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Mapping the Body-Politic of the Raped Woman and the Nation in Bangladesh
gendered embodiments: mapping the body-politic of the raped woman and the nation in Bangladesh Mookherjee, Nayanika . Feminist Review, suppl. War 88 (Apr 2008): 36-53. Turn on hit highlighting for speaking browsers Turn off hit highlighting Other formats: Citation/Abstract Full text - PDF (206 KB) Abstract (summary) Translate There has been much academic work outlining the complex links between women and the nation. Women provide legitimacy to the political projects of the nation in particular social and historical contexts. This article focuses on the gendered symbolization of the nation through the rhetoric of the 'motherland' and the manipulation of this rhetoric in the context of national struggle in Bangladesh. I show the ways in which the visual representation of this 'motherland' as fertile countryside, and its idealization primarily through rural landscapes has enabled a crystallization of essentialist gender roles for women. This article is particularly interested in how these images had to be reconciled with the subjectivities of women raped during the Bangladesh Liberation War (Muktijuddho) and the role of the aestheticizing sensibilities of Bangladesh's middle class in that process. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT] Show less Full Text Translate Turn on search term navigation introduction There has been much academic work outlining the complex links between women and the nation (Yuval-Davis and Anthias, 1989; Yuval-Davis, 1997; Yuval-Davis and Werbner, 1999). Women provide legitimacy to the political projects of the nation in particular social and historical contexts (Kandiyoti, 1991; Chatterjee, 1994). This article focuses on the gendered symbolization of the nation through the rhetoric of the 'motherland' and the manipulation of this rhetoric in the context of national struggle in Bangladesh. -
Roquiah Sakhawat Hossein1 to Taslima Nasrin
ASIATIC, VOLUME 10, NUMBER 1, JUNE 2016 From Islamic Feminism to Radical Feminism: Roquiah Sakhawat Hossein1 to Taslima Nasrin Niaz Zaman2 Independent University, Bangladesh Abstract This paper examines four women writers who have contributed through their writings and actions to the awakening of women in Bangladesh: Roquiah Sakhawat Hossein, Sufia Kamal, Jahanara Imam and Taslima Nasrin. The first three succeeded in making a space for themselves in the Bangladesh tradition and carved a special niche in Bangladesh. All three of them were writers in different genres – poetry, prose, fiction – with the last best known for her diary about 1971. While these iconic figures contributed towards women’s empowerment or people’s rights in general, Taslima Nasrin is the most radically feminist of the group. However, while her voice largely echoes in the voices of young Bangladeshi women today – often unacknowledged – she has been shunned by her own country. The paper attempts to explain why, while other women writers have also said what Taslima Nasrin has, she alone is ostracised. Keywords Islamic feminism, radical feminism, gynocritics, purdah, 1971, Shahbagh protests In this paper, I wish to examine four women writers who have contributed through their writings and actions to the awakening of women in Bangladesh. Beginning with Roquiah Sakhawat Hossein (1880-1932), I will also discuss the roles played by Sufia Kamal (1911-99), Jahanara Imam (1929-94) and Taslima Nasrin (1962-). The first three succeeded in making a space for themselves in the Bangladesh tradition and carved a special niche in Bangladesh. All three of them were writers: Roquiah wrote poems, short stories, a novel, as well as prose pieces; Sufia Kamal was primarily a poet but also wrote a number of short 1 There is some confusion over the spelling of her name. -
2 Crowd Violence in East Pakistan/ Bangladesh 1971–1972
Christian Gerlach 2 Crowd Violence in East Pakistan/ Bangladesh 1971–1972 Introduction Some recent scholarship links violent persecutions in the 20th century to the rise of mass political participation.1 This paper substantiates this claim by exploring part of a country’s history of crowd violence. Such acts constitute a specific form of participation in collective violence and shaping it. There are others such as forming local militias, small informal violent gangs or a guerrilla, calls for vio- lence in petitions or non-violent demonstrations and also acting through a state apparatus, meaning that functionaries contribute personal ideas and perceptions to the action of a bureaucracy in some persecution. Therefore it seems to make sense to investigate specific qualities of participation in crowd violence. Subject to this inquiry is violence against humans by large groups of civilians, with no regard to other collectives of military or paramilitary groups, as large as they may have been. My approach to this topic is informed by my interest in what I call “ex- tremely violent societies.” This means social formations in which, for some pe- riod, various population groups become victims of mass violence in which, alongside state organs, many members of several social groups participate for a variety of reasons.2 Aside from the participatory character of violence, this is also about its multiple target groups and sometimes its multipolar character. Applied here, this means to compare the different degrees to which crowd vio- lence was used by and against different groups and why. It is evident that the line between perpetrators and bystanders is especially blurred within violent crowds. -
