel leads T2 series aft er INDEX DOW JONES QE NYMEX QATAR 2-9, 24 COMMENT 22, 23 Second Aspire Kite REGION 9 BUSINESS 1-5, 17-20 solid fi nish Festival attracted 25,360.00 8,303.34 62.04 ARAB WORLD 9, 10 CLASSIFIED 6-16 +439.00 -62.77 +1.92 INTERNATIONAL 11-21 SPORTS 1-8 over 40,000 visitors in Dubai +1.76% -0.75% +3.19% Latest Figures published in QATAR since 1978 SUNDAY Vol. XXXIX No. 10754 March 11, 2018 Jumada Il 23, 1439 AH GULF TIMES www. gulf-times.com 2 Riyals FM in Sudan meeting Qatar informs In brief UN of airspace QATAR | Reaction violations by Qatar slams withdrawal of Jerusalem identity Qatar strongly condemned the Israeli Knesset’s approval of a law UAE, Bahrain authorising the interior minister to withdraw the Jerusalem identity atar has informed the UN Secu- in the region and without regard to Qa- from the Palestinians. In a statement rity Council and the UN Secre- tar’s security and stability.” yesterday, the Foreign Ministry Qtary-General of three violations The Government of Qatar has called described the move as unethical and of Qatar’s airspace by the United Arab upon the Security Council and the completely disregarding international Emirates (UAE) and the Kingdom of United Nations to take the necessary law, international humanitarian law Bahrain. measures under the Charter of the and UN conventions. The statement The message was handed over by HE United Nations to maintain interna- called on the international community the Permanent Representative of Qa- tional peace and security.
    [Show full text]
  • Religie W Azji Południowej
    RAPORT OPRACOWANY W RAMACH PROJEKTU ROZBUDOWA BIBLIOTEKI WYDZIAŁU INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA WSPÓŁFINANSOWANEGO PRZEZ EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW GRUDZIEŃ 2010 (ODDANY DO DRUKU W KWIETNIU 2011) RELIGIE W AZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ Sylwia Gil WYDZIAŁ INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA UDSC EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW RAPORT OPRACOWANY W RAMACH PROJEKTU ROZBUDOWA BIBLIOTEKI WYDZIAŁU INFORMACJI O KRAJACH POCHODZENIA WSPÓŁFINANSOWANEGO PRZEZ EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW RELIGIE W AZJI POŁUDNIOWEJ Sylwia Gil GRUDZIEŃ 2010 (ODDANY DO DRUKU W KWIETNIU 2011) EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW Sylwia Gil – Religie w Azji Południowej grudzień 2010 (oddano do druku w kwietniu 2011) – WIKP UdSC Zastrzeżenie Niniejszy raport tematyczny jest dokumentem jawnym, a opracowany został w ramach projektu „Rozbudowa Biblioteki Wydziału Informacji o Krajach Pochodzenia”, współfinansowanego ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu na rzecz Uchodźców. W ramach wspomnianego projektu, WIKP UdSC zamawia u ekspertów zewnętrznych opracowania, które stanowią pogłębioną analizę wybranych problemów/zagadnień, pojawiających się w procedurach uchodźczych/azylowych. Informacje znajdujące się w ww. raportach tematycznych pochodzą w większości z publicznie dostępnych źródeł, takich jak: opracowania organizacji międzynarodowych, rządowych i pozarządowych, artykuły prasowe i/lub materiały internetowe. Czasem oparte są także na własnych spostrzeżeniach, doświadczeniach i badaniach terenowych ich autorów. Wszystkie informacje zawarte w niniejszym raporcie zostały
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Analysis of Political Ideology of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by Atiqur Rahman Mujahid
    DEBATING NATIONALISM IN BANGLADESH: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN BY ATIQUR RAHMAN MUJAHID A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Sciences in History and Civilization Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Science International Islamic University Malaysia NOVEMBER 2018 ABSTRACT Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has been the central role player in the movement of Bangladeshi independence. His dominant role and presence has earned him the title “Father of the nation.” However, his political ideology has been debated intensely. Sheikh Mujib being the most towering figure in Bangladeshi politics, has been explained, claimed and counter claimed by political parties and intellectuals as a secular, a Bengali and a socialist or a mix of all. This thesis argues that such understanding about Sheikh Mujib is only partial, and is conditioned by two factors: firstly, looking at only half of Sheikh Mujib’s entire political career, that is post-1947 Sheikh Mujib in Pakistan politics; and secondly, looking at Sheikh Mujib in the context of independence movement alone as an anti-Pakistan politician. The thesis argues that the true political ideology of Sheikh Mujib should be constructed based on the context of nationalism-debate, political psychology and political trend that he inherited, oriented with and practiced in his entire political career spanning during the last two decades of British India and the first two decades of united Pakistan. In analyzing his entire political career the research found that Sheikh Mujib and his political ideology are embodiment of the spirit of independence and Muslim identity consciousness inherited from Wahhabi-Farayezi-Deobandi anti-British Islamic movements, modernist Aligarh movement, Muslim League and Pakistan movement.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Online Discursive Battle of Shahbag Protest 2013 in Bangladesh
