VOLUME I OCTOBER 1968 NUMBER 1

JSHED BY THE AFRICAN STUDIES CENTER, REPAUW UNIVERSITY, GREENCASTLE, INDIANA - VOLUME I Fall 1968 NUMBER 1

LIBERIAN STUDIES

JOURNAL

Edited by:

Svend E. Holsoe , DePauw University

David M. Foley, University of Georgia

Published at the African Studies Center, DePauw University CONTENTS

THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM, by Richard M. Fulton

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 19

FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA, by Kenneth G. Orr

TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST, by Ronald W. Davis

A. A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 182 7, by George E . Brooks, Jr .

THE TUBMAN CENTER OF AFRICAN CULTURE, by Kjell Zetterstrom

Emphasizing the social sciences and humanities, the Liberian Studies Journal is a biannual publication devoted to studies of Africa's oldest republic. Copyright 1968 by The Liberian Studies Association in America.

Manuscripts, correspondence and subscriptions should be sent to: Liberian Studies Journal, African Studies Center, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana 4 6135 . THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

Richard M. Fulton

The Kpelle are the largest tribal group in Liberia, numbering around 150,000. Residing in the central interior of the country, rcughly between the St. Paul and St. John Rivers, they were amongst the last tribal units to be pacified by the central-modernizing government. Since thls paciii- cation program was only completed in the early 19201s, the Kpelle offer a good opportunity to investigate the primitive system that perservered, on the whole, until that time.

Remarkably little has been written on the Kpelle as such and almost nothing on their traditional political system.' This effort is part of a larger attempt on the part of the author to trace the development of the political change amongst the Kpelle researched while in Liberia teaching at Cuttington College (October, 1966- July, 1967). With littie written material available, the basic research technique centered on interviews with old Kpelle men (women were of no aid) who had lived under the traditional system prior to pacification. While this technique is always dangerous in terms of defective memories or adjusted perceptions, by obtaining interviews from a broad geographic area within Kpelleland it is felt that a relatively accurate picture of the fundamental political system was secured. Since the Kpelle tend not to romanticize the past, or see it as a "golden age", the basis for exag- geration seems to have been minimized. On the other hand, nany old men were reserved or afraid to talk (especially in terms of Poro influence) because of fear of the authorities -- both tribal and non-tribal, secular and supernatural. The following, then, pieces together the parts of the puzzle garnered from the Kpelle old men and the sparse other source marerial avail- able: in this sense it is unique.

1. Special recognition should go to Dr. John Gay of Cuttington for his aid and encouragement in working with the Kpelle, and to Paul Mulba for his aid in translation. Besides sources cited throughout the article there are only a few sources on Kpelle culture specifically. Chief amongst these are: J.L. Sibley and D.H. Westermann, Liberia Old and Xew (New York, 192 8) . W.E. Welmers, "Secret Medicine: Magic and Rites of the Kpelle Tribe in Liberia, " Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 5: 2 08-243.

Liberian Studles Tournal, I, 1 (1968 RICHARD M. FULTON

The ;,'illage 'Minl-State'

The primitive Kpelle were organized politically around village groupings of varying sizes. The central cohesive elenlent of the unit seems to have Seen a key indentification by a core group with a 'special' family that produced the Loi-Kalotj (owner of the land). The lands and peoples identified with thls special family were supplemented by more or less auto- nomous villages that attached their loyalties to the unit for protection and perhaps need for relationships higher than local structures could provide; the need for legitimate use of land and for 'fatherly' guidance by a higher authority, all of which could be supplied by the Loi-Kalotj and his family. These outlying villages often became an lntimate part of the core unit. They basically grew out of dissident or restless elements within the original villages. The pattern was one of an individual and his wife (wives, family, hangers on, depending upon the case) moving to a virgin part of the forest and setting up his household and farm. As the family grew and married a village would form. The original family head would be the "chief" of the village and control its destiny and the use of its land. Usuaily family, kin, emotional, or some other ties would attach the village to the core village and its "klng ' .2 It was not unusual for the original settlement to be granted In the first place to the wanderer by the Loi-Kalotj (king' as a boon -- especially if the Loi-Kalorj claimed that the new territory was, indeed, part of :he land over which he was the sovereign, Seinq "owner of the land". Sozetines peoples from far away (30 miles?) ~vouldcome and as.< the Lo:-Kaloij for permission to settle on the fringe of his lands or on hls lands. These more than likely were fellow Kpelle, but n;t al~vays. In re:urr, they pror;lsed loyalty to the Loi-Kalotj.

Thsse fringe \-illages scre:::?es ivere able to establish a measure of ;r.dependenc+. The:-e '\,VET2 e7:i?p cases I:: vihirh villages, feeling oppressed z!- thelr Lo]-Kalog, i;ould 5::-ltc!-, al1egia::ces to a neighboring Kpelle king. It a-as not unlikely: that :his (c0~12lead tc a :.;a:. The usual pattern, hot\-eve]-, seers ro havs keen one 1,: v:hlch a more or less permanent attachzen: ;"

2. Lci-Kalr,.)~ :.-?I-? nat;irall$ iegarced by v~esternersas "kings" . The :err. rr:e,.ns "a,.:-cer 2- ?he land ' 15 Kpelle , ho::~ever. "Chief" is a more kcr. --n . L.L,r;.. terr, !:,;I: perklaps :?ot as ceccrlut:\;e oi the position. We shall use the ierrn '-.;::g" a?d "I::r;':c--.-. ' 52: "chAeiUand ,'chiefdom" or "paramount . . cn1-c.i'' C~ALC!~!SS -see .,--:h~;t h.lrtlng the concept of the vlllage state. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

parts of this system of interactions, we may assune from the evidence that there was at least the skeleton of a recognized cross-kingdom interrelationship pattern.

Each of the component political units within the Kpelle tribe (the internal political organization almost never crossed tribal lines! formed its own cohesion. They could, indeed, be described somewhat loosely as "mini-states" based upon the village. Collaboration for this viesvpoint will come with the discussion of the internal communications patterns and the cohesive patterns of reaction to external threats. The alliance systems alone conjure up pictures of sovereign units interacting on a basis of equal status. In at least this sense the system might be compared to the current international system.

Keeping in mind the primitive state of the culture, then; but recoqnizing the distinctiveness of the political boundaries of the units we may still find justification in referring to these units as village "mini-states'' .

Within the village mini-states there was a high degree of hon2ogeneity of life patterns. Life patterns and goals did not differ between individuals within the society, but there was a group of people who were more success- ful in the exercise of that life pattern. That is to say some men were able to accumulate more wives, some cattle, perhaps some other domestic animals, and farm large tracts of land. In short, some men were wealthy within the given life pattern.

Wealth allowed the holder to help poorer people by saving then from their creditors, or by paying fines for them: with many wives, the wealthy man attracted men to his service who would give loyalty, part of his earn- ings (crop), in exchange for the "use" of one of his wives. He collected fines on the other hand for the unauthorized or "misuse" of his wives. Wealth brought more wealth and also brought with it hangers on and people who gave their loyalty as gratitude or repayment for favors or serl.iices. All of which is to say that wealth brought political power. Pov~~erin the sense of people who would follow the lead of the possessor of wealth. People who were in a real sense, bound to him. Some called these people "pawns " but this concept simplifies the actual relationships .

Social Divisions

We can discern, perhaps, three groups within the Kpelle village mini-state society: first is the ruling group; second comes the "sons of the soil" or the majority of the people; and lastly the slaves. 4 RICmD M. FULTON

Gibbs has called this an "incipient class system,'.3 This may be a bit strong, since the first and third catagories represent precious few numbers of people--hardly enough to be called a class. Gibbs says further that "In earlier times there were three classes: freemen, slaves, and pawns. "4 Again, this probably reads too much into the primitive social organization scheme and degrades the position of the pawn. Nevertheless, it is not unreasonable to identify a ruler-ruled division within the environment. To be siire slaves were a special group but from all indications there were few slaves in the Kpelle villages ' and the position of the slave was fundamentally more that of an outsider, a servant perhaps, than that of an inferlor being. There were few members of the ruling group also, but they did have a great impact upon the decision-making within the society.

Kpelle informants tend to indicate that the ruling group within the traditional Kpelle village mini-state was rather strictly divided into two sections. The primary section of the ruling group was called the "uncle" group, while the secondary section was called, naturally enough, the "nephew" group. The uncle group was composed of the Loi-Kaloj and his immediate family. Obviously they were the center of the Kpelle political organization as well as a center of the whole of Kpelle socio-cultural existence. The "owner of the land" himself was the spiritual-temporal fulcrum of Kpelle life. In a real sense he personified the particular organizational unit that he headed; indeed, he legitimatized it. His position and wealth gave him added power. Generally he was thought to be a direct patrilineal descendant of the founder of the tribe as well as the fourider of the village ziini-state. It is his family that embodied the continuity with the ancestors that was such an important part of the spiritual- religious base of the tribe. The Loi-Kaloj was among the richest -- or more likely the richest Tar. in the village mini-state. Thus he had a large family, a result of a large number of wives: 50 or more while not usual was

3. lames L. Glbbs, Jr. , 'The Kpelle of Llberla, " In James L. Gibbs , Jr. , ed., Peoyles ofAfrlca (NewYork, 1965), 214. 4. :bid. 5 . Georg~Parker, "Acculturation in Liberia, " a Ph. D. Thesis !Hartfor5 Seminary Foundation, 1344:, 2 6. Parker identifies four reasons for the slavery tradition in Africa: 1' <.i.3rs, 2) iarnlne (people sold themselves for food\, 33 debts, 4)criminals enslaved by custom. For the Kpelle famine was unknown. Debts were few and usuaily paid off by way of \\.orking for a rich man or the creditor--short cf slavery. Wars resulted in few captives in Kpelleland, though some were produced in this manner. And the strict rules of the society led to few live crininals. In later days when slaves were in demand elsewhere, the Kpelle would sell slaves rather than keep them. Nonconformants were often taken care of in this vcay also. The Kpelle had a reputation of being suppliers of slaves rather than asers. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEFl not common for the more important of these people. Daughters were given to him (to become his wives) as tribute, as payments for debts, or as attsmpts by the giver to clirnb the social ladder in this manner.

The children of these secondary wives became the members of the nephew group. While brothers, usually only those iron his own mother's womb but sometimes others from certain senior favorite v~i~lesof his father, and elders of the Loi-Kalorj's constituted the uncle group; the secondary family of the Loi-Kaloij and his brothers were the nephew group. It can be seen that the nephew group could easily be quite large. Often the home village of Loi-Kaloij was made up largely of extended family, uncles and nephews. Obviously the further away from the core family group you were, the closer you came to be treated as merely members of the middle group of "sons of the soil. " At some point the distinction vanished.

It is true that the Loi-Kaloij and his brothers, the elders of his family, made up a good part of the relatively wealthier members of the village mini-state. This does not mean, however, that a member of the nephew group or even one of the "sons of the soil" was excluded from the accumulation cf wealth. The societies seemed relatively mobile for the person of superior ability and/or cunning. A myth of ancestory could be easily built through marriage or through sheer claim. One common route to wealth was bravery and success on the battlefield, for in this realm of Kpelle life, ability was rewarded well. On rare occasions newly rich sectors could even gain enough power to unseat the royal family.

The everyday villager varied in his position in the society according to his relative socio-economic condition. On the whole, however, the differences between people's life patterns were not great. Differentiations even for the wealthy were in terms of "amount" and not in terms of quality" of goods. Houses were all made the same way, cloth had the same quality, the diet was the same. Status could be found in the middle (majority) group by the possession of one of the few special skills practiced by the Kpelle. Remembering that none of these skills provided full tine employ- ment, all were fundamentally subsistent farmers. There were some weavers, some hunters, some musicians, a blacksmith (often of great importance), a sand pusher (fortune teller) and a medicine man. Some of the special skills were passed on from within a family--notably by the blacksmith and the medicine man, but not all skills . A status positior could also be gained by importance in the local lodge of Poro or Sande societies. The ruled, like the rulers, were not composed of rigid classes, but of a status scale that proved fairly mobile. RICHARD M. FULTON

The Political Communication Process

Each family unit communicated officially to the rest of the community through its elder or 'father'. He was the eldest of sound mind or on some occasions the most skilled at palavers .6 Age was an important factor in the choice of elders but so ivas 1) a person's command of the customary laws of the tribe, 2) his ability to palaver effectively, 3) his previous experience in managing a large family and 4) his accumulation of prestige and relative wsalth. The oldest was not automatically the elder, for there was an achievernsnt criteria within the ascriptive base.

If the village or tovcn !?:as composed of more than one family grouping, each family clustered loosely in a "quarter" of the village. Each quarter had its elder to represen; I;, and the individuals within it, to each of the other quarters and to the village at large. Although this pattern seems to indicate a close kinship relationship, the fac: of the matter is that the quarters could be family u~itsor they could well be looser units in which the elder r2presented a group that mlght be best described as merely neighbors. Yet, izrediate, as opposed to extended, family units tended to be the core at least of the "quarter".

If there were but one ia~ilycors group in a village the founder of the village or his descendanf elder was ~psofacto the village chief. If there ivere more than one qvarter 111 the village or to~vn,the pattern tended to remain one in whic:h the dsscenda~?tof the founding family became the village chlef. Often the quarter elders disregarded this aspect and merely chose by consensus a~ongstthe elders for a chlef. In a few cases there were villages In vihlch the Lol-Lalo11 or the KO-Kaloj (war chief' chose a crony to be the village chief. Thls d~pendedupon the power of the chief.

The elders of the Lol-Kaioq's toivn obviously had more prestige and position than elders In other villages of the village mini-state. These 'ruler' elders arid other distinguished elders of the kingdom acted as an advisory council to the Loi-K.;aloq. No Important decision was made without :he advice of the elders and.'or the leaders of the Poro. There was no continuing body that met regularly hoivever.

Comir,unications betweer. the villages that composed the village mini- state were politically important basically for 1) functions of military operations (either in defense or offense); 2) for settlement of disputes that a) could not be settled locally, or b) were inter-village squabbles;

6. Parker, "Acculturation, " 2 10 f . "The word is derived from the Portuguese -. word 'to speak' and is used of any quarrel or discussion which must be 'talked' to be settled." THE KPELLE TRADiTiOXAL pOLIT!CAL SYSTEM

FI*Z;TbTRE:=1

K~gh RELER RULED Low

,' :Jsxindr 4------( cor,tinuum of relative strength)------)Mimimum

Lcl-Kalc j and irr~:ediat?family <4 A....b

KO-Kalo~under cercaln conciltions .'. . . \.....>

'Nephew' qrou;: secondary family of 'king'

./Towr. elders 6...< -3 /Specialists 4... .( >...> Blacksmith Sand pusher

/Agrarians (majority) 4...< > Slaves 4. .- .- / : Main area of strength...... < Mini-max po&tion on scale. $~fluence under-> certain Normal conditions. conditions.

Above is a scale to indicate relative minimum and maximum positions of power of particular elements of the Kpelle society.

Note the flexibility of influence on the part of some of the society's function- aries (especially the specialists). Issue areas and specific conditions or situations made the difference in influence at any particular time. RICIiARD M . FGLTON

3) for Poro raTters; and 4: for sone spiritual matrers silch as the siea,ardshlg of the special medicines of the village mini-state. There was no bureao- cracy and no really full tme leadership, cnly :he soc~~-ec~corl~ic-reIi~~~~s decision-~akingpatterns necessary tc mainralr, the cultdral cohes~on. Politics, yes. A permanent political system, yes. Sut oniy mininal crgan- ized politlca! infrastructure.

Functionaries of the system

In the general run of thlngs each of ;he functioriar~esof the Kpelle primitive system had a minl!ncn and rrari~~unraqe ci lnilser,ce -.:-i:hin the society depecding upon lsscle areas and he persoral characrer cf the individual performing the role (see Figure =1). We here attempt tc describe the norm of the sys-.em as ir emerged from oilr fleld study. In so doing, it should be reallzed that actual siIuations ofren prescribe devia~ionfrom the norm cr the :deal cf the soclety.

The Lci-Kalorj periomed several functions in ?he Kpelle system, all of which were not, naturally enough, political. As was stated he was the substantive 11n2 with the ancestors of the Kpelle, and as such protected :he memory of tne distinguished ancestry and ernplored this body rs protect the contemporary lineace. The Loi-Kalorj was a father figure, a divine right king, a chief justice, an arbi~or,and even a bit of a priest. At the same time he was very powerful as an lndlvidual by means of his grear wealth. Secular and sacred, he was 50th subject to the culture and an important arbitor within the culture. As "owner of the land" ( not actually owner -- all owned the land -- he was the symbolic steward of the land; and keeper of the village mini-state's medicines, it was the Loi-Kalor) who gave legitimacy to the system.

All of this is not to say that he was an absolute king, or chief justice, or priest, or arbitor. The Lol-Kaloi's position had strict boundaries placeC upon it. Strongest of the checks on the Loi-Kalorj was the recognized body of laws and taboos, etc . , that made, and to an extent continue to make, up the socio-cultural mores of the tribe. Everyone knew what customary law would allow authorities to do and where the authorities were overstep- ing their bounds; or at least when they were on shaky ground. The elder's council and the Poro officials (often the same men! were always alert to the excesses of their Loi-Kalorj and KO-Kalorj . Again, this is not to say that excesses did not occur, only that they did not go undetected and that it took great personal power and position to ignore the bounds of action by the culture and the ancient laws. More than once an overambitious or witless Loi-Kalorj found himself poisoned by the direction of the higher councils of the Poro for not heeding the elders or for gross negligence of the cultural norms. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

Within the cultural norms, however, the Loi-Kaloij enjoyed a great deal of prestige and power; often the power of life and death over his subjects. A wise Loi-Kaloa , like a wise leader anywhere, took care not to discredit or discount his elders, especially the council of elders, and his religious leaders (the Poro). He also kept an eye on his closest relatives -- those most likely to succeed him. 7

Being owner of the land, the king was responsible for all matters dealing with the land. He was the final appeal (with advice from the elders, always) for disputes over land use and allocation. He was looked to for advice and aid on all sorts of other matters as well. Of special consideration was the single most important disruptive problem in the political system -- "woman palaver" (disputes centering on women). There were other matters upon which the king was called upon to act; notably debt matters, keeping trails cleared, and even matters within the Poro. None proved as troublesome as woman palaver. In general the Loi-Kalorj functioned as the chief justice-father-Solomon of the Kpelle system.

Spiritually the Loi-Kalorj kept the amulets and medicines of the unit, he also, of needs, participated widely within the councils of the secret societies. This well might have been so only in the sense of a titular head -- or a figurehead in his capacity as the rather demigod-ish "owner of the land". In most situations he may not have been the actual leader of the Poro. He did have great influence within the councils of the Poro, however. These functions were reflections of the Loi-Kalorj's position as the middle man of the society between the secular organs and the spiritual Poro. This position was not without its dangers, many a Loi-Kalorj evident- ly played the role quite conservatively and never made a move without general approval of the elders within and without the Poro councils. The role how- ever presented great potentials to the individuals who were the Loi-Kalods, for the paramount variable in the power of the Loi-Kalorj was the character and personality of the particular holder of that office.

"All of the towns in the land" were under the Loi-Kalolj but he rarely in- terferredwith the everyday activities of the villages except on appeal or in the case of a threat originating from the village. With all the many functions placed upon him by the socio-cultural political system, he was still not preoccupied with public matters most of the time. A great deal of his time and energies were taken up with management of his personal wealth and the pursuit of further wealth.