An Analysis of Online Discursive Battle of Shahbag Protest 2013 in Bangladesh
SEXISM IN ‘ONLINE WAR’: AN ANALYSIS OF ONLINE DISCURSIVE BATTLE OF SHAHBAG PROTEST 2013 IN BANGLADESH By Nasrin Khandoker Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies. Supervisor: Professor Elissa Helms Budapest, Hungary 2014 CEU eTD Collection I Abstract This research is about the discursive battle between radical Bengali nationalists and the Islamist supporters of accused and convicted war criminals in Bangladesh where the gendered issues are used as weapons. In Bangladesh, the online discursive frontier emerged from 2005 as a continuing battle extending from the 1971 Liberation War when the punishment of war criminals and war rapists became one of the central issues of political and public discourse. This online community emerged with debate about identity contest between the Bengali nationalist ‘pro-Liberation War’ and the ‘Islamist’ supporters of the accused war criminals. These online discourses created the background of Shahbag protest 2013 demanding the capital punishment of one convicted criminal and at the time of the protest, the online community played a significant role in that protest. In this research as a past participant of Shahbag protest, I examined this online discourse and there gendered and masculine expression. To do that I problematized the idea of Bengali and/or Muslim women which is related to the identity contest. I examined that, to protest the misogynist propaganda of Islamist fundamentalists in Bangladesh, feminists and women’s organizations are aligning themselves with Bengali nationalism and thus cannot be critical about the gendered notions of nationalism. I therefore, tried to make a feminist scholarly attempt to be critical of the misogynist and gendered notion of both the Islamists and Bengali nationalists to contribute not only a critical examination of masculine nationalist rhetoric, but will also to problematize that developmentalist feminist approach. -
Students, Space, and the State in East Pakistan/Bangladesh 1952-1990
1 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 A dissertation presented by Samantha M. R. Christiansen to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts September, 2012 2 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 by Samantha M. R. Christiansen ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate School of Northeastern University September, 2012 3 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the history of East Pakistan/Bangladesh’s student movements in the postcolonial period. The principal argument is that the major student mobilizations of Dhaka University are evidence of an active student engagement with shared symbols and rituals across time and that the campus space itself has served as the linchpin of this movement culture. The category of “student” developed into a distinct political class that was deeply tied to a concept of local place in the campus; however, the idea of “student” as a collective identity also provided a means of ideological engagement with a globally imagined community of “students.” Thus, this manuscript examines the case study of student mobilizations at Dhaka University in various geographic scales, demonstrating the levels of local, national and global as complementary and interdependent components of social movement culture. The project contributes to understandings of Pakistan and Bangladesh’s political and social history in the united and divided period, as well as provides a platform for analyzing the historical relationship between social movements and geography that is informative to a wide range of disciplines. -
The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line *** Bangladesh Nurul Amin The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh First Published: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 15:3 (1985) : 349-360. Taken from http://www.signalfire.org/2016/06/08/the-pro-chinese-communist-movement-in- bangladesh-1985/ Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Introduction The Communists in the Indian sub-continent started their political journey quite early, founding the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1920. 1 After the Partition of India a section of young CPI members under the leadership of Sajjad Zahir established the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948. 2 By 1954 the CPP had been banned all over Pakistan. As a result, CPP started working through the Awami League (AL) and other popular organisations. The AL witnessed its first split in 1957 when it was in power. Assuming the post of Prime Minister in Pakistan, S.H. Suhrawardy pursued a pro-Western foreign policy and discarded the demand for “full provincial autonomy ” for East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Awami League Chief Maulana Bhasani did not agree with the policy of the Prime Minister. On this ground, Maulana Bhasani left the AL and formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 with progressive forces. -
