SSRG International Journal of Humanities and Social Science (SSRG-IJHSS) – Volume 6 Issue 6 – Nov - Dec 2019 Accentuating the Politics of Bangladesh Upendra Kumar Doctoral Research Scholar, Dr. K. R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, 110025, India. Abstract The objective of this paper is to comprehend the Union fronts. However, the paper does not concern characteristics of the politics of Bangladesh that have with this polarisation. The polarisation which has been getting shape since the inception of secular been caused by domestic politics is the focus of the parliamentary democratic system in the country in paper. The role of Islam in the Bangladeshi political 1972. The paper argues that the trajectory of the system, the spirit of the Liberation War and the politics has been a bumpy road and this, eventually system of governance have became the major factors led the polarisation of the politics. The polarisation on which Bangladeshi politics polarised. in Bangladeshi politics emerged as a basic feature since the Liberation War. And initially the Keywords: Bangladesh, Bangladesh Nationalist polarisation happened in the form of pro- and anti- Party, Caretaker Government, Liberation War, India, pro- and anti-China and pro- and anti-Soviet Islamist, Secular, Awami League, Polarisation, Islam, secularism. I. INTRODUCTION In 1972 the constitution of Bangladesh was person, which eventually led to the manipulation of promulgated in the midst of various socio-economic state institutions and the bureaucracy. Bangladesh‟s and political challenges facing the war-torn country. Election Commission could never work In these circumstances, Bangladesh began its journey independently (Hakim, 2002: 104). It was always from 1972 as a secular state but, could not sustain used by governments for electoral manipulation. This this position for long. The first Awami League (AL)- is why after every national election the defeated party led secular government of the state could not fulfil its alleges irregularities in election and blames the promises to which it had committed during the Election Commission for being partisan. Although Liberation War. The heightened expectations of the non- partisan caretaker governments were people due to the promises remained unfulfilled. The institutionalised with constitutional status for disappointing performance of the AL-led government conducting free and fair elections, it could not win undermined newly set up state institutions. Mujibism credibility among political elites. In fact, the failed before gaining the trust of the Bengali people.1 caretaker government was manipulated during the The credibility of Mujibism was being questioned BNP-led four party-alliance government to a great among people due to the inability of the government extent. Finally, its abolition by the current AL to solve people‟s social and economic difficulties. government made opposition parties to come out on When Mujibur Rahman took some steps to neutralise the streets to protest and demand a reinstatement of the crisis of legitimacy to which he was facing, the the care-taker government. Free and fair elections are four pillars of the state namely secularism, socialism, essential requirement for a democracy and the growth democracy and Bengali nationalism, became less of a harmonised political culture. attractive. As the state institutions were newly set up, it needed time to be consolidated. But within three to The military-junta regime used Islam as a source of four years, the constitution was amended to centralise legitimacy and as political tool to legitimise itself in state power. An emergency power, which was given the eyes of the people. The crisis of secularism, to the president, made it possible for the state to head which happened due to not addressing the socio- towards authoritarianism. The authoritarian tendency economic challenges of the people by the first of the Mujib government ended after his government of the AL, gave Islamists an opportunity assassination (15 August 1975), which eventually led to emerge as political players. By declaring Islam as to a military regime. the state religion General Ershad claimed that religion had potential to solve the socio-economic The emergence of the military-junta regime, which problems of Bangladesh (Hakim, 1998). And was backed by rightist and radical leftist groups, Islamist political parties were legitimised during the wrecked the democratic institutions. Under the movement for the restoration of democracy. After the military-junta regime, all power of executive, legitimisation of Islamist political parties and their legislative and judiciary was possessed by one emergence as a considerable political force, the main ISSN: 2394 - 2703 