7. Tohn Gay and Michael Cole, The New Mathematics and an Old Culture (New York, 1967), 29. "Distrust seems to be widespread in Kpelle society. " See also their section on "Lack of Cooperation". RICHARD M. FULTON

How was the Loi-Kalorj chosen? There were two basic responses to this question amongst our informants. 1) Some said that the son succeeded to the position, making it hereditary. 2) Others said that a new Loi-Kalorj was chosen more or less by consensus since the richest and most powerful man in the land by general agreement acceded to the throne. Both of these views may well be correct. They are most likely merely different perspectives on the same process.

It is almost surely the case that the new Loi-Kalorj would emerge from the immediate family of the old king; or, if fortunes were on the wane, from the family of a newly emerging wealthy and powerful elder. There are scattered tales of competing family groups within certain village mini-states. The possible choice in any case was from among a fairly small group of men. If there was no competing family, the most highly respected (wealthy and powerful) of the immediate family of the previous Loi-Kalorj merely took office by general agreement. If there was a competing family elder, the matter was discussed (politics took over in the inner circles of the ruling group and amongst the public in general) until a consensus was reached. There never seems to have been a formal vote of any kind.

Generally there was little problem in the choice of a new Loi-Kalorj. In the normal course of things an obvious successor would be gaining a reputation and a following while the old Loi-Kalorj was still alive. Often the old Loi-Kalorj indicated before his death who was to be the new king. Not surprisingly the choice usually went to a son of the old Loi-Kalorj; a son by his first wife or at least a favorite wife. This does not necessarily mean the oldest son, but the one with the best combination of age, experi- ence, and a reputation for making good decisions. If there were no sons around to fit the bill, which was rare, a brother of the old king took the position.

In Kpelleland the oldest son (or the one closest to the father) inherited all the worldly goods of the father -- including all of his wives, with the exception of his own mother, of course. It is not hard to see, then, how i: was that the son of the Loi-Kalo~jturned out to be the wealthiest, most powerful person in the land. in this sense, the kingship could in actuality be said to be passed on to the son -- i.?., that it was hereditary. Not only did this seem wise in view of his newly acquire2 wealth, but it also seemed natural in terms of the qualities attributed to the Loi-Kalorj and his family. In any case, almost never was the position granted to someone who could not successfully claim direct descendancy from the founder of the tribe and/or the village mini-state, even if the claim was in reality a myth.

Wealth has been consistantly stressed as the key to power and influence within the Kpelle society. Where did wealth come from? Specifically, where did the Loi-Kalorj get his wealth? The general answer to the first question will answer part 01 the second. Much of the wealth of the Loi-Kalorj was accumulated in the regular process pursued by any ambitious Kpelle man. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POSITICAL SYSTEM

A Kpelle man accumulates wealth by accumulating, firstly, wives. The ..";:ves work the fields and produce children who help in the fields. The more ..:-:ves you can afford to "buy", the more income will be produced for you. :.:any wives meant large fields and much rice. Surplus rice meant the ability 13 purchase cows, goats, utensils, and leisure time for yourself - and more :rives. Cows and goats did not produce further wealth, they were symbols 2i the wealth already accumulated. These things did produce prestige and ~nfluence,however. Wives, then, form the foundation for wealth. They 2roduce wealth in a variety of ways: 1) they work the fields; 2) they 3roduce children (if they are any good); 3) they produce income (in kind in the old days, in money now) by the tradition of naming their 'lovers' who are then liable to a fine, paid to the husband:8 4) men fall in love with a third or fourth (or more) wife and offer to work for the husband in return for the privilege of living with the woman he loves (incidently , children of these unions belong to the husband of the woman); and 5) wives more recently have been able to carry on petty trade that brings income to the husband.' In the Kpelle society a man with two wives, a cow and/or a goat or two, and some chickens is a fairly well-to-do person.

Once the foundation of wealth is set, one begins to use these resources to gain more wealth and increasing degrees of influence. By loaning money (in the form of goods) to help pay bride prices, or to pay fines from one of the chief's courts or to the husband of a lover, a man of means gains a reputation for kindness. He collects on these loans either by the return of the goods (with extras thrown in as thanks -- interest ?) or by gaining the labor of the debtor. He may also collect in terms of political support. One may also use one's wealth to "buy" a war. That is to say when a war is imminent and provisions are needed for the fighters or a guarantee is needed to pay the warriors, a wealthy man may go to the war chief and offer to provide those things needed, for a portion of the spoils. In this way the man gains in prestige for being patriotic and adds to his wealth, if he is lucky, or wise enough to know which war to back. A wealthy man buys his way up the ranks within the Poro, also.

8. This custom originated out of beliefs connected with the fertility of the crop for the year. Therefore, the wife exposed her lovers of the previous year or the crop would be bad. This custom survives today. The fine is $10 per lover. Today the husband is less likely to call for the names according to the crop cycle, and more likely to call for :he expos& at tax time. Customs adapt to new situations and new needs. 9. I am in debt to Professor David Ross for information presented at a seminar at Cuttington College, Liberia for information on the economics of polygamy. 12 RICHARD M. FULTON

We are fond of saying that the "rich get richer" and this is as true in the primitive society as it is in the modern. As a wealthy Kpelle becomes well known and respected, lesser men come to him and present gifts of slaves, rice, palm oil, and even their daughters in return for favors, for protection against other powerful men, for a chance at family advancement by identification with a respected man.

There were no taxes for the peoples of the village mini-states, but a wise man kept on the good side of the important people by providing periodic gifts. This applied particularly to the Loi-Kalorj. Of course gifts to him could easily be called an offering as well as a voluntary tax.

Though he could be checked in his powers by: 1) his elders, 2) the Poro elders, 3) a strong war chief (Ko-Kalorj) , 4) the nephew group, 5) or even by popular disenchantment with his spiritual and/or secular powers (spurred on by a competing family?): it is true that the Loi-Kalorj was the fulcrum of the society, and its leading power.

The Ko-Kalorj or war chief performed the specialized function of main- taining external security for the village mini-state. He was the defender of the area. His "works" were restricted to this specific area, but war powers can often become quite broad. The Ko-Kalorj 1) saw to the defenses of the village mini-state, 2) declared wars, 3) directed the prosecution of the war, 4) had complete charge of alliance systems .

If a group within the village mini-state desired to go to war, as a punitive expedition or as a means to more imperialistic aims,it was the war chief that they would first approach. If he was unwilling to go to war the matter was difficult, though not impossible, to pursue further. Generally if war was proposed from within, the wherewithal1 to prosecute it was offered at the same time as the suggestion for war. If attack was threatened from without, the Ko-Kaloj had to generate the support and organize the resources for the defense.

In declaring war, the war chief would call for all town chiefs (often the call came through the Loi-Kaloj) to send warriors, the number depending upon the size of the engagement. There was no standing army, nor even a police force. The leading element of the warriors were the nephew group, and the leading figure within this group was the Ko-kuluba ,the chief war- rior or general. This position was earned through bravery in the field of battle. The Ko-Kaloj only went to battle, if he went at all, for crucial or decisive engagements. He stayed within the main village or his own village and directed the war from there by the use of messengers. It was not unusual for the main village to be walled in for defense. The warriors THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

5aving gathered and instructions made, the zo (medicine man) would bless :he adventure and sacrifices were made. Sometimes even the "bush devil" ;vould appear. As the final ceremony a young girl was laid naked across :he path leading towards the battlefields and all the warriors would jump aver her as they went to battle. As each man jumped over the girl he would call the name of the war chief. 11

Having been left at home, the war chief, under the war powers granted him, often would become the most important power in all secular things. Some informants indicated that he became more powerful than even the Loi-Kaloi in times of war. Obviously at times like these the position of the KO-Kalorj was an ambivilant one. It was not uncommon for a strong and cunning war chief to take advantage of the situation to consolidate himself into a position of semi-permanent power.

A major part of the war chief's charge was to ensure the strength of the village mini-state by concluding agreements with other units to come to its aid when called upon. These alliances were of the same basic character of modern agreements between nation states. If I am in trouble you will come to my aid and if you are in trouble I shall do likewise. rses The bargains were generally made between war chiefs meeting somewhere - - along the road between their respective kingdoms. An exchange of gifts sealed the bargain. Perhaps even Poro oaths were exchanged. Although it is difficult to know for sure, it is assumed that the moral commitment to the agreement is based upon the understanding that each side is guided by the fundamental belief system of the Poro. 7 C- irally There seems to have been no pattern to the selection of allies. Connec- fzred tions of friendship, marriage, Poro, or what have you were somehow formed -... and led to military agreements. Alliances were not restricted to within Tees the Kpelle tribe. We found several instances of alliances between Kpelle units and Gola and Loma units, for example. Since only a few people knew the specifics of these alliances even in the traditional systems, it has proven quite difficult to learn what the specifics of the arrangements were other than what we have already stated.

10. See below for explanation of the Poro. The only other connection that I could find between wars and theXbushdevilkame about if a war (or battle) became particularly costly and no way appeared likely to materialize to end it. In this likelihood the devil might appear and order the battle (war) ended. Both sides would honor that order. 11. If a long expedition was anticipated a rice meal was prepared and wrapped in large leaves. The warriors would carry this with them and survive on it for weeks on end. 14 RICHARD M. FULTON

Most informants did indicate that wars were seldom fought with towns close together. For example one man said that wars were not fought between Totota and Guiita (10 miles apart) but they were fought between Totota and Sanoyea (30 miles apart). This could indicate that alliances were formed between units quite distant from each other. Perhaps the inter- pretation given to this point should be that village mini-states were not the only units to carry on fighting. Perhaps towns fought each other without involving the whole political unit. This leaves open the option of towns fighting other towns that are part of the same village mini-state as well as towns of separate village mini-states warring on each other. We simply do not have the information to tell. It can be stated, however, that wars were a frequent part of the life of most Kpelle villages. There were many elements promoting them -- not the least of which was the KO-Kalorj him- self. It is also known that it did not take much to start a war. Needless to say wherever there was inter-village woman palaver, there was the strong possibility of war: for war was one of the very few means available to settle conflicts -- or so it seemed to the Kpelle. The Poro may have been an alternate means of arbitrating disputes.

How was the KO-Kalorj chosen? This position was open fairly much to anyone who consistently proved his daring and courage in battle. Informants said that the KO-Kaloj was 1) the strongest and bravest man in the land and/or 2) he was a wealthy man. Certainly the possibility was there for a wealthy man to monopolize the position. The possibility was also open, however, for a KO-kulmba vhohad gained some wealth from the spoils of his past efforts to gain general recognition as the right man for the job. Most informants said that the post was not hereditary, but some said that the Loi-Kalorj appointed the war chief from amongst his family, ar~da few said that the bravest son did indeed "inherit" the position. Because of the variety of replies to this question and the trend towards the 'strongest - bravest' answer it might be assumed that the KO-Kalorj job was given to the man who could best handle the current situation. If the threat was not so grave, a wealthy man from the ruling group might be expected to get the position. If a grave danger did appear to be present, the war chief would have to be one who had proven himself capable of winning battles and wars and thus might turn out to be a lower nephew or even a "son of the soil". One informant even said that a well known warrior from outside might be called in to become the KO-Kaloj.

The KO-Kaloj gained wealth in the same general way as others in the society, but the position itself brought specific rewards. All of the spoils of war were brought to the KO-Kalorj first. He then divided them as custom dictated. The Loi-Kaloj generally got a small share; whoever (if any) had 'bought the war' received a share; the KO-Kalorj received a goodly share; and the rest was divided amongst the warriors according to the effectiveness of their fighting. For some, especially the KO-kuluba, war was a means ci gaining wealth and stature. The KO-Kaloj generally included in his share most of the captives. He would usually then sell them. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

- - .,.- -- S Additional wealth could come to the KO-Kalorj , depending upon his ..-- - zharacter and ability, by way of the war powers he exercised "at home". ....-A---,n Ihese would include fines, gifts, and perhaps a bit of profit for starting -71--- :he war in the first place, depending upon who wanted the war. .:. - ~nter- - - We should mention in passing that there seems to have been some :,:l;hout itinerant war chiefs who captured control of village mini-states and turned .,-- ...IS them into private domains. They would usually keep the old, or set up re11 a new Loi-Kaloj to maintain the legitimacy of the rule, while keeping all s:rnply control in their hands. This phenomenon is known throughout the world. ;<;2rs L27Y It seems obvious that the relationship between the Loi-Kalorj and the 131 - KO-Kalorj was not of a particularly fixed nature. Situation and personality . . :-3ss seemed to rule the relationship. The only intelligent way to analyze the E strong information received in our field research is to realize that power politics c settle tended to shape the relationships of these figures according to time, place and environment.

Various opportunities were open to a particularly strong-willed and intelligent KO-Kaloj. Some evidently were so famous and effective that they became war chiefs for whole alliance systems of village mini-states. In this situation there might be just one war chief for two or three mini- states that were closely aligned. He would become a sort of super-general responsible for the defense of relatively vast areas. According to the power and control of the Loi-Kaloj involved, and the character of the KO-Kalorj, the latter might seize the opportunity to take broader control of these areas. In so doing he might become the "power behind the throne (s)" or he might blatantly set up a personal empire over which he would be the war lord - leader. Something like this seems to have happened in Bopolu at the time Anderson was traveling through. l2

Even in the case of a strong KO-Kalorj within a single mini-state, if there happened to be a weak-willed or non-leader type Loi-Kalorj, the war chief could become the effective secular leader in all affairs -- during a war period or not. All he need do was usurp the leadership role while keeping the Loi-Kaloj as a figure-head and the symbol of legitimacy. If the king was weak, there becane room for a strongman: a war chief who stayed on after a war or who kept the threat of war before the people. He became a primitive version of the "head of government" while the king remained as a symbolic "head of state". Historically it has not been unusual for power politics to upset the cultural norms in terms of political leadership.

12. See B. J.K. Anderson, Narrative of a Journey to Musardu (New York, 1870). RICHARD M. FULTON

All of this points to the simple fact that whatever the ideal political - --- organization tended to be, the power politics of strong individuals and units - -. could create a variety of deviations (if deviations is too strong a term perhaps - b we could say that the units could create many variations on the theme) or iln 2 the ideal. Constitutions rarely provide accurate descriptions of operating - - political systems.

The Town Chief is the next functionary in the Kpelle primitive government system. We have discussed who this man was; he was the founder of the village, or descendant thereof, or one of the quarter elders. He was the most distinguished man in the village. Often known as the Loi-namu, the local "owner of the land".

In the course of general discussion of the political system we have covered most of the information on the position of the quarter elder. He was the family head who held local investigations in local disputes and acted as advisor to the higher chiefs, I even up to the Loi-Kalo~j) . l3 The reputation of individuals, based on experience and Poro standing, deter- mined the degree of importance he had at each level of the system.

The Poro and the Zoes

The Poro has been the cement of the Kpelle society. l4 It is used as the organizational key to socio-cultural unity and the basis of the society's socialization, and communication. Most importantly of all, the Poro is the spiritual guide and protector of the Kpelle. It performs, then, both secular and sacred functions in the community.

13 . As one informant said: "In case there was a serious matter in one place elders were sent from all around to settle this matter. If the matter could not be settled, then it was referred to the big chief (Loi-Kalorj) ." 14. Besides older accounts of travelers (varying in their degrees of usefulness) there are but a few sources of use in studying the Poro. The following are, in a rough order of importance, the better of the available material: George Harley, Notes on the Poro in Liberia (Cambridge, Massachuse?:r 1941). Kenneth Little, "The Political Function of the Poro" (Two parts), Africa 35, 36, (Oct., 1965 and Jan., 1966), 62-72, 349-365. Kenneth Little, "The Role of the Secret Society in Cultural Specia1izat:z- American Anthropologist 51 (1949), 199-212 . Warren dlAzevedo, "Common Principles of Variant Kinship Structures Among the Gola of Western Liberia, " American Anthropologist 64 (19621, 504-520. James L. Gibbs, Jr., "The Kpelle of Liberia, " 2 19-223. Hutton Webster, Primitive Secret Societies (New York , 1908). THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

:I cal In its strictly sacred manifestations its most important area of cultural rri units sctivity, the Poro is the primitive tribe's means of organizing its relation- -- perhaps ship with the spirits that are the foundation of the Kpelle belief system. r.5) or lvIcCulloch says that the spirits of the Mende tribe of Sierra Leone (much ?:sting .kin to the Kpelle) can be divided into four basic catagories: a) The ancestral spirits b) Spirits of the societies or associations c) 'Genii' :-:ornment 15 cf the d) Miscellaneous bush and water spirits. E :he It is the control, for good and ill, of these spirits that constitutes the hard core hold on the populace that is the sacred power of the Poro. -2, :he Although it is the sacred aspect of life that gives the Poro its main -...--..- - reason for existence, it is the secular manifestations of the attempts at - - -= e control of the spirits -- and the organization of the society to do so --

-..2-" d :hat touches most directly the political life of the Kpelle. The relationship -'The between the sacred and the secular presents the key to Poro influence on ~.=.r---- political decisions.

As a secular influence, the Poro performs the following functions, most of which are a result of the sacred tasks of relating the human world to the spiritual and maintaining the traditions and rituals that keep the balance between the two worlds: 1) General education through the "bush school" (social and vocational training and indoctrination of social attitudes) 2) Regulation of sexual conduct 3) Operation of various social services, ranging from medical treatment to forms of entertainment and recreation 16 4) Supervision of political and (possibly) economic affairs.

The "works" of the Poro in political affairs of the Kpelle can be placed in the following catagories: 1) General legitimizing force 2) Limited role in external affairs (ending wars, diplomacy) 3) Aspects of internal "police force" 4) Certain judiciary roles 5) Advisory role in secular chiefs.

15. M. McCulloch, Peoples of Sierra Leone (London, 195 0) , 39-42 . 16. See Little, "The Role of the Secret, " 200. RICHARD M . FULTON

Several authors have indicated that the organization and diplomatic activity of the Poro transcended political boundaries: both village mini- state , and tribal. d'Azevedo has said: Poro also served as an instrument of secret diplomacy between political units and was the basis upon which extensive federations were established among chiefdoms of the Golas and other peoples. l7

We found no evidence of this at all among the Kpelle. As a matter of fact, all who said anything in this vein to us said that the Poro did not transcend the village mini-state area. There were some indications how- ever that Poro leadership began to become inter-tribnl in Liberia after the central government had pacified the interior early in 1920's. Indeed, Mr. Varney ~ahnbulleh'~told me that as a part of the process of gaining more control in the hi2terland the government sponsored the first "national" Poro orgarrization by bringing in a super-Zo figure who sat on the top of a sacred mountain and demanded loyalty from all the local Poro lodges.

It seems most likely that the KO-Kalod of old built alliances with tne aid of the Poro blessing or perhaps the more intsngible case of commcn Poro value systems was used. It is true that Poro systems differed little in their basics from tribe to tribe, a fact which has encouraged speculation of a larger, more centralized organization. The truth probably was that the alliances were built and diplomacy was carried on not by the Poro but "in the name of Poro". Just as medieval political units made pacts "in the name of God", the primitive tribes (the Kpelle) made pacts using the common Poro value system as the controlling agent of trust. One further point should be made in this area. Poro signs were well-known to all in an inter-tribal environment. Thus, often these signs were used as a means of communication between political units. In this sense, Poro was a tool in the diplomacy of village mini-states.

In addition to 'enforcing' social norms, the Poro often was the judge of the norms. in the civic area there were some crimes so dire as to demand the attention of the Poro leadership. This was the case in murders, serious fighting between individuals, and witchcraft. The human body was sacred to the Kpelle so that violation of the body was a serious offense within the society. So symbolically important was the body to the Kpelle that at one time they practiced forms of canabalism, it is said, by eating parts of the body for ritualistic purposes. Witchcraft is a serious offense in most primitive societies therefore in these cases the judging is done in the sacred Poro bush or at least in a sacred building.