    SEXISM IN ‘ONLINE WAR’: AN ANALYSIS OF ONLINE DISCURSIVE BATTLE OF SHAHBAG PROTEST 2013 IN BANGLADESH By Nasrin Khandoker Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies. Supervisor: Professor Elissa Helms Budapest, Hungary 2014 CEU eTD Collection I Abstract This research is about the discursive battle between radical Bengali nationalists and the Islamist supporters of accused and convicted war criminals in Bangladesh where the gendered issues are used as weapons. In Bangladesh, the online discursive frontier emerged from 2005 as a continuing battle extending from the 1971 Liberation War when the punishment of war criminals and war rapists became one of the central issues of political and public discourse. This online community emerged with debate about identity contest between the Bengali nationalist ‘pro-Liberation War’ and the ‘Islamist’ supporters of the accused war criminals. These online discourses created the background of Shahbag protest 2013 demanding the capital punishment of one convicted criminal and at the time of the protest, the online community played a significant role in that protest. In this research as a past participant of Shahbag protest, I examined this online discourse and there gendered and masculine expression. To do that I problematized the idea of Bengali and/or Muslim women which is related to the identity contest. I examined that, to protest the misogynist propaganda of Islamist fundamentalists in Bangladesh, feminists and women’s organizations are aligning themselves with Bengali nationalism and thus cannot be critical about the gendered notions of nationalism. I therefore, tried to make a feminist scholarly attempt to be critical of the misogynist and gendered notion of both the Islamists and Bengali nationalists to contribute not only a critical examination of masculine nationalist rhetoric, but will also to problematize that developmentalist feminist approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Ansarullah Bangla Team: a Major Threat for Bangladesh’S Democracy Written by Siegfried O
    Ansarullah Bangla Team: A Major Threat for Bangladesh’s Democracy Written by Siegfried O. Wolf This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Ansarullah Bangla Team: A Major Threat for Bangladesh’s Democracy https://www.e-ir.info/2016/01/30/ansarullah-bangla-team-a-major-threat-for-bangladeshs-democracy/ SIEGFRIED O. WOLF, JAN 30 2016 Since 9/11, the world has considered Pakistan and Afghanistan as the epicentre of Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia, incarnated in the Taliban movement and its affiliates. Many of the early observations dealt with the tremendous challenge which terrorism and religious-militant extremism would pose to peace and stability (from a geopolitical perspective). Realising the increasingly complex scenarios as well as the causalities and impacts, analyses on the phenomenon under discussion were slowly but persistently broadening. In order to be able to address not only the militant, but also the socio-economic and political dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism, the networks and ideological foundations of internationally acting fundamentalist groups have increasingly caught the attention of observers (worldwide). Despite a general widening of the research focus (for example taking gender aspects into account, like suicide bombing by female terrorists), it has also led to the phenomenon of only seeing certain aspects and/or dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism. By being pre-occupied with the security aspects of the Islamist challenge in the context of the foreign intervention in Afghanistan, many analysts initially had a narrow focus on the ‘AfPak’ region.
    [Show full text]
  • Ansarullah Bangla Team: a Major Threat for Bangladesh’S Democracy
    Ansarullah Bangla Team: A Major Threat for Bangladesh’s Democracy By Siegfried O. Wolf, Jan 30 2016 Since 9/11, the world has considered Pakistan and Afghanistan as the epicentre of Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia, incarnated in the Taliban movement and its affiliates. Many of the early observations dealt with the tremendous challenge which terrorism and religious- militant extremism would pose to peace and stability (from a geopolitical perspective). Realising the increasingly complex scenarios as well as the causalities and impacts, analyses on the phenomenon under discussion were slowly but persistently broadening. In order to be able to address not only the militant, but also the socio-economic and political dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism, the networks and ideological foundations of internationally acting fundamentalist groups have increasingly caught the attention of observers (worldwide). Despite a general widening of the research focus (for example taking gender aspects into account, like suicide bombing by female terrorists), it has also led to the phenomenon of only seeing certain aspects and/or dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism. By being pre-occupied with the security aspects of the Islamist challenge in the context of the foreign intervention in Afghanistan, many analysts initially had a narrow focus on the ‘AfPak’ region. Consequently, fundamentalist developments in other parts of the Indian subcontinent, especially in Bangladesh, were not adequately recognized for a long time. This is becoming increasingly significant, since it seems that the international community still does not recognize the growing leverage of Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh with its international linkages. This arguably poses the most dangerous challenge to everything the country stands for, especially the idea of a tolerant, secular democracy in a Muslim majority country.