Breaking Down the Birangona: Examining the (Divided) Media Discourse on the War Heroines of Bangladesh’S Independence Movement
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SOAS Research Online International Journal of Communication 6 (2012), 2131–2148 1932–8036/20120005 Breaking Down the Birangona: Examining the (Divided) Media Discourse on the War Heroines of Bangladesh’s Independence Movement KAJALIE SHEHREEN ISLAM University of Dhaka Rape, commonly used as a weapon of war, was long seen as an inevitable by-product of battle. Recent research finds that war itself is gendered and that the implications and consequences of violence in battle differ for women and men. Against this backdrop, this article explores the issue of wartime rape during Bangladesh’s liberation movement against Pakistan in 1971. It examines the discourse surrounding the women who were raped in wartime and, after independence, awarded the title of “birangona” or “war heroine.” It explores the representation of the birangona in the postwar Bangladeshi media, the media’s role in challenging or reinforcing the discourse, and the implications of these for war heroines who lacked agency. Introduction Throughout history, war has been gendered, and its implications and consequences for women and men differ in terms of the sex-based nature of the various injuries and deaths caused to female and male bodies. The immediate aftermath and ultimate legacy of war also play out differently for the sexes. Women, regarded as carriers of culture whose bodies are symbols of the nation to be defended by men, are especially vulnerable in situations of battle, where their very identities as women come under threat. The common tactic of rape as a means of humiliating the enemy and breaking their spirit makes women into weapons of war. -
Shariff Phd Thesis.Pdf
SHAHBAG, A CRITICAL SOCIAL MOMENT: A COLLECTIVE AGENCY CAPABILITIES ANALYSIS By Razia Shariff Canterbury Christ Church University Thesis submitted For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2019 ii ABSTRACT This thesis sets out an approach to understanding the impact of change oriented ‘social moments’ on social practices and structures. The empirical case on which the thesis draws to develop this argument is the Shahbag protests in Bangladesh. At the theoretical level, the thesis suggests that ‘Social Moments’ oriented to change (as differentiated from social movements) can be triggered by latent injustices occurring within a given society. Using a Critical Theoretical lens and the Capability Approach, the thesis sets out a Being-Doing-Impact Model oriented to an understanding of the conditions necessary for a Social Moment to occur. These moments occur where individuals from different parts of the social habitus come together, to create a scene, as a critical mass in order to effect change. Such moments can lead to shifts in systems and practices, and ultimately to a more just society. The research assesses in detail the conditions that made the Shahbag Moment possible. These conditions include: the presence of the necessary agency capabilities of individuals; the effective mobilisation of instrumental freedoms; the substantive presence of networks of social support and solidarity (all of which bring into play an important affective dimension). The wider social context is also viewed as a crucial component. The thesis shows how, for example, the atmosphere at Shahbag can be considered as cultural, positive and safe. It also shows a willingness on the part of Government to listen and respond to the will of the people. -
Conflicting Interests: Islamic Fundamentalism and Militant
NES-12 PAKISTAN Nicholas Schmidle is a Phillips Talbot Fellow of the Institute studying identity and politics in Pakistan. ICWA Conflicting Interests: LETTERS Islamic Fundamentalism and Militant Secularism in Bangladesh Since 1925 the Institute of Current World Affairs (the Crane- By Nicholas Schmidle Rogers Foundation) has provided MARCH, 2007 long-term fellowships to enable outstanding young professionals THE HEAD OFFICE OF AL-MARKAZUL ISLAMI, a single tower, with frosted, to live outside the United States emerald-green windows, rises several stories above the coconut trees and rooftops and write about international in Muhammadpur, a neighborhood in central Dhaka. Down below, the streets of Bangladesh’s capital city of seven million emit an orchestra of teeming urbanity. areas and issues. An exempt Bicycle rickshaws ding-ding-ding along, decorated with handlebar tassels, tin wheel operating foundation endowed covers, and passenger carriages painted with faces of Bengali film stars. Cars, by the late Charles R. Crane, dump trucks, and passenger buses blast horns that play a four- or five-note jingle, the Institute is also supported by while ambulance sirens wail unnoticed. But none of the commotion reaches Mufti contributions from like-minded Shahidul Islam, the founder and director of Al-Markazul Islami, through the thick, individuals and foundations. Oz-colored windows of his fifth-story office. Al-Markazul Islami is an Islamic NGO providing free healthcare and ambu- lance services. Many Bangladeshis think it is just a cover. They say Shahidul’s real TRUSTEES business is jihad. In fact, he admits that some of the funds are used to build mosques Bryn Barnard and madrassas, or Islamic seminaries. -