17. See dlAzevedo, "Common Principles:' 515 and, Little, "The Role," 200. 18. Liaisonofficer for Internal Affairs Department, Liberian Government. He was at one time an up-country District Commissioner and now works to interpret government activities to the tribal element and vice-versa. THE KPELLE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM

In the continuous relationship between the secular leadership and the sacred leadership, it seems most logical to assume that a check and balance system was produced. Whereas the Poro leadership could form a powerfcl check. on the activities of the Loi-Kalorj and the other minor chiefs, the Loi-Kalorj was not without power of his own. He was high in the Pore ieadership himself, and he commanded great resources; both human and physical. He was a wealthy man. He also had spiritual standing as descendant of the founders of the village mini-state. Much depended Xpon his relationship with his ancestors through the sacrifices he made and the medicines he kept.

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Richard M. Fulton, Assistant Professor of Political Science Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.

Kenneth G. Orr, Professor of Anthropology, State University of New York at Plattsburgh, Chazy, New York.

Ronald W. Davis, Assistant Professor of History, W-estern Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan.

George E. Brooks, Jr. , Associate Professor of History, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.

Kjell Zetterstrom, Director of the Tubman Center of African Culture, Robertsport, Cape Mount, Liberia. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA

KENNETH G. ORR

INTRODUCTION

This paper is a selection of field notes recorded on a five day trip in January, 1962 to a clan of the Kpelle tribe in the Salala District, Central Province, Liberia. The purpose of the trip was to conduct an anthropological investigation of tribal medical practices for the use of medical personnel aiding the Government of Liberia with rre dical problems of the tribal people. Mrs. Orr (Alice) and my two assistants, Mr. John Dennis and Mr. Anthony Pratt Emmanuel, accompanied me. Mrs. Orr's presence was especially useful in gaining rapport with the distaff side of the village population. My assistants are skilled as interpreters of the Kpelle language and are specialists in the analysis of tribal cultural patterns.

The trip was arranged through the help of the Government of Liberia, Department of Interior, which provided me with a letter of introduction to the District Commissioner at Salala. The District Commissioner's office in turn referred me to the paramount chief who then authorized the clan chief, with whom I wished to work, to extend all possible assistance in my study.

The data indicated a traditional system of medical beliefs and practices on which the tribal people rely at the present time. It is generally similar to that practiced by the other tribal groups in the 127 chiefdoms of the nation. It is hoped that the information will be useful in indicating how the tribesman tends to view his problems of illness, the devices which he relies on, and his general attitudes toward kwi ("civilized", i .e. , modern) medical pract- ices. The material presented here is intended to give the "gist" of the tribal medical anthropology rather than being exhaustive or definitive.

No attempt is made in this paper to duplicate by phonetic symbols the Kpelle words in the tribal medical vocabulary. Kpelle is a tonal language with pitch as an important determinant of meaning. Also many sounds in Kpelle cannot be indicated by symbols of the English alphabet. Because of difficulties in reproducing the necessary phonetic symbols here, I have tried to simply approximate the sound of the Kpelle words with English letters. This will be helpful in indentifying the word with a Kpelle interpre- ter. However, the main purpose of reference to Kpelle words is to aid in gaining the meaning of the ccncepts referred to. The translations used give the closest English equivalen: .-is used by English-speaking tribesmen.

Liberian Studies Journal, I, 1 (1968) FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 2 i

General Discussions of Medical Problems

The Chief invited Alice and me into his palaver hut to meet his clan elders (nun-pua; head-grey: and hear from them about the illnesses of their people. They spoke freely and with apparent feeling, each rising to his feet to talk. The following is a list of the illnesses (kola-fela; skin-sickness, a general term for illnesses; also kpan - ~llness)with their Kpelle names and free English translation in the order in which they were mentioned:

The Chief started the discussion with the following list of illnesses from which his people were suffering:

1. Blindness, (nei-pu-belai, eye-run-away people).

2 . Young girls who do not have children, (kpemai, childless one).

3. Men who are not able to function, (gko-saa-kolofela, penis- dead-sickness) .

4. Young women and men with stomach complaint, (koi-sols, stomach- pain -- kaincludes stomach and visera) . e ::ices r:-ilar 5. A lot of people suffer and die from head complaint, ( nun-sole, :t ration. head-pain) . --.-zsman - - -. and 6. Skln disease called craw-craw is common, (loo, pronounced with ;.act - open 0-Jaw" -- craw-craw sicin disease). - - 7. Many have water running from ears, (sau-nun-kpolo, meat-head- brain; discharge from ear thought to be brains. Soul and thought located in heart).

8. There are two kinds of hernia: (1) goes up and down and is very painful , (u,up and down hernia); (2) The other just hangs and doesn't hurt, (balan-kao-kpan, balan tree-seed-illness , the seed is large and round like the hernia).

9. People swell up llke a balloon, (feefee, swell-swell, general 51 jive swelling of body, not elephantisis which is "found on the coast")

10. Chicken pox, (ss, chicken pox).

11. Small pox, (wolon-poi, small pcx).

12. Head and jaw swell up -- twr for same sickness, (qbog- gbo., law-swell: nun fee, head-swell). 22 KENNETH G. ORR

13. Three kinds of dysentery: (1) passing of blood, (gama-kpan, blood- sickness); (2) small feces stool, (kpo-kpan, feces-sickness); (3) coug:l-like (mucus) stool, (kpan-kole, dysentery-white).

14 . Heart trouble, (lii-soli, heart-hurt).

The chief emphasized that the main sicknesses in the clan were: (1) Women not having children and (2) men who could not function. Elder No. 1 mentioned the following disorders:

15. Bed wetting affecting all ages, (w&-ya-kpan, hole-water-sickness).

16. Head hurting until it gets a hole in it and one dies, (koli-kolo- felai , iron-sickness, powerful sickness making hole like an iron does).

17. One lung bigger than the other, (no special name, called u- kolofela, witch-sickness) .

18. Gonorrhea, there are three kinds: cream ,(kane-kayan, cream- gonorrhea); red ,(kayan-kpolu, gonorrhea-red) ; yellow ,(kpelen- kayan, yellow-gonorrhea) .

19. Small babies swell up and die, (fee-fee, swell-swell) .

20. Children dry up, (nuu-mon-kpan, people-slack-illness).

21. The main sickness is stomach sickness of the women, (many kinds).

Elder No. 2 listed the following illnesses:

22. Most children die of a trembling sickness with fever, (kela-kpan, water deer sickness; caused by mother eating forbidden water deer meat before birth).

23. Persons tremble and foam at mouth so that they lose control of them- selves, (den-den-kolofela, tremble-tremble-sickness) falling into the river of the fire.

24. Leprosy sickness, (gboto; leprosy); people with this have to go to Ganta Hospital to get cured.

25. Toothache caused by a certain kind of worm getting in the jaw and swelling it up, almost killing patients, (nyiin-solle-kolofela, teeth-pain-sickness) .

26. Earaches caused by a worm getting into the ear, (woli-soli, ear- pain) . FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL iLlEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL I,!l?ERIA 23

He pointed out that often people contracted diseases and had LO go away :o hospitals for cures and never came back. They do not have medical faci- llties right in the clan district. Later the Chief explained that the govern- rnent clinic was too far to walk to anci was a 25 cents ride away (a consider- 3ble fee for the tribesman v~homay work all day for the sum). Besides, ~suallyon arrlval the patient would be told that the medicine was not there 2nd would have to return continually over a per102 of months often to be

Elder No. 3 wished to add the following:

27. A lot of coughs ,(M,coiigh) in recent years which the people did not have In older times--these turn lnto T .B. Thr~ekinds of coughs were identified: (1) whooping cough, (zuukotonle); (2) "difficult breathing'' cough, (feekpo, identified as "T .B. "); (3) (tola-kpala, cough dry); this is apparently the common cold.

28. There are a lot of crazy people here, (boo-kolofela; crazy-sickness) Much laughter accompanied this remark. Crazy people are consider- ed humorous. Yo~nggirls and boys become crazy without any apparent cause.

Elder No. 1 accep~edby invitation for "further comments from the elders" ro mention:

29. Children and also adults are attacked by worms which sometimes kill them, (koi-kali-kolofela, stomach-snake-sickness) .

30. Yaws attack feet, body and face and cause a lot of hurting, (M,yaws?.

Elder No. 2 mentioned:

31. Head sickness whlch is caused by a little worm in the head. This sometimes comes out of the ear in the form of small flies when treated by the =,' (gonogono-kolofela, butterfly-sic'iness) .

AT this point the Chief remembered:

32. Snake bites which 2111 some people, ('tall-n'fiin-koiofela, snake- teeth-sickness) .

Elder No. 2 then mentioned that witches (&) wlth he help of jinni (nyanan) cause some illnesses which cannot he cured by doctors. Many of the illnesses listed here could be from this cause or from "natural" causes (see below). Along this line of thought he mentioned the following:

1. An official or elder in the Poro or Sande societies. Eds. KENNETH G. ORR

33. Water sickness, (yaai-kolo felai, the water sickness). The patient just looks stupid and cannot talk. Most of them just sleep all the time. The stomach swelis up. When the patient confesses,the

-zo attempts to treat it, but if he doesn't have the right medicine, the patient dies. (see below)

Elder No. 1 returned tc the discussion with the following:

34. The sickness where the gut comes out when one goes to the toilet, i.e. , piles, (pulu-kula-kpan, gut-come-out sickness) .

35. A sickness which hurts both lungs and makes the heart swell up inside, (fena-kpan, mushroom sickness).

The Chief concluded his list of illnesses with:

36. A sickness which folds one up in a bent-over position and big knots appear on the back, (kpele-kpan, folding together sickness).

37. A main problem, not previously mentioned as such is the women delivery problem,(lee-pere-polu-kolofela, stay-ho,use-behind- sickness) where women contract disorders due to midwives' lack of skill "behind the houseM(termused to fool stranger who asks for the woman and may try witchery if he knows she is in labor. Women actually deliver in the huts). A second main problem concerns young babies falling ill and not getting well.

Elder No.2 encouraged by this emphasis on the forbidden and fascinating sublect of supernatural sickness, underscored the Chief's final point:

38. Pregnancies are often spoiled due to a worm, (pele-sen-Xolofela, throw-thing-sickness; sickness caused by thing (worm) thrown into person) which lives in the stomach and feeds on the unborn child. The worm may be a jinni (see below- "jinni" is the English word used by tribesmen for this phenomenon).

Interviews at Village A

After the customary presentation of the "white heart", my token given to show good will, and usual speeches of greeting carried out in the town Chief's palaver hut, the Chief brought in front of Alice and myself a number of persons suffering from illnesses. Each was in turn called upon to explain the nature of the illness and to answer any questions I wished to ask. For the most part they spoke freely and appeared to enjoy the experience. The ages given here are guesses which have the value of pointing out the appar- ent relative age (see problem on age estimation below).

Case 1. The woman, about thirty-five years of age, complained of FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 25

-_ :.ient--

Case 2 . Man about thirty, thin, complained of cough (tole-kpan, cough- sickness, general). About a year ago he started to cough blood one day after finishing work. He has taken treatments from a and there is no more blood, but he still coughs. He claimed that the sickness does not keep him from work, but the Chief pointed out that some days he cannot work due to his condition. He says he believes there is no witching involved and that this is a natural sickness (note below the fear of revealing involvement in witching illness) . Many of the cases where patient states "no witchingu-- are really cases in which the patient actually believes it is wulu-kolofela (witch-illness) .

Case 3. Boy about fourteen years old has u-nun-kpolo-kpaq.(meat- head-brain-sickness). He has had this ear trouble since the age of three. White cream ("brains") continually run out of his ears, and his hearing is poor. The mother who was present thinks that someone made a wish (curse) on the child and that this is no natural illness. The has given her leaves with which to treat the ears, but this proved ineffective. About a year ago he came to the general hospital in Monrovia and remained for treatment (inner ear washed with medicines) for one month. During that time the ears seemed better but the trouble returned when he came back to the village (common in witch cases, see below).

Data on this case taken from another interviewee later indicated that in 1953 the boy had been shot "by mistake" by a hunter. The hunter whose shot killed one of the boy's sisters claimed that the boy had turned into a black deer and that is why he fired. Witches frequently assume animal guises (hunters prevent them from turning back into humans by cutting off the tail immediately). The hunter was considered guilty in this case since there was evidence that the boy was not a witch. He was with his two sisters at the time of the shooting and witches are known to operate as animals only when they are alone. The hunter was put in prison in Monrovia until 1959 when he was released. The boy was shot in the shoulder and although the ear illness started after this incident no connec- tion was made between it and the shooting.

Case 4. A little boy about three years old was brought before us cryinq loudly. He appeared to have a bad cough and fluid was discharging into a wad of cotton in his right ear. This condition had been going on for about one year and came from eating sugar cane--part of the cane pith (which is stiff and splintery) was forced up his nose and was still retained. Some- times the end of this splinter is seen, but it cannot be withdrawn. 2 6 KENNETH G. ORR

This case is called "accidental" (peyon) and is no one's fault. The boy's family are elephant people (sele-suai-nun, elephant-in-side meat-people) and as is customary took the little boy with them to feed when all become elephants at night. The little elephant boy fed incorrectly at this time and suffered the accident. Animal totems of this kind run in family lines (black deer, boa constrictor, "bush cow ground hog.) In contrast, leopard and alligator totems form societies (now outlawed) which anyone, regardless of age or sex, could join.

Case 5. A girl about nine years old has the same sickness as Case 3 above (meat-head-brairi-sickness) with a continual discharge from the ears. She talks badly and is hard of hearing and undoubtedly will be deaf on growing up, as is commonly the case. "A little girl like this must be witched to get sickysince she is not old enough to begin playing the witch herself (see below). She contracted the illness four years ago. An alternate theory on her illness was that her mother's milk had dropped into her ear causing the infection. So the ears had been treated with a mixture of hot lime juice mixed with certain leaf juices.

None knew the age of the girl. It would be possible, however, for the family to remember how many farms (one per year) had been made since her birth (time didn't allow this). The villagers also know the relative age of each person; i. e. , a person is older than, younger than, etc .

Case 6. A woman about thirty years old complained of yalon blofela (period-missing-sickness). She had not been able to "contact the moon" or "find her time" (menstruate) since last year. When I asked the cause there was much talk and laughter. Finally over the hub-bub I was given to understand that she had accepted a lover during menstruation and the illness resulted. There was no secret about the medicine she was using, but she would not tell it in public (renewed laughter from the audience). At this point the Chief announced that there was an extra sickness which was being kept secret from me. He excused himself to leave the palaver hut and "hang head" with the girl to find out what it was. The girl was ashamed to reveal the illness herself, but permitted the Chief to tell when she was absent. On returning shortly afterwards he informed me that the big sickness on this girl now was pulu-kula-kolofela, (gut-coming-out sickness) in which the "gut" came out whenever she "relieved herselfH. This caused weakness and backache.

Case 6a. At this point three men, two in their twenties and third in his late thirties, were lined up in front of my kolo-poyen-koli (book- writing-iron; i. e. , typewriter) as examples of (up and down hernia) . Each of them had the up and down type of hernia- which goes from the "stomach to the bag" (testicles) and back with an accompanying pain that almost kills them. The Chief spoke with strong feeling about this problem since he had been a victim of the illness before he was cured by an operation at the Firestone hospital sixteen years ago. The Chief was told at that time by the sand-cutter (ae-kpe-nun, ashes-running behind-people) that FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 27

:?.is ill.ness was due to witching (by water jinni) and transmitted through sexual intercourse. He now believes otherwise. For one thing he insists :hat the medicine for this illness is not effective-, and that the kwi zivilized) medicine alone can cure it. He knows that witching is not in- -:olved because if it had been he would have recontracted the disease on returning from Firestone hospital. (Villagers admit that the bewitched ?erson can escape the curse (illness) by leaving the village, but it always returns when the person comes back.) He now believes that hernias are zaused by excessively hard work and by lifting heavy things.

Case 7. A smiling old woman in her iifties with a gentle face showed .IS a lump approximately four inches in diameter below her left shoulder 3n the back. This was called jonso-kpan (seed of jonso tree-sickness) , snd she had had it for five years. She first noticed it when she was living In Careysburg when she went to take a bath and felt a knot there. It has grown since that time. She thought it natural and not due to witching. The Chief suggested that it might be caused by bed-bug bites (kpeli-kpeli, bite - 3ite) . He mentioned DDT spraying (carried on by the government) as removing roaches and other bugs and thus being useful in getting rid of - -7 this problem. i since -.-e age Case 8. This woman in her early fifties complained of pona-kpan (black sickness). The illness is characterized by small black spots over her body which itched "like craw-craw" , with accompanying trembling. She has had it for twelve years. She had had treatment from the kwi doctors who gave her injections. The sickness went low at this time but has come back. The illness is unpleasant, but does not keep her from working.

Case 9. The next person was a woman in her middle forties. In trying to figure her age the Chief indicated that she was older than he since she had already started "man palaver" when he was still a little boy. The Chief remembers President King (1920's) as the first in his life. She could not see her period (menstruate) and also complained of stomach pains during the time she should be "contacting the moon". She cannot have children. This illness she said came from difficulties in the delivery of her last child fifteen years ago. This "behind the house" illness was due to a midwife who was no good (pere-polu-kolofela, behind the house-illness). The Chief at this point said he must tell me, although ashamed to tell it, that the woman was also suffering from gonorrhea.

Case 10. A woman in her late thirties now appeared complaining of koo-kolofela (belly-sickness). She had had eight children and considered herself pregnant at present (she looked it). However, this embryo had stopped growing ten years ago and she has had an enormous belly since then. KENNETH G. ORR

The Chlef explained that there was no real name for this condition, but simply another evidence of midwives fouling up the works "behind the house". During the old days, he said, people were scared of _kk medicine, but now they know that village medicine no longer makes them well, and they are rushing to the modern medicine. At first the Chief had to force them to take it, but ROW they know that kwi medicine works fast. He asks the women of the villages to go to clinics to get good treatment and he has sent midwives to Sanoyea (Lutheran mission), some having become graduates of the midwife school there.

Case 11. Another pregnancy problem case. A woman in her late thirties complained of something living in her stomach (a'tvorm") which moved back and forth between viscera and heart, peli-sen-kpan (jumping- thing-sickness). She had had this illness since her last delivery when the child cried once and died. She believes the worm is some natural thing and not due to witching. She still feels pain when the worm bites her in the stomach at which time the stomach makes a bubbling noise. Treatment for this illness consists of drinking the juice of boiled roots. When this is done the worm is driven to another part of the body until after delivery. It then comes back. However, if the treatment is not taken,the pregnancy spoils .

Case 12. A young man about sixteen years of age complained of back injury due to a motor accident three years ago. The back is said to ache continuously. Azo treated him with a concoction of mashed roots and leaves in which he lay for a period of one day.

Case 13. Another young man about eighteen years old complained of a pain in his side at waist level, of two years duration. He thought it was from hard work. He rubbed a white clay and leaf paste on several times, but has not pursued the treatment because "the hurt is not too heavy on him".

Case 14. A young woman in her middle twenties has had stomach pains and difficulty in walking ever since her last baby died three years ago. Since then she has not been able to become pregnant. This is caused by s3msthing which moves around inside her causing pain ir. heart and viscera. It is the sickness discussed in Case 11 above.

Liks the other women interviewed this one had two lower incisor teeth missing. As is the custom she had these removed by the nyin-kula-nu (teeth-out-man; i.e., village dentist) so that if her jaw should lock in illness she could still take water. Otherwise she would die of thirst. A wide piace is also filed in the top two incisors for the same purpose. Both sexes practice this custom. Babies are thought to die from their jaws locking and being unable to take water. This is called kwela-kpan (water deer-sickness) and is due to the mother eating water deer flesh during pregnancy. The village dentist's tools include string and rock, pliers, and file. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIEERTA 29

Case 15. A young man about seventeen complained of a penetra7ing ain in the navel ( wolan-soli-kolofela, navel-hurt-sickness) . He has had this condition since 195 8 and does not know the cause. A man, not a z,is giving treatment consisting of a root in a bottle with "cane juice" (rum made of distilled sugar cane juice) or palm wine. When I asked him r:s fast. if this was due to witching,he replied, "how should I know? " and insisted -- - - .. .:..t and he did not believe in witches.