    [Show full text]
  • Tormenting 71 File-01
    TORMENTING SEVENTY ONE An account of Pakistan army’s atrocities during Bangladesh liberation war of 1971 Interviewed and reported by Ruhul Motin, Dr. Sukumar Biswas Julfikar Ali Manik, Mostafa Hossain Krishna Bhowmik, Gourango Nandi Abdul Kalam Azad, Prithwijeet Sen Rishi Translated by Zahid Newaz, Ziahul Haq Swapan Nazrul Islam Mithu, Nadeem Qadir Edited by Shahriar Kabir Nirmul Committee (Committee for Resisting Killers & Collaborators of Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971) Ó Nirmul Committee First Edition Dhaka, November, 1999 Published by Kazi Mukul General Secretary, Nirmul Committee Ga-16, Mohakhali, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh. Phone : 8822985, 8828703 E-mail : [email protected] Printed by Dana Printers Limited Ga-16 Mohakhali Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh Cover designed by Amal Das, based on noted painter Kamrul Hassan’s oil painting tilled ‘Bangladesh 1971’ Photographs : Courtesy : Muktijuddher Aalokchitro, an albam published by Liberation War History Project of Bangladesh Government, Bangla Name Desh by Ananda Publishers, Calcutta and Album of Kishore Parekh, India Price : Tk. 250 (US $ 20.00 in abroad) Dedicated to Those who are campaigning for the trial of 1971 war criminals in Bangladesh and those who supporting this cause from India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and several other countries across the world Contents Introduction I was put in a gunny bag and kept in the scorching sun Brigadier (Retd.) M. R. Majumdar One day they forced me to lie on a slab of ice Lt. Col. Masoudul Hossain Khan (Retd.) They pressed burning cigarettes
    [Show full text]
  • The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line *** Bangladesh Nurul Amin The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh First Published: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 15:3 (1985) : 349-360. Taken from http://www.signalfire.org/2016/06/08/the-pro-chinese-communist-movement-in- bangladesh-1985/ Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Introduction The Communists in the Indian sub-continent started their political journey quite early, founding the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1920. 1 After the Partition of India a section of young CPI members under the leadership of Sajjad Zahir established the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948. 2 By 1954 the CPP had been banned all over Pakistan. As a result, CPP started working through the Awami League (AL) and other popular organisations. The AL witnessed its first split in 1957 when it was in power. Assuming the post of Prime Minister in Pakistan, S.H. Suhrawardy pursued a pro-Western foreign policy and discarded the demand for “full provincial autonomy ” for East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Awami League Chief Maulana Bhasani did not agree with the policy of the Prime Minister. On this ground, Maulana Bhasani left the AL and formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 with progressive forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Bangladesh: Human Rights Report 2015
    BANGLADESH: HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT 2015 Odhikar Report 1 Contents Odhikar Report .................................................................................................................................. 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................... 4 Detailed Report ............................................................................................................................... 12 A. Political Situation ....................................................................................................................... 13 On average, 16 persons were killed in political violence every month .......................................... 13 Examples of political violence ..................................................................................................... 14 B. Elections ..................................................................................................................................... 17 City Corporation Elections 2015 .................................................................................................. 17 By-election in Dohar Upazila ....................................................................................................... 18 Municipality Elections 2015 ........................................................................................................ 18 Pre-election violence ..................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Caught Between Fear and Repression
    CAUGHT BETWEEN FEAR AND REPRESSION ATTACKS ON FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN BANGLADESH Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover design and illustration: © Colin Foo Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street, London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 13/6114/2017 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION TIMELINE 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & METHODOLOGY 6 1. ACTIVISTS LIVING IN FEAR WITHOUT PROTECTION 13 2. A MEDIA UNDER SIEGE 27 3. BANGLADESH’S OBLIGATIONS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW 42 4. BANGLADESH’S LEGAL FRAMEWORK 44 5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 57 Glossary AQIS - al-Qa’ida in the Indian Subcontinent
    [Show full text]
  • Conflicting Interests: Islamic Fundamentalism and Militant
    NES-12 PAKISTAN Nicholas Schmidle is a Phillips Talbot Fellow of the Institute studying identity and politics in Pakistan. ICWA Conflicting Interests: LETTERS Islamic Fundamentalism and Militant Secularism in Bangladesh Since 1925 the Institute of Current World Affairs (the Crane- By Nicholas Schmidle Rogers Foundation) has provided MARCH, 2007 long-term fellowships to enable outstanding young professionals THE HEAD OFFICE OF AL-MARKAZUL ISLAMI, a single tower, with frosted, to live outside the United States emerald-green windows, rises several stories above the coconut trees and rooftops and write about international in Muhammadpur, a neighborhood in central Dhaka. Down below, the streets of Bangladesh’s capital city of seven million emit an orchestra of teeming urbanity. areas and issues. An exempt Bicycle rickshaws ding-ding-ding along, decorated with handlebar tassels, tin wheel operating foundation endowed covers, and passenger carriages painted with faces of Bengali film stars. Cars, by the late Charles R. Crane, dump trucks, and passenger buses blast horns that play a four- or five-note jingle, the Institute is also supported by while ambulance sirens wail unnoticed. But none of the commotion reaches Mufti contributions from like-minded Shahidul Islam, the founder and director of Al-Markazul Islami, through the thick, individuals and foundations. Oz-colored windows of his fifth-story office. Al-Markazul Islami is an Islamic NGO providing free healthcare and ambu- lance services. Many Bangladeshis think it is just a cover. They say Shahidul’s real TRUSTEES business is jihad. In fact, he admits that some of the funds are used to build mosques Bryn Barnard and madrassas, or Islamic seminaries.
    [Show full text]