www.internationaljournalssrg.org Page 92 SSRG International Journal of Humanities and Social Science (SSRG-IJHSS) – Volume 6 Issue 6 – Nov - Dec 2019 political parties have focused on how to obtain "Bangladeshi Nationalism." Indeed, the BNP was the support from these very outfits to capture state mixture of several political parties and factions power. Often, the principal parties made alliances particularly leftist and rightist factions, which kept a with Islamist political parties to capture power. common desire to be patronised by Zia's regime, and During the anti-Ershad movement and in the 1990s to hold positions in the government (Jahan, 1980: both the BNP and the AL maintained formal and 213). The electoral symbol of the BNP interestingly informal relations with the Jamaat-e-Islami (Riaz, came from one of the mixture parties. The sheaf of 2003). In this sense, both the principal political paddy, which became the symbol of the BNP, was parties became instrumental in accommodating the symbol of NAP (B) which had propagated Islamist political parties in the country‟s politics due "Islamic Socialism" under Maulana Bhasani's to power politics and antagonism with each other. leadership. Both political parties took the support of Islamist political parties during street politics. The AL had Another alliance emerged during military-junta colluded in the early 1990s with the Jamaat to regime was Ganotantrik Oiky Jote (GOJ) or United overthrow the first BNP-led government after the Democratic Alliance. It comprised several political restoration of democracy (Islam, 2001) while the parties namely Awami League, National Awami BNP led-four-party alliance government provided a Party (M), and Janata Party, Kirishak Sramik Party, big space for Islamist political parties in the political Gana Azadi League, and Bangladesh People's system and governance of Bangladesh. League. The manifestoes of the GOJ encompassed to return parliamentary democracy, safeguarding the II. POLITICAL POLARISATION UNDER values of the Liberation War, maintaining foreign MILITARY-JUNTA REGIME relations based on non-alignment etc. Political polarisation under military-junta regime Finally, during the anti-Ershad movement3, both (1975-1990) began after the promulgation of the PPR alliances were reshaped into 7-party alliance and 15- Act which allowed political actors to be active in party alliance. The BNP formed a 7-party alliance indoor politics (Hossain, 2000). Dankwart Rustow with the collaboration with United People's Party, (1963) says that "the ultimate success of a military- Bangladesh Jatiya League, Ganatantrik Party, NAP junta regime depends on its skill in allowing or (Nurur Rahman), Krishak Sramik Party and promoting the rise of effective civilian leadership" Bangladesh Biplobi Communist League. The 7-Party (p.19). In this respect Ziaur Rahman permitted alliance was an amalgamation of both rightist and left political party to perform. Thus, various political political parties (Hasanuzzaman, 1998: 108). parties revived and reorganised, along with they also Although the main Islamist political party Jamaat-e- crossed and faced various factionalism. Meanwhile, Islami did not join with any alliance, it maintained Zia planned to form his party so that the requirement "an informal understanding with BNP and its 7-party of political legitimacy for him could be ensured alliance." (Kabir, 2002:164). The AL formed 15- (Chowdhury, 1995). He introduced a political party alliance in which mostly party came from platform without direct involvement in it. In February Gonotantrik Oiky Jote and its factions. The 15-Party 1978, Jatiyotabadi Ganatantrik Dal (JAGODAL) was alliance was combination of Awami League, organised with the approval of President Zia2. BAKSAL, JSD, Gana Azadi League, Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal, Worker Party, NAP (Harun), NAP In the course of the presidential election of 1978, (Muzaffar), CPB, Sammobadi Dal, Jatiya Ekota political parties became polarised. Jatiyotabadi Front Party, Sharmic Krishak Samajbadi Dal, BSD (JF) or National Front emerged a political bloc with (Mahbubul Haq), Awami League (Siddique) and joining of Ziaur Rahman in an electoral alliance of Mazdur Party. The 15-Party alliance reduced to an 8- six political parties- the JAGODAL, People's Party, Party alliance when Awami League decided to Bangladesh Muslim League, Bangladesh Labour participate in third Jatiya Sangsad election of 1986. Party, and Bangladesh Scheduled Caste Federation, Five pro-Chinese left parties of the 15-party alliance NAP (B) included. The JF supported Ziaur Rahman's formed a separate 5-Party alliance because they had 19-point program, in which "the four fundamental opposed the pro-election decision of Awami League principles