At this point the Chief explained that no one will own up to witching because this means exposing their source of supernatural power. The idea of the younger man "not believing in witches" is due to their contact with Western culture in Monrovia and elsewhere. I explained my interest in the witch angle especially in relationship to the use of kwi medicine on such a case. Should the k* doctor deal with such cases? Assuredly they could is they wished, said the Chief. He further explained that in the old days people with such ailments would not approach the doctor, but many have with success (he is such a case himself, see above). If the doctor failed it would not be his fault. The Chief continued, in the case of the little boy with the cane splinters in his nose (case 4 above) ,"elephant witch medicine" from the elephant tribe is obviously needed. Could the kwi doctor work with the3 on such a case? The Chief thought this would work well and would be welcomed by the patient as well as thes. . . I rack However, it was not necessary for a g to give permission for a patient he 5:ne had treated to use other medical assistance -- this was up to the patient.

----..A Case 16. An old blind grandfather in his late fifties or older had been led into the palaver hut by his wife as soon as we arrived. His turn now e: 3f came to stand up and tell of his illness (nei-soli-kolofela, eye-pain-sick- - - - .- ness). His eyes had been infected for five years and were now eaten up -.- =1- times, (the eye-balls were white and putrescent). He knew that the cause of his .- cn him" . illness was due to witching. The curse was put on him by a woman, now dead three years, whom he had taken as wife and treated well shortly before his eyes were affected by spreading sore. He explained that the woman was very ugly and she did this to make him so ugly that he would never leave her. This jealous wife also put a wish on another wife of the man so that she wouldn't have children. This wife recovered at Firestone hospital. Since the witching woman is now dead he believes he has a chance to recover.

The Chief explained that such jealousy curses were common among the women, but not condoned. Each person is entitled to seek supernatural help through contact with the jinni, and other sources of (animistic) power. Too often the jinni are called upon to deal with rivals for love, position, or prestige. The biggest fights take place between the of different villages who employ among other things lightning bolts to show their power and to frighten or destroy their rivals. If one is witched by such a curse he can leave the community and thus escape the influence of the jinni. 3 0 KENNETH G. ORR

rhus one can get well by going to a hospital. But, if the witching person is still alive on he patient's return he is sure to contact the disease again - unless the witch has a change of mind (patient does something to please him by gifts or deeds) and voluntarily removes the infliction. Protective medicine (mana, horn of deer or snake) is useful to ward off witch influ- ences. Children and women especially use them. The horn is fulled with the protective medicine (ground up parts of animals, leaves, blood) and worn on various parts of the body.

Case 17. Another blind man about thirty-five years old said his illness came on him two years ago. First one eye went blind and then the other during rice planting season last year. Before blindness came upon him he had been unwell for ten years with gonorrhea (kpelen-kayan, yellow gonorrhea). The Chief interposed his belief that gonorrhea was the cause of the blindness because his eyes were continuously red and infected. The man did not agree, however, believing that his illness was due to witch- ing.

The Chief continued by pointing out that the blind man's wife also had gonorrhea with a resultant stomach complaint. Each had taken injections at intervals. However, when one spouse's infection would clear up the other would cause a reinfection in the course of normal marital relations. It is clear, the Chief summarized, that both would have to take injections together.

This concluded the cases for interview brought be! ore me in village A. The village contained thirty huts with an estimated population of 150 people; about ten per cent of the people were brought forward by the Chief. The relationship of this figure to the total who considered themselves sick is not close since many were hiding a shameful or witched illness despite the Chief's strong efforts to ferret these out. Most of the women who came forward were related to the Chief; few other women aired their complaints. On young man "told" on such a concealed illness case. After the interviews an ancient tipsy gentleman showed me an old open cut on his foot and wanted me to record it. The others laughed saying he got drunk and cut his foot on a bottle.

Before the meeting broke up the Chief introduced me to a young man LO (whom I will refer to as= No. 2) in his early thirties in whom the Chief appeared to have great faith. This= , said the Chief, really had the medicine to make women deliver in a second. Ile had delivered several of the Chief's children. i spoke with him and elicited the following data.

-Zo No. 2 had been practicing since he was in his late teens. He got his power in his sleep (contact with jinni) and the business runs in his family. Both parents were practitioners. Most of the medicine he uses came from his mother. He has been in contact with many dead includ- ing his mother who come during sleep to show him medicine. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 3 1

I asked 5 No. 2 to explain how the quick delivery service medicine

,~.. --- .... --.--. ----=.son worked. He paused, cracked all of his knuckles loudly ( mannerism con- - . - .- - - - : -. .-.-----_ -- - 3gain - necred with thinking) and explained that he uses various leaves (see below) -- -- - .~-.- . ._-.t 3se crushes them and puts them in water. When the patient drinks this water - :. :. , ::::z:::ve ' she must pass', The 3 does not go to the woman, but gives the con- -.. . . ---. * .. :.:lu- coctlon to the midwife. Thezo makes his living by farming and hunting - -- ~ .: :-:1%5 with like the other men, but he does accept "dashes" (tips) as encouragement - -.-.i. .-- 2nd and can commandeer "help" (labor) from the benefited family. Grateful patients usually dash him a chicken or a small bag of rice. It is important, however, that the woman and the children thus delivered respect (baakemaa, respect) the z.If disrespect is shown the gg has a right to sue the erring ex-patient in the tribal court and collect damages. Disrespect includes --- --..:e--- not bringing presents or working for the= on request. These cases tried -. -- .- . -.- .-..-:.=~an, - in the town court can result in a small fine ($3-4) or an order to work for - - - - - .- ~. . . - --. - ;*;as the the zo in payment for his service. The zo also owes "respect" to the .- .-:I rci infected. cured patient and must provide him and his family with medical help ..,, - 5-2 to witch- whenever needed.

Would he let a &wJ doctor examine his medicine? The laughed _-...... L: . slso had lightly and said "since we are looking toward civilization--they are welcome 1. -r 7 -:;zctions to look at my medicine--for a "dash" (the crowd laughed at this). I agreed -. ..------.- -;the and the meeting broke up on a high note of nerriment. --.-- . .. =. .=.~:lons. :s + I:-ections Interviews at Village B

The interviews in village B were conducted in a large "kitchen" with r 5 .r -.-illageA. low mud walls. This village was small, containing about 20 huts, but -- --- .- .. .. -30 people; the Chief had sent word to the surrounding villages to bring in= and -. =- :-. The cases for interview. Several town Chiefs were present and both they and 1. -r. +s sick is the principal zo of the clan each presented a "white heart" (white chickens) . -. --. _ fzspite the with words of greeting. I accepted these with an appropriate return "white . - - . . - .:. .. - came heart" (silver coins used as a symbol--not payment) after a short formal --,- - :::~laints. One speech of appreciation for hospitality. Several hundred people gathered ------...: .... =~viewsan around the kitchen with seats of honor (at different levels depending on . . .- - - I. .. z..l- wanted the prestige of the sitter; e.g., Mrs. Orr was given a slightly lower chair : :-1 ?.:s foot than mine) inside the enclosure reserved for the important persons and the guests.

- ~- = .-.., -- ~an With the all important formalities cleared away, we were ready for :: 2.5 Chief kxsiness, the first item of which was an interview with the headz, a thin pensive man in his early forties with a large mustache. This gentle- .-+:ex :g-:eral man, whom I will call preacher=, was dressed in a white toga-like garment I-.- ..~-:.-:r,- data. This dress had reference to his position as preacher (yala-woo-bo-nuu, God-word-talk-man) and "doctor" in the church (Church of Christ). He had ...---- .-- - . ?e got been a in the old sense until he learned of God and the Christian powers ,:. r-.-.s in his of healing by faith. He now follows this stronger medicine in most of his =. -.-.~.=- - -- r?.e uses curings and has left his "former bad ways". The Chief later told me that - . . - - - - - _- _ -- _t-= inc1ud- preacher zo and he are the "owners; i .e. trustees or controllers of the land" (loi-bela, ground-people) for the clan and are thus the most important men 3 2 KENNETH G. ORR

(with the concurrence of the "Grey Heads" -- elders). Preacher o spoke slowly enough to me to allow an almost verbatim record of his statements : on the typewriter. He spoke with apparent candor and without reserve.

The told of his present medical methods: "When a sick person comes to me, as a person with heart-hurting sickness, I fast (a traditional practice), pray to God, put my hands on the person, and give him holy water and oil to drink. When God agrees with my prayer the patient gets well. When a woman is pregnant and it is time for delivery, and the delivery is hard, I have a special place to sit down (and perform rituals). I take the clay from this place and rub it on the woman--right away she will deliver. When someone is unable to walk I take oil and rub it on the patient. When God agrees with my prayer,it will work.

"When someone is paralyzed and when that person is carried to me I sometimes fast for a week, then use oil and prayer on the patient. One of my patients(a young girl about eight years of age whom I saw in the village) was paralyzed for five years and now walks freely. When someone's head is 'in the water', (has the water jinni trouble), I handle the case in a similar manner. Recently a little baby was attacked by this kind of sickness. They carried the baby to me, I fasted, prayed, used oil and water, God agreed and the baby got well. When the jinni is behind some women, their unborn babies can't remain (they abort). But when such women are given my treat- ment they get well. This is the way the women get children."

When I asked the 5 to explain to me about the j~nni,he replied that there are all kinds of jinni. A common kind (kpeli-sen, jump-thing) is like a special worm. The victim can see this worm and so can the zo. But, it is difficult to describe because only the shadow of the jinnl can be seen. One doesn't see the actual jinni, but the patient knows and sees the worm shadow.

Where do these jinni come from? They are the work of the evil force (nyiinan-nyomo, jinni-bad) .

All jinni come from this evil force. What is the relationship of jinni to witching? Witches must have a bad jinni behind them. No natural person has the tricks of playing witch. The jinni must be gotten in one's sleep. Here the would-be witch plays with the jinni and makes friends. The next night it comes again and soon it is behind you. It shows you the power of how to harm others. Jinni can be removed by the witch's confessing or without the witch's consent by being exposed by the -zoes. This latter method takes place in church or in the village.

There is no secret about these matters, the continued, since everyone knows about them (the secret comes in the specific jinni alliance). Some of the jinni are birds that fly (=,owl, a blood sucking jinni) . If a woman has this on her she can't produce children; if she tries,the baby dies. Other jinni are in the form of lizards or small animals. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTW LIBERIA 33

Preacher 2 did not use a sand-cutter diviner. He examined the patient through questioning only and got the analysis in a vision. Sometimes in arriving at a diagnosis he observed silence over a period of time.

There are no fixed charges fm preacher & services. Patients offer him gifts such as a dollar, chicken, rice and the like. Also they respect him (see above ; i .e., work for him) a lot. If no respect, he still prays to continue their lives. When he gets God's agreement to cure, he does not hear any voices in his ear. It is rather a conviction in his heart. Some jinni are "easy" --others are very powerful. But, they all run away from the power of the church.

NOTE: The ordinary will go into his hut to cast kola nuts in the presence of his "medicine" as an aid in dia~nosis. The kola nut is about an inch and a half long and shaped like a blown-up brazil nut. It readily segments into halves. Four disc shaped halves are used in the cast. Before casting the places the patient's hand on his ' 5 5ead "medicine" (*,horn) and talks to it asking for the mela to reveal 5 similar if the patient spoke truly. The mela is usually curved antelope horn __.- - They eight to ten inches long filled with prepared herbs ,crocodile and other animal parts, and "sun " power ingredient (part of human body) in the form of a black paste. Small horns of this type are worn as preventive medicine as noted above.

Repeated casts are made with the four kola halves until a consistent answer is received from the medicine. Two halves with round side up and two with round side d-own is "consistent" and means ---. sickness is not due to witching. Three halves round side up and one c 5.-. be down is "inconsistent" and means the patient is withholding information - ===a- -- the of witching. When the issue of super-natural vs. natural cause is revealed, the can prescribe the cure.

I asked the the difference between a regular and a Christian practitioner such as himself. He replied that the Christian doctor was the higher one because God is with him. In his own case--in the old days--he was "bad". He needed God's help before he could do good.

Some~s,he explained, can cure natural sickness as well as the sickness which has a jinni behind it. Zoes try each other (in power competitions). One may make a snake come to town to bite you. If your power is stronger, the snake will die upon approaching you. He noted that there were plenty of Christian "doctors" like himself, but these were mainly in the Bassa area (near and on the coast where Christian influence has been continuous since arrival of the first colonists from America). Preacher was born and raised in this area at Kakata--he later moved to his family clan where I met him. KENNETH G. ORR

I asked him to reveal some of the old cases which he had treated in some detail, but he declined saying that he could not do this in public ' since it would be letting the other~sdown. He could tell me later in private. However, he could reveal the general steps in the usual case of illness which are as follows:

1. A sick person on discovery of his condition goes to sand-cutter diviner. The diviner questions the patient and in a trance-like state traces curved lines in a special ash mixture. He then interprets the figures indicating if the illness is natural or witching, and what kind of witching. He identifies the sickness by name.

2. The patient then selects a zo who is famous for handling his type of case. A natural sickness case is simple in that only the remedy of leaves, etc. has to be applied and the cure is effective or it isn't. If the case is due to accidental or self-imposed witching (like most of the cases recorded for village A above) the matter is still simple. One secures the necessary witch medicine and applies it.

3. Now, if the illness is due to the evil witching of another person (as in the case of the blind old man, case 16) the case is extremely difficult. The in charge must then "sweat the whole village" under oath, find the witch and obtain a confession. Powerful witch-catching medicine is brought into the village. An unconfessed witch becomes deadly sick and unless he or she confesses to the witching, will surely die. In revealing the jinni power behind her, the witch loses the power and may also die as a result. The pa-tient, however, recovers for the power is rendered harmless by being revealed. Sassywood trial (trial by ordeal of poison or hot iron) is used in this area, but mainly to reveal guilt in theft cases.

4. The "respect" (work-help) relationship outlined above is then main- tained for life between the 3 and his cured patient. Any illness, supernatural or otherwise may return repeatedly and there is no concept of immunization as such. Charms ward off witch sicknesses primarily. Some illnesses are thought to run in families (see eye condition below). These include leprosy, blindness, head pain, etc.

The zo said that broken bones were very hard to cure. He does not handle such cases, as these are handled by a specialist (donake-nuu, put- together-man) . No bone-setters were present at the meeting. In general these -are considered very skilled with a detailed knowledge of human bones and a reputation for successful settings. A basic method involved includes immobilizing the limb--the time period is usually judged with the help of a chicken whose leg is broken at the time of the patient's injury. When the chicken walks the patient's bone is knit. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 35

I asked preacher what he personally thought of modern (w)medicine. He had been in the Monrovia hospital for two months for a hernia operation (..;hich was successful). He said, in some cases the= and 3 medicine are "the same thing". In other cases, like the hernia operations kwi medi- cine is better. He believed (along with most villagers) that the- treatment of broken bones is superior (i.e. , faster). Some injections are good, others are no good.

I brought up the problem of villagers running away from small-pox vaccinations carried on by government workers. The said this was true because when vaccinated they felt they became sick. A sore appeared on their arm where the mccination was made and sometimes other complaints (aching back, etc .) developed. I then explained that the sore meant the medicine was making the person's body stronger and ready to fight a real invasion from the small pox germs (translated "sick worms" puna-kpele, body-worm). Neither the nor the chief had heard of this explaination, but felt that if this reasoning were made clear to the people through their authorities and medical leaders that they would willingly undergo the vaccination to get this strong medicine.

There was no doubt in the zo's mind that a paiient who thinks he has been witched is most difficult to cure by& methods (modern doctors have noted this wherever supernatural factors are thought to be involved) . If the kwi treatment would be given, however, no responsibility should be leveled against the doctor when the patient does not get well.

Would the z~feelin competition with the doctor and perhaps "fight" him with magical means as they do each other? He conceded that bad xsdo not want kwi doctors around, but insisted that most zoes would be happy for the doctor to come in. Some, like himself, pray for better ideas on medical treatment to come into the villages.

At this point, Alice reminded me to ask what suggestions could be made to the kwi doctors to help them gain the confidence of the villagers. All agreed that this was a mas? important question and complimented my wife on bringing it up. The biggest difficulty with some kwi doctors is their lack of patience ("patience" is lii-la, heart-cool). Many doctcrs get vexed .:sses (angry-lil-uon, heart vexed) with the patient for doing something or not - 2 - - doing it and drive the patient away with this attitude. The patient does _r, etc. not understand the doctor's attitude and the doctor dces not take time to understand his patient's. This tends to make the villagers angry so that they cannot cooperate with the kwi doctor. If the doctors cannot help them, they lose faith and turn back to their ~s.

The said he wanted to ask me a question: Were there no witches in the United States? I replied that hundreds of years ago people believed in witches and witch sicknesses, but they had since given up this belief. The zo remarked politely that he did not believe me and that there must be witches 3 6 KENNETH G. ORR

in America (;his was not translated to me at the time, but later). Everyone measures the world in his own bushel basket--but in addition this=, like most of the aiert tribal people, knew about "American" voodoo and had seen catalogues ("from Chicago 9") where one can order by mail magic rings and Tt* :: other witching paraphernalia. follov::~; the sir::; The indefatigable Chief then paraded twenty-six additional cases of illness to he:; :- in front of us. Notes were taken on these interviews, however, most of their 5::;: these closely followed the pattern observed at village A and are not, there- strancsrs for, recorded here. Most were chronic cases of long standing. toward .-I- and fcr :-.- NOTE: Case 37 is especially interesting in suggesting a cause of power :c 1 good health. This was a woman in her middle years who complained clinic, 5 :-. of an aching head and inablility to hear well. She had suffered this happy, 5:. for four years. She thought this was due to carrying heavy loads and yc- i on her head (thought to be a common cause for woman's head illnesses). you pit.:, She had never been sick before. I was interested in her reasons for a lifetime of apparent good health. She said that she had never run around with different men, was a good person, had no secret society business and no witching. Like all females she had joined the Sande secret society (an enculturating institution for young girls necessary for adult status) but had avoided connection with any spirit societies or witching conclaves. Her husband does not believe in witches and she followed his philosophy. He had been working at the Firestone plantation for eight years. Ti-? -. the v:__~;:. . . . One "congenital case" differing appreciably from the others may be men- ( a K:s-.+ tioned. This was case 42, a village chief, one of whose eyes was blind, atterC? :. the pupil being covered with a white film. This man insisted that all of the "--:------.. his children have the same affliction and it, therefore, runs in the family. keep :I-._ - When he dreams of fire his eye hurts him. the trr; 5 The ez:: I The audience who followed the interviews with rapt attention got a big and s:?: s laugh when a middle aged man complained of not being able to function the sre:.? sexually for the past ten years. Where then, they asked, did his three children come from? Well, not all the time, he admitted. The Chief excused him early. Later, one of my assistants offered him a "sure cure" for this, consisting of finely ground powder.