Feminism in Bangladesh: 1971-2000 Voices from Women's Movement
Feminism in Bangladesh: 1971-2000 Voices from Women’s Movement ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Thesis To obtain the degree of PhD from University of Dhaka Supervisor Dr. Najma Chowdhury Emeritus Professor, Founding Chair, Department of Women and Gender Studies University of Dhaka Co Supervisor Dr. Firdous Azim Professor, Chairperson of the Department of English and Humanities BRAC University, Dhaka Submitted by Ayesha Banu Associate Professor Department of Women and Gender Studies University of Dhaka Registration No and Session: 215 (2012-13) (re) Affiliated Hall: Bangladesh-Kuwait Maitri Hall, University of Dhaka Date of Submission PhD Committee Convenor Dr. Meghna Guhathakurta, Director, Research Initiative, Bangladesh (RIB), Dhaka. Members Dr. Najma Chowdhury, Supervisor, Emeritus Professor, Department of Women and Gender Studies, University of Dhaka, Dhaka. External Member: Dr. Maitrayee Chaudhuri, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The PhD Programme was supported by the project entitled ―Institutionalising the Department of Women‘s Studies‖, funded by the Royal Netherlands Embassy and managed by the Department of Women and Gender Studies, University of Dhaka and Institute of Development Studies (ISS), The Hague. II Table of Content List of Figures ...................................................................................................................... -
Claiming a Past, Making a Future: the Liberation War Museum (Dhaka) As a Site of Struggle by Shelley Feldman Cornell and Bingham
Claiming a Past, Making a Future: The Liberation War Museum (Dhaka) as a Site of Struggle By Shelley Feldman Cornell and Binghamton University Once a thing is known it can never be unknown. It can only be forgotten. And, in a way that bends time, so long as it is remembered, it will indicate the future. It is wiser, in every circumstance, to forget, to cultivate the art of forgetting. To remember is to face the enemy. The truth lies in remembering (Brookner 1981:5). Prelude: Retrieving the Past On 22 March 1996 the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka, Bangladesh opened its doors, twenty-five years after the struggle for independence. It was founded by a consortium of businessmen and enthusiasts1[1] who sought to perpetuate the memory of the liberation war so that future generations can “know our rich heritage, … draw ... inspiration and pride to build a better future, and pay homage to the great martyrs, the freedom fighters and people all over the world, who supported the Liberation War in 1971” (Background Documents 1996, Bangladesh Observer 26 March 1995). The Museum is located on a large lot in Segun Bagicha, a mixed zone of office and commercial space and residential dwellings in the city’s downtown. The renovation of the old home includes a lovely back garden and café where visitors are encouraged to sit, talk, and discuss the importance of the war and its meaning and experience for those who did not live through it. This is complemented by a library and video center; the latter donated by the United States, where regular performances, film, musical events, and workshops and conferences are held (Daily Star 1998). -
Mapping Bangladesh's Political Crisis
Mapping Bangladesh’s Political Crisis Asia Report N°264 | 9 February 2015 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Anatomy of a Conflict ....................................................................................................... 3 A. A Bitter History .......................................................................................................... 3 B. Democracy Returns ................................................................................................... 5 C. The Caretaker Model Ends ........................................................................................ 5 D. The 2014 Election ...................................................................................................... 6 III. Political Dysfunction ........................................................................................................ 8 A. Parliamentary Incapacity ........................................................................................... 8 B. An Opposition in Disarray ......................................................................................... 9 1. BNP Politics .........................................................................................................