Case 44 was an interesting one of a "crazy" boy about fifteen years old (&,general term for crazy). This boy was "half crazy, half not", he spoke in muffled tones, and had an apparently spastic arm and leg. He did what he wanted to without censure, serving many useful functions like keeping the dogs and chickens away from gatherings, carrying bundles, and playing the clown--for crazy people are considered amusing. He shook hands with Alice and myself, something that a lad of his years would not ordinarily do, since he was only a shurono (small boy) not a shuron (young man), or nalon (mature man). Sometimes he did extreme things like putting dog muzzles FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 37

. =._one in his mouth--so they know he is really is crazy. Coming from village A - - -- like tovillage B he shook hands with all the ladies much to everyone's amusement. ..=-- - -. seen -..=;.--- and The meeting at village B was drawn to a close by preacher with the following statement: "We thank God for the year 1962. We are glad for the strangers (a general term for all visitors) who have come into the country -r: - zf illness to help develop it. This is the reason why the people here are exposing 1:: 3: their sickness today. For every time we go to bed we will pray that the : Inere- strangers have a good mind to help us. This is the way people are looking toward. you, and they are satisfied about it. We pray for the Chief again, and for his good ways of doing things. We pray God for you to have the ?-i5 2 of power to help us to come out of darkness. We want a mission, and also a 7;lained clinic, a hospital. These are some of the things that will make the people this happy, and we will pray for it. Since the people showed their white heart . . _---?.:,S and you showed yours, you are always welcome in this clan--and we thank :~llnesses). you plenty." . - :=-.I~-- for =- ..-. :r run With the meeting concluded I took pictures of some of the cases and ;: society leaving Alice in the kitchen joined the zoes and the Chief in the "medicine - -- bush" where a number of herbal remedies were turned over to me. ;~IS s7.y Interview in the "medicine bush" .--- - (zo-law-su; zo-bush inside) . - z reen The "medicine bush" was a convenient wide place in the trail outside the village. The three *, the Chief, the teacher assigned to the clan - r3 men- ( a Kpelle man ) , the Chief's clerk and interpreter, and my two assistants ;:ind, attended. The villagers were not allowed to attend. But, interestingly, . . -.2: the "crazy boyn--case 44--tagged along and kept guard at a distance to .s:ily. keep the uninitiated away. Here the B, each speaking in turn, gave me the herbs for some forty remedies. Each remedy was tied in a small bundle. The data on the first twenty-two presented to me is given below. The leaves z jig and stems are now being pressed and eventually scientific identification of . -- the species may be secured. ------ii excused 1. Cure for piles, (pulukula kpan, gut-out-sickness) . Three ingredi- - --- . .---s , ents are used: (1) kpuna san (chimpanzee-chop, i .e., food, bush); (2) nana (ve~n,a vine tree); (3) vulu-vulu (fear bush, "always looks scary. " These apparently close up when touched). Take --1x2 old the seed bud of the chimpanzee-chop bush. Use the inside bark of .-.+ spoke the vein tree. Use the leaf of the fear bush. Mash together and .: :,;hat he put in water. Put the solution on a piece of cloth. Fit into trousers

- -7 d .--.. J or breech cloth on piles. The heat from this preparation "will help . . I. .znng. the gut to go back into the stomach." =; :,;ith -- ---:- do, 2. Cure for bedwetting , (woloya, hole-water) . Two ingredients: Ir .-.don (1) tanyan (cherry-tree, ten feet high or so, yields red cherries -- ---=a-- "just like in America"); (2) gbee ("weak tree, " i .e., not hard to break, a bush). Take inner bark of both stems, put in water, and have patient drink the water; a strong medicine. Boys and girls KENNETH G. ORR

with this weakness are teased by their fellows, smeared with dirt and carried around town. Parents approve of this.

3. Cure for swollen testicles, (balankao kpan, seed sickness. Balankao which means "seed" is also used for large seeds of trees .) . There are two ingredients: (1) keyiilan (thorn-tree, a high tree with a solid coat of thorns on its trunk); (2) gbate-gbya -nun (fix-cutlass-head tree, this tree supplies handles for cutlass- es or machetes; a medium size tree). Take the bark of the thorn tree, mash together with bud of the fix-cutlass-head tree, and immerse in white clay (waa-kole, clay-white) . Apply the salve from navel to seed. Efficiency unknown.

4. Cure for abscesses, (koni-kpan, rock-sickness) . Leaf of w- siile-wuru (billy-goat-stick, or tree, a medium sized tree with a strong scent). The abscess is supposedly caused by a person taking food from a garden which is protected (kpa; protective medicine, usually a special root put in a stick). Take leaf of billy-goat-tree, beat up with white clay, rub on abscess. Scent and heat will drive out the curse.

5. Cure for "blue balls, " (masa kpala, growing lump-dry. A rising on one or both sides of the groin which starts small and grows, turn- ing blue .). A leaf (the name not obtained) is beaten white clay and salve is rubbed on afflicted part. Application is continued for. a week or longer; a strong medicine. Disease is thought to be contracted through women; use of the same bathroom in a village also is thought to give this. Closely connected with gonorrhea, but "more difficult. "

6. Cure for swollen fingers, (kwee kpan, swelling sickness). A swollen finger starts from natural causes or from theft of food from gardens, etc. that is protected as in 4 above. One ingredi- ent is a leaf called, tofa (wild sugar cane). Peel the stem and beat, place in water and put hand in solution. This medicine is also used for earaches (woli-soli, ear-hurting). In this case the bud of the wild sugar cane is beaten up, and the juice is squeezed into the ear, retained for a while, and then the bad fluids come out.

7. Cure for earaches, (woli-soli, ear-hurting) . A kpu-mu-lun (soft and springy substance, like sponge or velvet) leaf is squeezed, and the juice put in the ear. Bad fluids come out, after which cotton is placed in the ear - cotton from the nye-wulu (cotton-stic:<

8. Cure for coughs and fevers, (m,cough; kolo-faa-maa, skin-hot- on). The tee-monyon (chicken-crown, or coxcomb) bush which has a bud that looks like a coxcomb. The bud is eaten, causing the cough to stop and the fever to go down. 'IILD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 39

, Cure for worm eating embryo sickness no. 1. (pele-seen, throw- something -on-you). This sickness attacks pregnant women and is supposed to be caused by a worm (witch worm, or pele-sen) that "spoils the belly." After an unsuccessful delivery, the cure is given to eject spoiled parts of the embryo. The ingredient is nye-la-nean (fish-mouth-beard) vine, which resembles fish feelers. Scrape inner bark of stem, mix with water and give to patient to drink.

1:. Cure for hard stomach-ache, (koi-soli ,stomach hurt). Any hard stomach pains are treated with the ingredient, tumu-lii-kpomo (cassava snake-heart-rope), the vine's root (a big knot' is ground -- . up and mixed with water. The liquid is drunk by the patient. ------.,---. ..h a 5 :r taking 11. Cure for white dysentery, (kpan-kola, dysentery-white) . This is :::?e, for dysentery where excretion is white "like cough." The stem _..-tree,- -- of koma-kpoo fee (jowl-big bush, a bush with long thorns) is . . ;:.. drive scraped (inner bark), beaten, put in water and drunk by the patient.

Cure for gonorrhea, (kanyan, gonorrhea). Four ingredients go into r:s:ng on this medicine: (1) sen (small-small, a tree with very small leaves); 1-x-n- (2) gbee yiine ("weak tree, " cannot be translated, same as in no. 2 c.3y above); (3) boiyoon tuma) pigtail-leaf, a small tree with pigtail - .~=1'--,for like hairs on the stem or leaf). Take the root of the small-small leaf -"- - tree, the root of the weak tree, and the stem of the pigtail-leaf . . :--age tree, crush them together and place in a bottle of water. Palm wine .-. 5 3 , is also used in the bottle. If prepared in the morning it will be ready for use by the evening. Patient drinks the solution, and also uses it to wash the affected part.

. . . - 13. Cure for bad jinni sickness, (nyanan-nyomo, jinni-bad! . Nyanan ::3di- (jinni) could be elephants, worms, bird, or boa constrictors, but 5 d are at least animals. Gofee is the human spirit of a person who .=. - :s has died. Both exist in water and on high mountains. Witch is . - : .ne called, &, a living practitioner of curses, etc. Wltch people ..-=?zed - must have jinni, or bad human spirits (gofee-nyomo) behind them :r2 out. to give them power to cause illnesses. Sickness can also be caused by jinni and human spirits without the intervention of witches. Women and others know when they have gone against the "law" (wishes) of the jinni, who may want to eat their children, or keep them from certain women. They confess this with the help of a sand-cutter when ill. Two ingredients are used: (1) taa tanyan (town-cherry tree, a tree with green needles, like an evergreen, which grows in the middle of the village under which medicines have been placed; "the tree the town will live on"); (2) mese (like yellow peas). Take inner bark of town-cherry tree and beat with the mese peas and white clay, rub on afflicted part. When the jinni smells it (it stinks "like an insect"), he runs away, and the person gets well. 40 KENNETH G. ORR

14. Cure for yellow gonorrhea, (kanyan, known as gonorrhea in country English) . Two ingredients: (1) lii soli kpomo (heart-hrt-vine, a vine, so called, because it trips walkers in the bush); (2) genamg- bolu (round-red, long red seeds the size of a little finger give the name to this vine). Scrape inner bark of both, put in bottle with water and have the patient drink it.

15. Cure for yellow jaundice, (kpelen kayan, yellow gonorrhea). This is a sickness in which the eyes and fingernails are yellow (hepititus). Since the urine is also yellow, this sickness is considered a kind of gonorrhea. The ingredient is peenlaa (Christmas bush, in country English, a thick bush). Skin the inner bark off, but do not beat. Cut the rest of the stick into fine pieces. Place everything in a bottle with water. Takes from three days to a week for the cure. thanks icr 16. Cure for pus gonorrhea, (kana kayan, pus gonorrhea). When this gratu::; I: lasts for a long time, the urine turns to blood, the eyes get red . . in co~ez:: and blindness sets in. Two ingredients: (1) gbee (weak tree , made 5 5 - same as described above); (2) taan (cherry, also described medic_: :i above). Take the inner bark of each, put in water and give to the patient.

17. Cure for worm eating sickness, embryo sickness no. 2, (pele sen, throw thing). This is the same mythical worm at work before deli- very, but in this case, there is hope of saving the baby. Use the bark of moyoo (easy-catch-thief tree, so named because it is a good and easy treatment). Three triangular pieces of bark are put into a pot of boiling water along with three ordinary pebbles. The woman drinks the water and is cured.

18. Cure for hard delivery, (naa kpana-, there-hard, i .e. , "behind the house"). Take three leaves of the pineapple (kwi-tou, civilized fruit, the original Kpelle name is unknown, but my assistant is sure that there is a native pineapple), cut out white inner part and dissolve by rubbing in water. A woman drinks the water and rubs some on her belly. Said to work fast. Young pineapple leaves are said to be used for abortions.

19. Cure for fungus infections of fingers, (naya kpan, sand-sickness, spreads like sand being poured). Young leaves or buds of the kpuna san (chimpanzee-chop, see above) are ground up and mixed with clay. The hand can be put in a water solution, or a paste may be rubbed on the affected part.

20. Cure for "blue ball" no. 2 (masa kpala ,growing lump-dry) . A konyii-konyii kpomo (break-break vine) is ground up with white clay and rubbed on. FIELD NOTES ON TRIBAL MEDICAL PRACTICES IN CENTRAL LIBERIA 4 1

-. z ;-~ntry 2 1. feya, --..-a Cure for weakness after delivery ,(maafelon, delivery; pain). .. .-, a After delivery some women faint from pain. This medicine is to ;tnamg- revive her. Kpunya sari (chimpanzee chop) is put in water and ;.-.-3 the then drunk. =. -.-jth,.-- 22. Cure for weakness after delivery, (folona, sun-on, meaning that the woman is faint from the hot sun). This occurs after her delivery i This . when a woman feels weak and her head swims. Often occurs when _?pititus) . . . their husbands put them to work too soon. Ingredients: (1) &- : 3 a - - :.: - put 5. The

lehind z:y.~ilized 1: 1: 1s sure - - :rlbs :-.E; are r::.sss, .....- - ::xed -----=-= may TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

Ronald W. Davis

During a reconnaissance of the Kru Coast of Liberia in the summer of 1967 this author learned of several attempts by local individuals to preserve oral traditions through written records. Two of the most interesting examples are short manuscripts from Sasstown dealing with the founding and early history of the settlement. Despite the unregulated conditions under which they were recorded, they are surprisingly accurate sketches of the migra- tions and settlements of the Jlao, the principal ethnic group now inhabiting sasstown.* They indicate that further research into the history of Sasstown and other Kru Coast communities may show an unexpected retention of oral traditions, and that despite the apparent lack of a group specifically assign- ed the preservation of oral traditions among the Kru, substantial reconstruc- tion of their history, at least over the last two centuries, still is possible.

The manuscripts produced herein were written some time before their examination by this author. The originals are in the possession of Mr. Stanley Perleman, a Peace Corps Volunteer in Sasstown. Manuscript 4 is thework of one Patrick Satia, a clerk in the Sasstown municipal admin- istration. In his forties, Satia made a conscious attempt to retrieve tradi- tions from some of the Jlao elders. Perleman's copy was written in 1966, and this author copied it in the summer of 1967.

Manuscript was written by Alphonsus Sidewa Doh, formerly a student at the Roman Catholic junior high school in Sasstown and studying since 1967 at the mission's senior high school in Harper. Mr. Perleman solicited this piece out of a curiosity about the knowledge of early Jlao history among his pupils. In 1967 Doh was in his early twenties.

Many names and places mentioned in the manuscripts are still of unknown nature, but the greater parts of both pieces are significant not only for revelations of Jlao history, but also for corroboration of oral testi- mony in neighboring towns. The material seems substantially authentic when subjected to evidence from fragmentary European accounts of the Kru Coast.

1. The author is indebted to the African Studies Program of Western Michigan University for a faculty study grant in support of this field survey. * See map on page 53.

Liberian Studies Journal, I, 1 (1968) TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

The terms "Pahn" and "Bobojreh" appear in the traditions of many Kru and Grebo towns in reference to the place of origin of the inhabitants. =.--. e Pahn is the more general of the two terms, denoting a region, while Bobojreh very probably refers to a particular mountain in the Liberian r=...p les interior. Informants in Grand Cess, a town about twenty-five miles down the coast from Sasstown, say that Pahn lies somewhere in the mount- ainous region of southeastern Liberia, and supposedly is the country from which the peoples of Sasstown, Grand Cess , Garawe and many other coastal towns all once lived together, only to fall to quarrelling and go their separate ways.' Informants usually described the distance to Pahn in terms of the number of days required to walk there, but on one occasion it was suggested that the region lies near Tchien, almost due north of I Grand Cess .

Many towns in the area of the Putu Mountains, located some seventy to eighty miles north of Grand Cess , are inhabited at present by peoples who identify themselves as P~z.~Many other groups throughout southern Liberia call themselves Sapahn, id Pahn or Mali Pahn. 5

Manuscript B implies that Pahn and Bobojreh are two entirely separate entities, on opposite sides of the Cavalla River. Most other sources, I however, imply that Bobo$ehis to be found within Pahn, and with the I exception of Manuscript B, which identifies the place with a town, the usual identification is with a mountain. The Jlao may indeed have crossed the Cavalla River, however, en route to their ultimate destination of i Sasstown, for independent evidence suggest a possible migration of G&& peoples, one of the three major subdivisions of peoples speaking Kru languages, across the Cavalla in the area north of the Putu Mountains,

2. The implication is that these peoples all once occupied the same general territory, and that various pressures, perhaps resulting from population growth and agricultural innovations, may have caused them to expand from this central area. The particular agricultural innovation may have been rice cultivation, a practice introduced in the interior of southern Liberia only very recently: see Warren d'Azevedo, "Some Historical Problems

in the Delineation of a Central West Atlantic Region, " Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, XCVI (1 9 62) , 5 12 -5 3 8. 3. Tchien is the popular name for Zwedru, the administrative center of Grand Gedeh County, one of the interior counties created in 1964. Both the town and the county may still be referred to on occasion as Tchien. 4. Bohumil Holas, Mission dans 1'Est libgrien (Dakar, 1952), 102-121. 5 . George Schwab, Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland (Cambridge, 1947), 28. 44 RONALD W . DAVIS

around the beginning of the eighteenth century. 6

A mountainous location for Pahn fits in well with the suspected nature of Bobojreh. "Bobo" is a word for mountain in Krawi, one of the Kru lang- uages spoken on the coast, and the suffix "-jreh" appears to be a variant of the same root from which the name "Gedeh" in Grand Gedeh County is drawn, thus probably referring again to the Tchien region. Holas has identified Bobojreh as a mountain in the Putu range, which he designated Mt . ~iete/.7

Mt. ~iet6,or Mt. Gedeh--as it is usually called--is relatively well known on the coast. T .C . Brownell, a native missionary, went to Mt . Gedeh in 1869 to evangelize the peoples in the area, and spent consider- able time and energy attempting to convince the local inhabitants that the mountain need not be regarded as a lair for demons and ancestral spirits. He appears to have failed, for when the French expedition led by Captain Hostains dlOllone passed through the area in 1903 the people around Mt. Gedeh, refused to allow the members to climb Mt . Gedeh, perhaps recalling the disregard manifested by Mr. Brownell for traditional religion. 9

A shuttle plane operated by the Roman Catholic Society of African Missions from Harper and Grand Cess to Tchien passes over the Putu Range, using Mt. Gedeh as a means of dead reckoning in an area where navigational aids are almost non-existent. A flight over Mt. Gedeh by the author and Rev. Y. Clark Yates in the summer of 1967 found the area obscurred by clouds, but some years ago Father Yates and Rev. Martin J. Bane reported the following upon flying over Mt. Gedeh:" We were looking down on what seemed to be a deserted village, situated right on the piccacle of the mountain . . . We were flying over the 'Village of the Dead' . . . Here, the Kroo people believe, lie the spirits of their dead. " lo

6. Yves Person, "Les Kissi et leurs statuettes de pierre dans le cadre de l'histoire ouest-africaine, " Bull. IFAN, XXIII B (1961), 54. The three generally recognized subgroups of Kru languages are Bakwe', Bet& and GerB. The peoples on the Kru Coast, whose language generally is simple called Kru, actually speak several dialects, all of which are part of the Bakwe' subgroup of the Kru language family. Kru languages are spoken over a wide area of southern Liberia and the southwestern Ivory Coast. On their distri- bution see M. de Lavergne de Tressan, Inventaire linquistique de 1'Afrique Occidentale Francaise et de Togo (Dakar, 1953), 133-143 and appended map No. 7. 7. Holas, Mission, 56. 8. See African Repository, XLV (1869), 154, 312. 9. Hostains d'ollone , "CBte dlIvoire et Liberia: variations cartograph- iques relatives ces contrdes et ktat actuel de nos connaissances, " Annales de Gkographie, XI1 (1903) , 130- 144. 10. Rev. Martin J, Bane, Heroes of the Hinterland (New York, 1959), 68. TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

Mt. Gedeh has been known since the nineteenth century as a source of iron ore for local smelters. An iron smeltin industry of unknown antiquity has been observed in the Putu Mountains. lq This iron source may have been important in some way in the movements of peoples toward the coast.

The Kplepo people, who inhabit towns in the Barclayville Independent Chiefdom behind Grand Cess and its northern neighbor, Picaninny Cess , also trace their origin to Pahn. l2 The manuscripts suggest that the Jlao emigrated from Pahn some time after the Kplepo, since the Jlao apparently found them established on the lands they now occupy. The appeal to the Kplepo for food, and the consequent naming of the Jlao as beggars, is of interest with regard to the means of subsistence practiced by the Jlao upon their arrival on the coast. Another bit of traditional material suggests that the Jlao preferred hiring themselves out to European ships plying the coast and working in various West African ports, practices for which the coastal Liberian peo~leshave long been famous, rather than devoting their energies to farming. A serious division of interests may have resulted, as recorded in the tradition that two men who wished to reform the Jlao and emphasize farming were driven out of the settlement. l3

While the Jlao probably arrived on the coast after the Kplepo migrations, the Jlao would seem to antedate the Siglio migration, with which most of the present inhabitants of Grand Cess identify. Manuscript B claims the Jlao inhabited the Grand Cess site before the Siglio. Lists of krogba14 compiled

11. Willi 0. Schulze, 'Early Iron Industry in the Putu Range in Liberia, " 1 University of Liberia Journal, IV (1964). 29-35 . 12. The Barclayville Independent Chiefdom is a Liberian administrative ~ unit, containing a congeries of peoples resulting from arbitrary grouping of settlements into a single administrative area. The name of the Chiefdom stems from the creation of a new town in the 1930's under the authority of csdre President Edwin Barclay, designed to incorporate into a single settlement representatives of several mutually hostile elements. This settlement is now known as Barclayville Government Town, and other settlements in the Barclayville Chiefdom alternate in sending resident paramount chiefs to the town: see Holas , Mission 79. 13. Esu Biyi, 'The Kru and Related Peoples, ' Journal of the African Society, XXIX (1929-1930), 183-184. 14 . A krogba or "father of the town, ' is normally selected by consensus among the town elders. In most Kru settlements, once selected the krogba rules for life, although he is now called a paramount chief and may be removed by the Liberian government. There are no official restrictions on who may 1 become krogba in a given village--any clan may provide a candidate. In ! Sasstown, however, only about half the clans produced krogba--each, several such rulers--while the other half did not. Also, krogba in Sasstown were i ritually murdered every seven years--probably lunar--before the imposition of Liberian authority, so far as is known a practice peculix to Sasstown. This potential historical gem, which might have been used to determine the age of the settlement from the length of the krogba list, is sullied by the irregular length of the interregna between krogba. 4 6 RONALD W. DAVIS in Grand Cess seem to indicate an arrival date for the Siglio around 1800. The term "Grand Cess ' in European sources appears at least two centuries before this date. Pieter de Marees (1602) lists a Granchetre among the towns to be found on the Malaguette Coast. l5 Villault (1670) included a Grand-Sester and Dapper (1686) a Grand Setter. l6 Barbot (1732) called the place Grand Sestro. 17

Manuscript B tells of an old man named Sieklay left by the Jlao when they abandoned the Grand Cess site, and there is a temptation to ascribe to Sieklay the origin of the name "Siglio" .18 Siglio traditions, however, say that the Grand Cess site was occupied when the Sigl~oarrived not by the Jlao, but by the Wedabo people, who now inhabit several towns on the southern flank of Grand Cess. If a Wedabo occupation of Grand Cess occurred between the Jlao and Siglio occupations, the period of Jlao occupation must be placed well back in the eighteenth century in order to allow time for the Wedabo period before the Siglio arrival around 1900.

15. Pieter de Marees, "A Description and Historical Declaration of the Golden Kingdom of Guinea, Otherwise Called the Golden Coast of Myna, (16021, " in Samuel Purchas, --Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow, 1905), VI, 253. The term "Malaguetta Coast" is an older term referring to approximately the same length of coast as is now known as the Kru Coast. The term derives from trade in malaguetta pepper on this coast, the most important trade item in the area in the late fifteenth and early six- teenth centuries. Grand Cess is a term of uncertain origin. Many writers feel that the term "cess.' is derived from a Portuguese word cesto, meaning "basket". Harry H. Johnston, Liberia (London, 1906) , I, 50-5 1, traces the origin of Grand Cess to a Portuguese term (sestro) meaning "suspicious ', or "sinister'. Maurice Delafosse, "La ~6~ubli~uede ~ib&ria, " Renseigne- ments Coloniaux (December, 1900), 165, offers the likely explanation that the term derives from the Portuguese sextos or the Spanish cestos , two words for malaguetta pepper. 16. Nicolas Villault de Bellefond, Relation des c$tes dlAfrique appele/es ~uine/e (London, i670), 77-87; Olfert Dapper, Description de llAfrique (Amsterdam, 1686), 275. 17. John A. Barbot , A Description of the Coasts of North and Ssh Guinea, and of Ethiopia Inferior, vulgarly Angola (London, 1732), 98. 18. David Dalby and P .E .H . Hair, "Le langaige de Guynee: A Sixteenth Century Vocabulary from the Pepper Coast, " African Language Studies: V (1964), 190 n. 5; and P .E .H. Hair, 'Ethnolinguistic Continuity on the Guinea Coast, " Journal of African History, VIII (1967) . 257 n. 35, suggest that Siglipo may be identified with the term "Zeguebo" found in the coastal account of 1506 by Duarte Pachecho Pereira. Aside from the fact that Pachecho's Zeguebo are located considerably farther north than Siglipo, oral traditions would indicate that Siglipo is not nearly old enough to be identified with Zeguebo: see G. H .T . Kimble , ed. , Esmeraldo du Situ Orbis of Duarte Pachecho Pereira (London, 1937), 109. TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

The manuscripts are typical of Kru traditions in that they describe migratory movements through a succession of town names--most of them not yet identifiable-rather than through the use of specific directions. The first step taken by the Jlao after the abandonment of Grand Cess is fairly clear. The river Norbwa (in B) is unquestionably the Grand Cess River, and farmlands on the north bank of the river have long been a source of friction between Grand Cess and Picaninny Cess, the latter town having a long record of warfare with the Jlao. The first town built after the Jlao left Grand Cess was Tobo (B) , located in this desputed area.

Siglio traditions also indicate settlements of this group on the north bank of the Norbwa prior to their establishment at the modern site of 1 Grand Cess on the south bank at the mouth of the river. H. Scudder Mekeel recorded traditions from a Siglio man in the United States which placed the earliest Siglio settlement of Pisiyo Sigli on the north bank, and a later settlement called Kankiye on a site now submerged by the river. l9 It is not yet clear to what settlement the beginning of the krogba lists--and therefore the arrival date of c.1800--refer, but the most reason- able conclusion at this stage is that the date refers to the founding of the

modern Siglio settlement at Grand Cess, known as Siglipo. This would I allow ample time in the late eighteenth century for Wedabo occupation of I the site on the south bank of the river, while both the Siglio and Jlao settled on the north bank, the Jlao eventually moving farther north and the Siglio crossing the river to drive out the Wedabo around 1800. During this period of joint occupation of the north bank Jlao and Siglio traditiozs may have intermingled a great deal--if they had not already as part of the same migratory movements--evidence of which is still obvious in the traditions of both groups. i

The Jlao after abandoning Tobo, apparently turned inland once again, arriving eventually at the Sasstown site after a series of settlements in the interior. A much more direct route to the Sasstown site along the coast probably was blocked by several groups. The Gbeta peoples of Picaninny Cess claim that upon their arrival at the Picaninny Cess site--apparently in the first third of the nineteenth century--no less than eight other settle- ments existed in the farmland area between Picaninny Cess and the Grand Cess River. The Gbeta had to fight many of these towns before settling at Picaninny Cess, which, like Grand Cess, appears to have had earlier inhabitants. 20

19. H. Scudder Mekeel, "Social Administration of the Kru: A Preliminary Survey," Africa, X (1937), 75-76. r count 20. Mekeel, "Social Administration, " 76n ., mentions that the Siglio - - once established a frontier outpost of sorts for defense against a people ..> called Wayglano. The backleaf map of Vol. I of Charles Hemy Huberich, The Political and Leqislative History of Liberia (New York, 1947) , consisting of information gathered by American Colonization Society agents around the middle of the nineteenth century, shows an entity called Wayahquo in the place occupied today by Picaninny Cess . 4 8 RONALD W. DAVIS

The Jlao may have had difficulty in gaining access to the coast because of these coastal settlements. We are told in B that the Jlao finally appealed to their god Kujrople to name a leader who could guide them to the coast. A Jlao informant located the oracle of Kujrople in the interior, perhaps identi- cal with the Bobojreh area.

The matter of leadership of the Jlao at this time is somewhat confused. Both manuscripts mention one Boi Tobo, but A places him in the context of a much earlier migration from Pahn, while B describes him as a warrior commanding the Jlao in war against the Gbeta of Picaninny Cess, which, according to Gbeta traditions, could not have occurred before the nineteenth century. Boi Tobo thus appears to be a legendary figure. The more likely candidate for selection by Kujrople as leader of the Jlao in their movement to Sasstown is Bribo Wreh, mentioned only in B but included in the Jlaokrog- -ba lists.

A total of fifteen krogba ruled in Sasstown--or at least over the Jlao on their way to Sasstown--before about 19 10, when the Liberian government substiruted a paramount chief for the office. Beginning with the earliest krogba Bribo Wreh was the ninth to rule the Jlao.

The first settlement of the Sasstown site was Filohkri, or Old Sasstown. Jlao informants commonly date the founding of Filohkri to the 18301s, although without any substantiation.

Sasstown unquestionably is a relatively recent addition to the Liberian coastal settlements. The combined intelligence of the American Coloniza- tion Society as late as 1845 indicates an ignorance of the town's existence, or possibly its founding at a still later date.2 Huberich includes a map of the coast constructed from A.C.S. agent reports at this time which is blank in the area now occupied by asst town.^^ Although Sasstown may have been mentioned in a British dispatch of 183 1, no positive reference to the town appears until 1865, when a missionary reported that a new tribe had fought its way to the coast and settled at a place called 'Sassy Town'. 23

2 1. There seems to be a time lag, normally a decade or two, between the actual appearance or disappearance of an entity and its recording in documents. Sasstown may have been established well before 1845 and still not have received notice until a later date. Similarly, a number of towns destroyed during fighting in 193 1 survive on maps of more recent vintage. 22. Backleaf map in Huberich, Political and Legislative History, I. 23. A British note of 1831 blames "men of Sasdruin" for an attack on a British ship: Alexander Gordon, Captain, H. M .S . Atholl, to Commodore Hayes, 5 January 183 1, P .R. O., Adm. 1/1. The description and approximate location of "Sasdruin" leaves open the possiblity that it may be either Sasstown or Sanguin. On "Sassy Town" see African Repository, XLI (1865), 98. TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

According to the manuscripts the Sasstown site had earlier inhabitants which the Jlao fought on several occasions. Manuscript deals at length with an entity called Dieo. Early European accounts list in the sequence of towns in the place where Sasstown now appears a settlement of similar name. Dapper lists Drowyn, Barbot has Droe, and Golberry writes ~rou.24

The Jlao apparently drove Dieo to the north, across the river Dioh which separates Sasstown farmlands from those of its northern neighbor ~etu.~5 Dieo may have continued in some form after surrendering the Sasstown site to the Jlao. During coastal fighting in 193 1 a group of people known as Dio was driven deep into the Liberian interior, from which they appear to have never returned to the coast.

Another group which the Jlao may have found in the Sasstown area is called Tueo in& and TwZo in&. The latter manuscript places them on I Kala Island, one of several small islands lying within a quarter of a mile of the coast near Sasstown. The manuscripts indicate this group was driven away from the Sasstown site, but there is a further possiblity that the Jlao absorbed the TwSo group. I

Siglio traditions credit a Grand Cess clan called Tuaon with the discovery of the ocean. The Tuaon supposedly were hunters, and one of their number found the sea with the aid of a monkey, spared by the Tuaon hunter in return for a promise from the monkey to show the hunter marly "miracles. " The hunter took sand and salt water back to his family, whereupon all the Tuaon determined to leave their homes under cover of darkness in order to assure themselves of the best farm lands in a new settlement on the coast. 2 7

24. Dapper, Description dellAfrique , 275; Barbot, Description of the Coasts, 13 7, Sylvestre X. M . Golberry , Travels in Africa; Performed during the Years 1785, 1786, and 1787 in the Western Countries of this Continent (London, 1803), I, 38. 25. The Droh River, also called the Droo River, may be connected with the place names of Dapper, Barbot and Golberry. Europeans commonly used i rivers as bases of place names, such as Rio Sestos, Sanguin, Sino, etc.

. 2 6. See League of Nations, Request for Assistance Submitted by the ~ -.-. Liberian Government, Mission of Dr. M .D . Mackenzie to the fiu Coast, i 2 still July, 1932 [C. 622. M. 319. 1932. VTI] (1932. VII lo), 14 pp. 27. Tuaon still maintains the office of klokon in Grand Cess, the holder of which has the final voice in land disputes among the Siglio. 5 0 RONALD W. DAVIS

The Tuaon of Siglio traditions may be related in some way to the TwSo or Tueo in the J!ao manuscripts. In both cases the terms may refer to older settlers on the coast incorporated into the Jlao and Siglio settlements. Even among Grebo peoples Schwab describes motifs of origin and founding of towns involving the aid of a monkey, and adds that the first settlers at the mouth of the Cavalla River--now the boundary between Liberia and the Ivory Coast--are known in Grebo traditions as ~uamo.

Shortly after settling at Sasstown, the Jlao encountered the Gbeta, moving down the coast to their ultimate settlement at Picaninny Cess. Relations with the Gbeta constitute the dominant theme in Jlao traditions since settling at Sasstown. The manuscripts are quite thin on this matter, -A omitting the Gbeta entirely and B offering only a brief mention of them in the final paragraph.

The immediate Gbeta movement affecting the Jlao apparently stemmed from disputes between the Gbeta and the inhabitants of Betu. The sequence of events suggested in B would have placed a burden on the Betu region inasmuch as the people of Dieo were driven into the Betu region by the Jlac. The nearest Gbeta town to Picaninny Cess at this time, according to Gbeta tradition, was Niegbi, which Gbeta informants place in the Nana Kru area.

At first the Jlao welcomed the Gbeta immigrants, rationalized in B through the marriage of a Gbeta woman to the warrior Boi Tobo. 29 For unknown reasons these good relations disintegrated and the Jlao drove the Gbeta still farther south. The likelihood that the Gbeta settlement at Picaninny Cess is very recent--perhaps dating to the early part of the second third of the nineteenth century--is borne out by still smoldering land disputes with its neighbors.

The crux of the Jlao-Gbeta disputes is the settlement at Sobobo (Sobogbo in g) , situated on a small promontory only two miles south of the main Sasstown settlements and well to the north of the main Gbeta settlement at Picaninny Cess. Gbeta traditions claim the Jlao donated this spot for the Gbeta to settle, but in fact it has been a source of protracted contention.

28. Schwab, Tribes of the Liberian Hinterland, 2 6-2 7. 29. Nearly all Kru towns investigated thus far trace origins and founding traditions to special marriages and liaisons. In Picaninny Cess, for example, a polygynous family once had sons which admired each other's mothers, resulting in a serious split in the original Gbeta community. TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST 5 1

- - . .-.',-3O : ~ider Sobobo appears to have changed hands several times since about 1850, r . 3en alternating between Jlao and Gbeta control. Gbeta traditions imply it was -.,- - 3f settled twice by this group. The first Gbeta settlement at the Sobobo site z: rhe was called Se~bwe,and from this settlement the greatest military figure .=, - .-~ory of the Gbeta, Sie Nrna Teke, led his forces against what the Gbeta describe as periodic invasions by the Jlao. After defeating the Jlao, Sie Nma Teke took his people to Picanigby Cess, from which settlement another Gbeta group later reoccupied Sobobo.

The last Jlao occupation of Sobobo may have been early in the twentieth century. Two Jlao men, returnees from work in Dahomey and Nigeria, who tried to reform the Jlao and emphasize agriculture, were driven to a spot called Soropo for their temerity. Only after the disappearance of German traders du ing World War I did the Jlao beg their return to assist in improving farming .3i The description and distance from Filohkri given for Soropo in the traditions strongly suggests it may be identical with Sobobo. - - :E Jlac. Several additional examples of written records done by local individuals -.,=eta are to be found. The matter of Sobobo, as well as the wider issue of Jlao- Gbeta relations, prompted the formation in Sasstown in the mid-1950's of a group called the Jlao History Research Committee. The purpose of this organization was to gather evidence to refute statements made about Jlao- Gbeta relations in the summer of 1955 by one Jacob Nma, Liberian politician, amateur ethnographer and Gbeta native. Nma, using the vehicle of the Monrovia Daily Listener, wrote a series of articles sympathetic to the Gbeta j and critical of the ~lao.~~The Jlao History Research Committee produced a I I sixteen-page, mimeographed rebuttal in December, 1955, in which Nrna was I bitterly denounced as a "quarter-full-barrel-amateur-writer. " i

Such a dialogue as occurred between Nrna and the Jlao apologists is of considerable value in reconstructing the history of the Kru Coast. Not only do both parties produce traditions, but the names of krogba appear as well, making the Jlao manuscript a source of corroboration of events in other towns. Both parties refer to Liberian Government documents, and, despite the stunted language, the manuscript is a most valuable source of information.

30. See sketch of the life of Sie Nma Teke in, Stanley Davis, This is Liberia (New York, 1953) , 128- 132. 3 1. Biyi, "Kru and Related Peoples, " 183- 184. 32 . Jacob Nrna in 1957 was living in Grand Cess , representing the Kru Coast Territory in the Liberian House of Representatives. He has collected traditions from a number of Kru towns and encouraged students at the Univer- sity of Liberia to emulate him. Excerpts from some of his work rguch of which was published in various forms by the defunct College of ',"rest Africa Press in Monrovia and is difficult to locate, appear in Davis, -is Liberia, 118- 132. His articles in the Daily Listener appeared regularly i-3m iO July to 10 August 1955. 5 2 RONALD W . DAVIS

Efforts to preserve oral traditions in written records are not confined to Sasstown. One informant in Grand Cess, when asked about the krogba in that town, produced a typewritten sheet containing the names of Siglipo krogba from the nineteenth century on.

These records indicate an active interest in history on the part of the Kru, a factor borne out by this author's interviews. There is an especially strong desire to vindicate one's town in past wars and disagreements, and in recent years the feat of presenting successfully the case of one's own town in land disputes brought before Liberian government officials has come to mean honor and respect, qualities not easily accrued in a part of West Africa where traditional male roles have largely broken down.

The discovery of additional attempts by the Kru to write their history should not be unexpected, and the high degree of historical consciousness present on the Kru Coast has already proved invaluable in beginning the reconstruction of the past in this part of Liberia.

5 4 RONALD W. DAVIS

Manuscript A: Patrick Satia.

Founding of Sasstown

Immigration

Boye Togbopo (Jlao) immigrated from Pahn. Crossing the high mountains and long journey, they were tried and passed to a neighbor tribe called Kplepo where they resided in a year while there they lack of food.

This caused them to have appealed to the Kplepo for food. Having seen their appeal to them for food, the Kplepo people were discouraged and refused to supply the immigrants food but gave them the name " Jlao" which means beggers which now bears the name of us today.

Jlao reached the Destination

Dieo was conquered. On the northern part of this territory there was a set of people called Dieo. This Dieo settlement was attacked by Jlao the immigration, and was removed to Dutukpo. In the following two years after the death of Sekaweh, on a hill called Sekawedro, encroachment of farm-lands, miserable conditions, and encumbrance of mind were in con- tinuance with Dieo: Dieo now removed to Dutukpo, on the crossed side of the river Droh.

Dutukpo War

Jlao, having noticed that their enemies were not far off from the area intendedto fight them again. They went to consult their god Kwi Jropleh for the third time. At this time Kwi Jropleh dissuaded them not to resist against Dieo, [end p. l] but had been told that a certain migration to do so. He meant " Jegbwea " now known as Bolloh. But Jlao did not pay attention to Jropleh the god but they made war against the Dieo on Putukpo; in this war Dieo drove Jlao and scattered them into the bush. They were coming to Jlao town not knowing that Dieo were in ambush. They got into the ambush and guns were blasting like thunder. A great number of Jlao were drowned in the River Droh. Among the Jlao that went to the war there was a great warrior named Wisseh. This man remained on Putukpo fighting Dieo after the rest had been disspelled. After he found that he was single to fight the enemies, he gave up and tried to come back to his people. But Dieo ran behind him. He jumped over River Droh at the surprise of Dieo. There- fore from that day he was called "Polepolu Wisseh, " because he was running like wind. He reached home triumphantly. From that day Jlao had never tried to fight Dieo anymore. That was the end of the Putukpo War. TWO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE KRU COAST

Tueo

One of the original tribes that Jlao had met to the place where Wessa is now situated was called m. Thls tribe was situated on the western part of Wessa Town, where Sloyen is situated today. Jlao did not fight this tribe very much as they did to Tolowon and Dieo. Only battle was resisted against them in which they removed their towns to the West where they are today. This tribe is generally known today as Jloh.

Manuscript- B: Alphonsus Sidewa Doh.

The people of Sasstown were originally the inhabitant of Pwan; the place now known as Grand Gedeh County. They left this place on account of revolution that has happened between them and the Upper Pwan. They came and accrossed the Cavalla River. Bobojreh was the first town they built. Living this town, Bobojreh, they still continued their journey to the sea Coast and came accrossed the people of Kpelaypoh Frenwrifnekll (Barclayville) where they stayed for some years. From there, they still proceeded under the leadership of Boi Tobo, who located the very first town on the sea Coast, the spot where the Grand Cess are residing today. The Sasstownian were the first settlers of the place now known as Grand Cess. Leader Boi Tobo and his warriors alleges that the mighty river (sea) full of noise hence moved from this town and [end p. I] left one weak old man in the town by the name Sieklay. They then accrossed the River Norbwa and built a town called Tobo. This spot is the farmland between Grand Cess and Piccinicess and farmland for which the parties used to fought a war and killed one another from the long years hertherto. The Sasstownian also

3 Erea gave up the place and took the interior word and found a town called Siklo crleh and still persuing their way to the sea coast. Accrossed the Nonoh, they -:::st - built a town called Japlo. From this town, they built another town called :c 20 SO. Martooklobnva. They sent to consult Kujrople (the devil) who name one ..--..L' z..L1on man Kie Wroh Napla to be their chief who will surely land them to the sea - _.- Ais coast. After the death of Kie Wroh Napla, Bribo Wreh [end p. 21 removed ,--- lng to them to Wrea Jrowin. From this place, they built another town called ~zbush Tulrunklobwa and then to Kpeah. From there, they built a town called Filoh. r :;A,-ned The Piccinicess people met the Sasstownian in the town callec! Tobo. The -- Sasstownian gave this people a land to build their houses. Because a woman .. eat 1 sfter from the same tribe married to leader Boi Tobo, who was called Tarkar Niwro. '.;:?t Therefore the Sasstownian gave them a place called Sobogbo where they 2x0 stayed now. [end p. 31 . -_nere- 3 zs running Then the TwZo who lived at Kala Island fought Sasstownians and they ---D won. Then they fought again. This time the Sasstownians won and drove ..:- . -r tried the TwSo people away toward Sinoe. Now after the Sasstownians drove the TwZo away the Pignic Cess people who were previously driven away by the TwSo came back. The Sasstownians led by a warrior (Boi Tobo), when asked to divide the land. The Sasstownians said no and gave them the land which is now Pigni-Cess (18401s?). There was peace now until 1897 when the Bolloh War occurred. AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES

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Subscriptions and Correspondence to AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 10 Lenox Street, Brookline, Mass. 02 146 A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 1827l

George E . Brooks, Jr .

The account of Liberia which follows was written in January and February 182 7 by Dr. Augustus Alvey Adee, acting surgeon on the U. S. Schooner --Shark. A descendent of a prominent Westchester, New York family, Dr. Adee (1802-1844) later rose to the position of fleet surgeon of the United States Navy. From passing comments in the journal it appears that it was kept principally for the edification of the author's brother.'

The Shark's brief visit to Liberia was one of many short, and for the most part, ineffectual, patrols made in West African waters by vessels of the United States Navy for the purpose of preventing American citizens from participating in the slave trade and the American flag from being used as a cover by foreign slavers . The Navy's few vessels and slim resources precluded any systematic or sustained coverage of the African coast, and its mission was rendered immensely difficult by Congress' adamant refusal to ratify international treaties d-esigned to coordinate efforts to suppress the slave trade. American warships were strictly forbidden to intercept suspected vessels sailing under foreign flags, and, for want of enabling legislation, the condemnation of a slaver was in practice impossible unless slaves were actually on board at the time of its seizure. Slavers evaded capture by American, British and French cruisers by the ready expedient of carrying false papers and flags, foremost among them being the Stars and Stripes. The dilemmas and frustrations imposed on American naval officers engaged in combatting the slave trade are well illustrated in Addee's account of the Shark's encounters with a French slaver operating on the coast of Liberia.

In the face of such disabilities the United States Navy conserved its resources and limited its operations to brief cruises to "show the flag".

1. Dr. Adee entitled his manuscript "Journal kept on board the U .S . Schooner Shark during a cruise on the west coast of Africa & West Indies in the years 182 6 & 7. " I am indebted to the Newport, Rhode Island, Historical Society, Gladys E. Bolhouse, Curator of Manuscripts, for permission to publish the account. I wish also to thank Donald R. Wright for assistance in preparing the manuscript for publication. 2. Dr. Adee had five children by his marriage to Amelia Kinnaird Graham. Alvey Augustus Adee (1842 - 1924), the youngest child, had a distinguished diplomatic career, serving as second assistant Secretary of State for thirty- six years, in addition to being a noted Shakespearean scholar.

--Liberlan Studies Journal, I, 1 (1968) 57 GEORGE E. BROOKS, JR.

Unquestionably, the Navy's most notable accomplishment in the 1820's was the role it played in supporting the colony of Liberia. Lieutenant Robert Stockton and the United States Schooner Aligator played a prominent part in influencing King Peter to cede land for the initial settlement. In succeeding years American men-of-war aided the colony during critical periods in its relations with neighboring African peoples. The Navy also played a significant role in fostering the growth of the colony, since slaves freed h-om captured slave vessels--some six thousand between 1822 and 1865--were landed in Liberia. Grants made by the United States government for their initial support and maintenance were a significant addition to the often over-extended resources of the American Colonization society.

The Shark's visit to Liberia in January 1827 was prompted by an out- break of piratical activity on the coast of West Africa. This was occasioned by naval skirmishing attending the wars of independence in Latin America. The wars spawned a flock of privateers, many commanded by American adventurers, which cruised West African waters in search of Spanish vessels. Some of the vessels on both sides turned to brigandage, and American vessels were among those plundered.

The Shark sailed from Norfolk, Virginia, under the command of Lieutenant Otho Norris at the end of November 1826 and arrived at Monrovia on January 12, 1827, after a passage of forty-five days. It left a month later to the day, leaving one man dead of yellow fever, several sailors infected with malaria, and the remainder of the crew in an understandably apprehensive state of mind.

Dr. Adee's account of his stay at Monrovia is well written and quite detailed. It is manifest that he was of an inquiring mind and took pains to ask questions of informed persons to supplement his own observations. In his capacity as ship's doctor he was relieved from the shipboard routine of his fellow officers and able to exercise his adventurous bent for visiting ashore and exploring the country. Dr. Adee's comments and judgements on what he observed are on the whole balanced and positive in outlook. He invariably identifies individuals in his narrative by color, but he does not separate them--or himself--at the dining table or social gatherings. The descriptions of the Ah-ican villages he visited are well depicted and contain much useful information. It is evident that he was rather ill at ease on occasion, and surprisingly for a doctor, a trifle squeamish.

3. For background on the United States Navy's activities in West Africa in this period see recent studies by Alan R. Booth, "The United States African Squadron, 1843-1861," in Boston University Papers in African History, I (Boston, 1964), 80-84, and Clarence Clendenen, Robert Collins and Peter Buignan, Americans in Africa 1865- 1900 (Stanford, 1966) 14-17. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 1827

The passages from Dr. Adee's journal which follow have been quoted in extenso with occasional editing and emendation for the sake of clarity. Entries recorded during the passage across the Atlantic and a list of the Shark's officers have been omitted. 0 January 12, 1827. Early this morning found ourselves with[irJ 8 or 10 miles of Cape Mount, on the coast of Africa; a remarkable high land about 50 miles to the north of:Cape] Mesurado. In the course of the morning three canoes came off to us manned with Kroo-men.4 They are natives who cruise along the coast in small canoes for the purpose of rendering assist- ance to vessels, shew them watering places, &c. Those men who visited us today were completely naked, ten in number, faces and bodies marked with various figures. Most of them spoke english but very imperfectly, having frequent intercourse with british men of war and the residents at Sierra Leone. Before coming over the vessel's side they bound a large fold of figured muslin around the loins to conceal part of their nakedness .5 Procured from one of the canoes three large fish (cavallos) weighing 45 lbs., for which was given in exchange leaf tobacco to the amount of 70 cts .

At 5 P.M. came to anchor at the distance of about three miles and a &:enant half from Cape Mesurado, on the north side, in 11 1/2 fathoms of water. There is nothing like a harbour. At our anchorage we are completely . s?uar y exposed to the sea and wind. From Cape Mount to Mesurado the coast is ; ::?e day, -..=laria, - low and level. At the two capes mentioned the land is high, Cape Mesurado On its summit is seen a small spot :s 3f is perhaps two hundred feet high. houses, with a high solitary tree betwee them. coming to anchor three canoes came,&-off - :::e :r:.s to 4. The Kru people of the coast of Liberia have long been renowned for .5. In their remarkable abilities as mariners. They were hired as auxiliary seamen Ire of -.--ng by European and American trading vessels and warships to relieve white 3:s on sailors from exposed and fatiguing tasks such as boat pulling and cargo 3e handling. See below, entry for January 18. s not 5. The most commonly reported tattoo was a blue stripe down the bridge The of the nose, earning the Kru the affectionate sobriquet of "Old Blue Nose '. The splendid physiques of the Kru were an unfailing source of admiration c zntain - and comment, as was their very sensible custom of keeping their cloths dry under their hats while they paddled out to a vessel. Kru seeking employment carried 'books', letters of recommendation from former employers, in small waterproof packets strung around their necks. 6. The cavalla is a species of mackerel. Barter was the usual means of obtaining provisions on the coast. Fish, fowls and fruits and vegetables of all sorts were available in profusion in return for a few leaves of tobacco or tots of rum, handkerchiefs, fishhooks, empty bottles and the like. 59 GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR . to us manned with Kroo-men, naked (excepting the napkin or fillet around the loins and a hat). They all spoke a little English.

January 13, 1827. This morning accompanied the captain and Mr. ~shmun~ on shore to visit Monrovia. We landed on a sand beach at the foot of the mount ( on the East side). The boat was drawn over the beach to Mesurado River, up which we proceeded a quarter of a mile to the settlement. The town, consisting of about 100 houses, is built on the west side and summit of Montserrado. The houses are frame, with shingle roofs, and have a neat and comfortable appearance. The first building I entered was a store owned by a negro from Baltimore who introduced himself to me as Mr. Fran- cis ~evany. He was exceedingiy polite E. well dressed. He introduced me to several citizens who were standing in front of his store. Mr. Johnson, Mrs. Prout, l1 &c. They gave me a welcome reception, & made many inquiries about the United States. Mr. Devany next carried me to the house of the Governor (Mr. Ashmun) . Here I remained until1 the afternoon, dined, and was made acquainted with most of the citizens. They told me they enjoyed excellent health, were perfectly contented, and had not the leas: desire to return to the United States. The situation of the town is certainly delightful, and I should say a very healthful one. A sufficient number of trees are left standing to afford a refreshing shade. There are two meeting houses, one Methodist & one Baptist, a court house, and a government house.

7. Reverend Jehudi Ashmun (1794-1828) served as colonial agent for the American Colonization Society from 1822 until failing health enforced his departure in 1828. For his activities in Liberia see Ralph Randolph Gurley, Life of Jehudi Ashmun, Late Colonial Agent in Liberia (Washington,l835). Gurley's account is largely based on Ashmun's correspondence (now lost) with the Colonization Society. 8. 'Mesurado' is derived from monte serrado, Portuguese for jagged or notched hill. 9. Francis Devany, originally a slave in Virginia and later a sail- maker in Philadelphia as a freedman, prospered in Liberia as the master of small coastal trading vessel. He became one of the colony's most affluent citizens . P .J. Staudenraus , The African Colonization Movement, 1816-1865 (New York, 1961), 154. 10. Elijah Johnson (1787?-1849) was one of the pioneers who attempted the unsuccessful settlement on Sherbro Island in 1820. He was the first Commissary of Stores, and distinguished himself as commander of the mil- itia. His son, Hilary R. Johnson, Africa-born, became president of Liberia in 1884. Nathan R. Richardson, Liberia's Past and Present (London, 1959' , 35; 47. 11. Mary Ann Prout, wife of physician Jacob W. Prout. Mrs. Prout (nee Mary Ann Preston) immigrated to Liberia from Maryland on the brig Oswego in May 1823, three years before her future husband. The date of their mar- riage is not recorded. U .S . Congress Senate Executive Document 150, "Roll of Emigrants.. . to the Colony of Liberia, " 28th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1844-45, 159; "Census of the Colony of Liberia - September 1843 &c," 326. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 1827 60

In the afternoon King ~eorgel~made his appearance in the town. He is about 5 feet high, dressed with a coloured cotton cap, and a large gown or frock with no sleeves. This king formerly occupied the spot on which r. hhmun7 Monrovia is built, and was a year or two ago the most inveterate enemy of -- -.- . 3f the the colonists. He induced several of the rsighboring petty kings to espouse : I.:esurado his cause against the white men, (as the American negroes are called here) ....-. The and actually made two attacks upon the town, but were repulsed and many ---.:..1 summit of them killed. Since then peace has been established and maintained. . .- -. . ..Z :e a This is the first king I have ever seen, and the sight would be an instruc- -- - := 2 store tive lesson to some of the European monarchs. George is said to be a . ,* : . . Fran- great orator, and carries all before him in the palavers. l3 ... - ,uced ....h r- . All the American negroes have a number of the natives attached to their 1:::. 1:::. & families, who act as servants and perform a 11 the drudgery. The streets _- =.- .... ied are full of these fellows, who walk about in their native costume-and native .-.-.::!1 the dignity-exhibiting the most perfect proportions of body and limbs. Most of re:.. They them are tall, and some wear a few yardsof cloth thrown over the shoulders 5x5 had in the manner of the Roman toga. Their bodies and faces are marked with 1 :f the town various figures according to the custom of their respective tribes. Around - -, :--~cient their necks, wrists and ankles they wear ornaments of different kinds, as -=-=- are leopards or tigers' teeth, rings of iron or brass, rams' horns, compositions 2nd a of clay &c. sewn in a small bag. These are looked upon by them as deities, or rather substances in which their Guardian spirits reside. l4 The natives are pagans, have no known mode of worship & believe in witchcraft. ,---+:.., for the rze5 his In almost every family of our colonists are one, two or more native ,..- - Curley, children who have been sent to (the)cape by their parents to "learn the x 1335). fashion of white man. " These children are sent from places two or three .:in;lost) hundred miles distant to receive an education. I saw one at the Governor's house who spoke English very well and was dressed in the European style. l5

12. King George was one of the signers of the treaty ceding Cape Mesurado in December 182 1, and the settlement was afterwards founded close to his town. In November 1822, he was one of the instigators of an unsuccessful war to dislodge the colonists and was forced to make peace. A. Doris Banks Henries, The Liberian Nation (New York, 1954), 23-29. ::r?mpted On page 24 is a reproduction of an early print depicting the settlement. . - .-.E 11rst 13. 'Palaver' from the Portuguese palavra (word, assurance), is coastal . . I I.-.? mil- pidgin for an assembly or discussion of any sort. :i Liberia 14. Such charms are often designated 'fetishes', from the Portuguese l-..,- -- 1959', feitico, or "magical". The wearer is believed to draw upon the immanent life force of the substances incorporated into horns, amulets, or other ?r3.~t(nee talismans. For an informed discussion of their use, see Geoffrey Parrinder , ; 3~wego West African Religion (London, 1949) , 12- 16, 17 ff. , and note 18 below. ---. ... =-r mar- 15. Both parties derive advantages from the system of 'apprenticeship', .: :so, and the institution continues to the present day. Dr. Adee should have . - I LESS., incorporated this information into the first part of the preceding paragraph. i:," 326. 6 1 GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR .

At sundown returned to the schoo er when we again got under way, and with Mr. Ashmun-Mr. Waring, lp and 4 kroomen on board proceeded down the coast to examine a slave vessel reported to be at Little Bassa.

lanuary 15, 1827. Came to anchor last night a few miles to the north of Little Bassa. This morning seeing nothing of the slave vessel again got under way and continued our course along the coast. Several canoes came off to us from Kroo-town, from one of which I obtained a few pounds of coffee in exchange for a string of beads.

Passed by several towns of the natives built near the beach and which were seen from the deck of our schooner, as Grand Bassa, Tabocannee, Young Sesters, &c. Off Trade-town again anchored within two miles of the slave vessel which we found here. knuary 16, 1827. This morning the cutter was dispatched to the slave vessel in which I was permitted to take passage with Mr. Ashmun and Lt. [David R.] Stewart. She proved to be the French Schr . Creole last from St. Barts . (W. I .) . Her object was evidently to purchase slaves, having water-casks stowed fore & aft, and no clearance for any port except St. Thomas' (W.I.), but being a French vessel we could not seize her.

From the Creole we proceeded to Trade-town. As we approached to shore, we saw that a landing thro' the surf was impracticable with our boat and made a signal to the natives who, armed, had collected on the beach. A canoe came off to us, in which we were paddled thro' the surf, and landed without being much wet. We were immediately surrounded by the natives, who all talking at the same time, nearly deafened us with their barbarous jargon. We walked to the village, and were introduced into a large assem- bly of natives who had been collected in front of a hut by order of the king to hold a palaverwith Mr. Ashmun. Mr. Ashmun stated to the king that his object was to enter into an amicable treaty with him, and open a trade between Trade-town and Mesurado. This was made with great willingness by King West. Not having any other materials the articles of the treaty were written on a piece of log-pa er, with a lead-pencil, by Mr. Ashmun, to which the King made his mark.e7 The discussion and ratification of this treaty occupied about two hours while sitting in the midst of this throng of Ethiopians who were disposed in the form of a semi-circle, I was tapped on the shoulder by one of them, who desired me to follow him, saying, that the women wished to see me. I accompanied him a few yards to the space

16. Reverend Colston M. Waring, a Baptist preacher who had brought his family from Virginia on the brig Oswego in May 1823. After an unsuc- cessful try at farming he formed a commercial partnership with a freedman in Petersburg , Virginia. Their business reportedly grossed $70,000 in 1830. "Roll of Emigrants, :' 159. Staudenraus , Colonization Movement , 115,154. 17. Trade Town had been destroyed in April 1826 by a joint expedition of colonists and two Colombian privateers. Gurley, Ashmun, 3 13-15. A .A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 182 7

formed between two huts where the ebony matrons and one or two misses had collected themselves. They received me laughing (and would have blushed if they could), extended their hands to me, which I politely shook , but not being able to talk to them, I could only stand and look at :Lt zorth of them. Their dress, if it can be called one, consisted of a single piece - --- =.-in got of cloth wrapped round the body just above the hips and extending to the - -- - =..3es came knees. Their bodies and faces were filthy, and their breasts exposed and :: -:ds of hanging loose and flabby (except those of the girls).

The palaver being ended, we took our leave, but just at this moment :I-. 5r.d which a party of warriors arrived who were decorated with many ornaments-beads, - --- .-,lr;nee, tigers' teeth, ivory horns-a bunch of feathers waving from their heads, and xies of all well armed either with muskets, or bows and arrows whose points were dipped in a most deadly poison. This body had just returned from an exped- ition in search of the enemy. It seems that a short time ago old King West :L_ slave being sick, appointed for his successor his son, young West. The brother -..- -. -. . and Lt . of the King (Joe West) claimed the preference, secretly poisoned the King, :zs: from and fled. He raised a large number of natives who espoused his cause, - - having - and not being able to succeed to the throne by the voice of the people has :.:.-=gt-..-" St. - -- declared war, and attempted to seize it by force. He now lives about 6 miles . distant, and makes occasional sallies upon his native town, in all of which he had been unsuccessfull. The son reigns. Young King West to whom I 5 -3ed to was introduced, and whose royal black fist I had the honour of shaking, :..-:I:-, our boat appears to be about 40 years of age, tall, and stout. : ::-.e beach. :i and landed I procured from one of the natives, who called himself a Doctor, one ::-.E natives, of his Gods, called a Gregory, l8 which he wore upon his head. When - = 5-barous he gave it to me he said with much solemnity that it would render me -2r;e assem- invulnerable when I "went to war". I also obtained an ivorywar horn, and :i the king three powder horns. ;:I:; ;:I:; that his t yrade We were reconducted thro' the surf in a canoe paddled by natives back to the boat, at the expense of being well wet, and returned on board the ?E Ireaty Schooner. Immediately, upon ourreturn, got under way, and proceeded to k. Ashmun, the north 6 or 8 miles to Young Sesters, where our colonists have a factory. =..:? of this is rrzong anuary 17, 1827. About 11 o'clock left the schooner in the cutter with : :,;t s tapped Lr Ashmun and Mr. ~orterl~to visit the factory. The boat was manned with - - --. . - -,Ing , that 4 Kroo-men who were two hours in pulling us ashore. Here also the surf : 1r.e space prevented our landing with the boat. We were, however, carried safe to the beach by 2 natives in a small canoe.

18. More commonly spelled 'gree-gree' or 'gris-gris' . For the use of such amulets see J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in West Akica (Oxford, 1959) 112-15. 19. Alexander F. Porter was Acting Sailing Master on the Shark.

-- -. 63 GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR.

.- =. The factory, which is merely a deposit for the ivory, rice and camwood - -. sck::: purchased by exchange from the natives, is square hut with a very steep his -: thatched roof. At this hut we met the superintendant, Mr. ~arner, a man of 60 years of age, from Baltimore, very tall. His partner Mr. James was absent. These two men have been residing here absent from their families 10 months.

Our object in coming ashore was to endeavour to settle the differences between King West of Trade Town and Joe West who has taken refuge with .-.-- _ his men about three miles from the factory, in the country of King Freeman. 22 kc:. :. A messenger was therefore sent to King Freeman, to inform him of our In'---L*. arrival. In the meanwhile I amused myself in talking with the men and women (fais- who had come from a small town near the beach to see us, eating fruit, &c. (The four lines following are crossed out in the manuscript and are illegible.)

At 3 o'clock we were called to dinner, which was prepared for us in the upper chamber of the factory. The floor was made of interwoven bamboo. The dinner was strictly an African one. Two large wooden bowls filled with boiled rice, palm oil, ochre (okra) and a piece of boiled Goat's flesh, which had been previously smoked, were set upon a chest. Being blessed with a tolerable appetite, I soon dug a hole in this unsavory pile with a wooden spoon. Just as our dinner was finished, we were told that King Freeman and Joe West had arrived. We therefore descended from the loft, and entered the assembly formed in front of the hut by the subjects of King Freeman & the followers of Joe West. Having shook hands with the two last, the palaver was commenced. After an hour's talk, nothing definite was con- cluded upon. Joe West denied in the most positive manner having poisoned the old King, claimed the right to the throne, and refused any terms of peace with his nephew except such as restored him to his rights. He finally agreed to suspend the war for the space of 10 days, in which time Mr. Ashmun hoped to be able to effect a permanent peace.23 After the palaver we returned to the boat followed by all the natives, who united in a war song and dance.

20. Jacob Warner came to the colony from Maryland with his wife and family on the Oswego in May 1823. He died of pleurisy in 1836. "Roll of Emigrants , " 15 9 . 2 1. Frederick James, originally from Philadelphia, was one of the pio- neers on the Elizabeth in 1820. As acting superintendant in 1822, he led the colonists from their temporary abode on Perseverance Island in the Mes- urado River to the settlement on the mainland. "Roll of Emigrants, " 153; Richardson, Past and Present, 2 6. 2 2 . King Freeman, Chief of the "Young Sesters country'. Gurley, Ashmun, 354. 2 3. The peace was short-lived. War soon broke out between Young Sesters and Trade Town, the former quickly winning a decisive victory. Ibid., 354-55. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 182 7

= zznwood Sent Tom Freeman,24 (one of the Kroo-men employed on board the =.,-- - steep sch[ooner] ) to Trade-town to inform King West of the truce agreed to by his uncle. 5:. '0 a man sxes 21 was January 18, 182 7. Tom returned, reporting that King West would make no L-

-. Got under way and proceeded along the coast towards Mesurado. .-_-=rences,---- ,z.--,,-1 with - At 2 P.M. spoke the British Ship Posthumous, sailed 23rd December g :reeman. 22 from London, bound to the river Sesters (about 40 miles south of us). 25 II 2.1 Informed us of the declaration of war between Spain, Portugal, and England EX and women (false report) g 5it. &c. . zr illegible .) This morning our schooner was surrounded by 15 canoes filled with natives on their way from Cape Palmas to Sierra Leone. In some of the :r 1s in the canoes were 8 or 10 men, in others only 3 or 4. The only provision they t cmboo . carry with them is a quanity of Cassada[cassavd root and palm nuts. <::led with frsh, which These men emigrate from their country and distribute themselves along the coast where they labour until1 they acquire sufficient property to enable 522 with them to live comfortably at home. They are found of the utmost service I t wooden -:zeman and on board of men-of-war, and merchant vessels, as they are generally hired to perform all the work where the health of the crew would be hazarded. We have 4 of these men on board the Shark, who are employed as oarsmen.

January 20, 1827. Spoke the Schooner Adonis off Junk River,from London, bound to Trade Town. No news. z-. xisoned --..: - of peace 1-.-.lly agreed January 2 1, 182 7. Again anchored in Mesurado Roads, in 9 1/2 fathoms water, and much nearer the land than before. Part of the town of Monrovia i: ?-run hoped ::---ned to can be seen from deck, as well as the native village on the island in Mesurado River.

;;:fa and 24. It was customary for British and American seamen to baptise Kru with English names, often amusing or topical nicknames, on the occasion 3L911 of their first taking service on a vessel. Kru often adopted for the name . . 'Freeman, ' since unlike many other West African peoples, they rejected : :r.e pio- slave holding or selling. See Norman R. Bennett and George E. Brooks, Jr., 1-.e led New England Merchants in Africa; A History through Documents, 1802 - 1865 ::he Mes- (Boston, 19651, 271 and passim. 153; 25. British vessels dominated the coastal or 'floating' trade along the shores of Liberia and the Ivory Coast for much of the nineteenth century, principally because they paid the highest prices for ivory. m. , 166. 26. The rumor was probably occasioned by news of the dispatch of a Bitish force to Lisbon to aid the supporters of constituti.ona1 government against the regent Dom Miguel and his party, which had received assistance from Spain. For details, see H.V. Livermore, A History of Powgal (Cambridge, England, 1947), 4 14- 16. Dr. Adee added " (false report) " subsequent to penning the original entry. GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR .

January 22, 1827. Went on shore this morning with Lt. [Thomas J.] Leib to pay a second visit to the colonists. Instead of proceeding the usual way to the town, we ascended the cape, and followed a rough rocky path thro' the thick forest, having for our guides three naked natives. We passed thro' an almost deserted village which was formerly occupied by the recap- tured Africans. 27 Our reception at Monrovia was a cordial one and, altho' black, the colonists treated us with a degree of Hospitality which the whites would do well to imitate. As soon as we entered the town, I was called upon to officiate in my character as physician. The colonists suffered severely with sickness upon their first arrival, and many of them, particularly the females, are still labouring under debility consequent upon Jntermittent and Remittent Fever. We visited Mr. Waring and his family, Mr. Devany and his family and dined with the Governor (Mr. Ashmun) . After dinner we were called upon to compose a Court of Inquiry to investi- gate a charge of Piracy which was brought against five white men who a short time since made their appearance at the Cape, representing themselves as shipwrecked seamen. They were supposed, from certain expressions which dropped from the lips of one of them, to have been concerned in the acts of piracy committed last July in Mesurado roads by a brig upon two vessels.28 I acted as Judge Advocate. Nothing relative to the piracy was proved.

Was represented by Mr. Waring with a piece of Camwood and an Elephant's tooth.

Invited to dine at Mr. Devany's on the 24th.

January 24, 1827. Paid a formal visit to the French brig of war, w, which came to an anchor in Mesurado roads yesterday morn[ing]. Unfort- unately, neither Lt. Stuart [or Stewart] or myself could speak French, nor su>d_the French officers speak English. Our intercourse was, therefore, thro' the medium of an interpreter whom we brought with us. I had met with the officers before at Havanna.

27. 'Thompson Town, ' named in honor of Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson, was built on high ground near the extremity of the Cape to settle Africans freed from slavers by the United States Navy. Recaptives were soon apprenticed or otherwise incorporated into Liberian society. Gurley, Ashmun, 336; Appendix, 48. 2 8. The brig of Portland, Maine, and the Baltimore Schooner Bona were plundered on July 27, 1826. Ashmun recorded in his journal: "Scarcely an American trading vessel has for the last twelve months been on this coast, as low as six deg . north, without suffering either insult or plunder, from these Spaniards. " w,320. It was in response to Ashmun's reports of acts of piracy in the neighborhood of the colony and his insistence of the need of a warship on the coast to protect American commerce that the Secretary of the Navy dispatched the Shark. Ibid., 32 1-335. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 1827 6 6

Leaving the Jenie, we proceeded directly on shore to dine with Mr. Devany, a coloured gentleman from Philadelphia. We were greatly astonished to find a large table richly furnished for 30 or more persons. :.I;- path The board groaned under ragouts, roast beef, muscovy ducks, chickens, goats' -.'.-e passed --- flesh, fish and with many other dishes which I knew not, that the country ... = recap- afforded. Porter, spirituous liquors, Madeira, were freely circulated. -.I,altho' . -- Paupau [pawpawf pies, African cherry tarts, pineapples, bananas, coffee . ..:e and segars, finished the repast. Mr. Devany presided with the utmost . was impudence, murdered good English, especially the word "promiscuous " , - - ._s; S which he used most promiscuously. Among the Guests were the captain zi - them, of the French brig, Captain Norris, Lt . Stewart, (Mr. Foulke, 29 Squire ~i-ltntupon Weaver, 30 Judge ~ohnson,3lCapt . arb our, 32 negroes) . fcmily, --. .. -2) . After the sumptuous dinner, Lt. Stewart and myself, with some of 17.-~esti- the citizens, called on Capt . Barbour at his house, where we were regaled :*.-5.0 a short with a bottle of sparkling Champaign. Returned on board at sunset. -1:_-.7es - as .c:s which January 25, 1827. Visited Monrovia again, alone & phlebotomized a f.: f.: acts of 2 8 coloured lady named ~heevers~~and called on several sick colonists. ;?I sels . ....- .=d. Dined with Mr. Waring .

29. John H. Folks immigrated to Liberia on the schooner Fidelity in June 1823. A cooper by trade, he died by drowning in 182 8. "Roll of Emigrants, " 160. 30. William L. Weaver, formerly a barber in Virginia, immigrated on - -- -_ __C, .. the ship Cyrus in February 1824. He rose to the rank of major and led the nfort- - colonial forces in the defeat of the Kru in the "Fish War" of 1838. "Roll .-.., nor of Emigrants, " 163; Richardson, Past and Present, 45-46. =.-- =.ore, - 3 1. Apparently Elijah Johnson, referred to in note 9 above. f rr.et with 32. W.G. Barbour came with his family in the ship Cyrus in February 1824. He was captain of the colonial militia in the assault on Trade Town in April 1826. "Roll of Emigrants, " 160; Gurley, Ashmun, 264; 3 13-15. 33. Sarah Chavers, wife of John Chavers , immigrated to Monrovia from Rhode Island on the brig Vine in February 1826. The blood-letting proved futile, for she died afterwards. "Roll of Emigrants, " 166. (There may be some confusion here, for the date of her death is listed as 182 6 .) For informative discussions of tropical diseases and nineteenth century cures see E. Richmond Ware, M .D. , "Health Hazards of the African Trader, " American Neptune, XXVII ( 1967), 81-97, and Philip D. Curtin, The Image of Africa (Madison, 1964), especially chapters Three, Seven and Fourteen. . - GE GRGE E . BROOKS, JR.

January 26, 1827. Left the schooner in company with Lt. Leib, walked over the cape thro' the deserted village to the town, called on several of the inhabitants, the Rev. Mr. Care 34 Capt. Barbour, Mr. Nelson (illegitimate son of Hugh Nelson, bur minister to Spain .) &c. Dined at the Governor's house with Mrs. Thompson, 36 Mrs. ~illiams:~6 Mr. Prout , all black.

January 2 7, 1827 . Weighed anchor this morning, and again stood dpwn the coast. At midnight came to anchor off Piccaninny Bassa.

January 28, 1827. Remained at anchor about 5 miles from the shore thro' the day. At 8 P . M . again got under way, and again came to an cap:-- anchor off Grand Bassa. Had no communication with either of the above natl-.-? places . o'clcc - duc:k r January 29, 1827. A sail having been reported from the masthead, we thrc: 1 again got under way, and made all sail in chase. The chase was continued nigh: thro' the day and at night being within gun shot, we fired at her. This not of tks being sufficient to bring her to, we fired again, and took such good aim chic-:- that the ball passed between her fore and main masts. She then hove to, more : and her captain with his papers came on board. She proved to be the of v;:-.: French schooner Creole, which we boarded on the 16th at Trade-town. CUrrf .. The officer who boarded us now avowed that his object was to procure slaves, that he had received his water and rice, his irons and boilers were ashore at Grand Bassa, and that he was now ready to receive his human stock.

34. Reverend Lott Cary (1780?-1828) , a Baptist missionary, was the representative of a Richmond, Virginia trading firm and a leading spokesman for the colonists. A man of outstanding ability, he was acting colonial agent at the time of his death. St audenraus , Colonization Movement, 92, 96-97, 154. 35. Ambassador Nelson was the son of the former governor of Virginia and had previously been a member of Congress and a vice-president of the Richmond and Manchester auxiliary of the American Colonization Society. Staudenraus , Colonization Movement, 107. 36. This may be either Eliza Thompson, who came from Virginia on the Hunter in 1825 and died of pleurisy twelve years later, or Martha Thompson, also from Virginia, who arrived on the Oswego in 1823 and died in 1842. The two women were approximately the same age. "Roll of Emigrants, " 165,159. 3 7. Mrs. Williams was a school mistress. Her husband A. D. Williams, who immigrated on the Oswego in May 1823, was made superintendant of Recaptive Africans in 1824. Gurley, Ashmun, 356, Appendix,47. 38. J.W. Prout was a physician who immigrated from Baltimore on the ship Indian Chief in March 1826. He also served as school master. IL. 356; "Roll of Emigrants, " 169. See note 10 above. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT.TO LIBERIA IN i827

January 30, 1827. This morning our little slaver was still in sight, and also the French Brig of war m,which had left Mesurado some days since in search of the Creole. At 9 they both hove to, and the Creole sent her boat on board the brig. Shortly after they both stood to the northward, the brig having to appearance made a prize of the schooner.

At night we came to anchor off Tabbecaninny.

February 2, 1827. On the evening of the 3 1st of JanY we anchored off .-- Grand Bassa near the mouth of St. John's River, and sent Tom Toby, the -..:- captain of our Kroomen, on shore to purchase fowls, and to request the x ove natives to come off to us the next morning with loaded canoes. By 6 o'clock the next morning, several canoes visited us filled with chickens, ducks, goats, parrots, pineapples, &c. We were surrounded by canoes ;.;e thro' the whole day, and the day was a most disagreeable one too. At cztinued night we were all complaining of headaches caused by the constant din ::-.:s not of the most inharmonious sounds made by the natives, the cackling of i aim chickens, screaming of monkies & parrots, &c. It was estimated that -.-2 to, more than one hundred chickens were eaten yesterday by t 9% crew, each ". -3 of which cost one head of Tobacco (value 1 1/2 cts .[sic] ) . - The ~ican h.7- . currency is as follows: - e 4 0 -F -= 5 heads of Tobacco is one bar = $1 I-.: S 12 large bowl pipes are one bar

1 Fathom of Cloth do 2s the :c.

I,-inia : si the 39. A trade 'head' of tobacco was reckoned at three leaves and a tyer. .---,ty. - D The given value of one and a half cents is obviously a mistake. Adee perhaps intended to write 11 1/2 cents, which would have meant that a :n the bar was calculated on approximately a one hundred per cent mark-up. See note 40 below. 40. The 'bar' was the unit of measurement on the Windward Coast. Originally the value equivalent to a standard bar of iron, the 'bar' evolved into a fictitious unit of account by which European goods could be measured against African exchanges in barter trade. The real value of a bar in terms of European goods varied according to time and place. For discussion, see Karl Polanyi, "Sortings and 'Ounce Trade' in the West Africa Slave Trade, " :: the Journal of African History, V. No. 3 (1964) , 38 1-393. .. IN. GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR .

[The paragraph following is crossed out in the manuscript .] A very unpleasant circumstance arose out of the traffic carried on yesterday between the officers and natives. Lieut. Leib engaged Tom Toby to procure him a war horn from the canoes. Mr. [James R.] Ward (CapthsClerk) employed another Kroo-man called Ben Tooley to do the same. A canoe came along side in which were seen two indifferent war horns.. . [pages 2 1 and 22 of the manuscript are missing.]

February 7, 1827. Yesterday morning at daylight Lt. Stewart & Mid[shipman Robert B.] Hitchcock with myself departed from the schooner in the cutter to visit the towns on the river St. Pauls. Entrance into the river is rendered difficult and sometimes impossible by the furious surf which breaks over a sand bar at its mouth. Near the river we took a Kroo-boy from a fishing canoe who piloted us in with safety. On the left bank of the river about a mile from its mouth,we landed at a native village consisting of 30 or 40 huts, called Mammy's Town. It is governed by a Queen, a fat, gross woman of about 50 years of age, whom we found in a hut rather larger than the others in the center of the town, with a child lashed to her back with a blanket. She was very silent, and shewed the utmost indifference towards us. At her house were three women, nearly white, two her daughters, and the whitest from Sierra Leone named Hannah, who was the mistress of Sir Charles ~c~arthy.~~After walking thro' the town and visiting the interior of most of the houses, and seeing nothing to interest us, we proceeded up the river. About a mile and a half from Mammy's Town, we landed at the American settle- ment, Caldwell, which is situated at the junction of the St. Pauls with the Stockton River. The houses are small, of wood, and scattered along the banks of the St. Pauls & Stockton for nearly 2 miles, around each of which are three or four acres of cleared ground. The soil is extremely fertile & free from stones, and well calculated for the cultivation of rice, tobacco, and corn. Here we remained long enough to partake of some refreshment at the hands of the Rev. Mr. Sampson, 42 after which we proceeded up the river two miles to the town of Peter Bromly. 4 3

4 1. Hannah Hayes was the daughter by an African mother of a European trader at Cape Mesurado and had been brought up in Freetown, Sierra Leone. She had two children by Governor Sir Charles MacCarthy prior to his death on the Gold Coast in 1824. Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London, 1962), 147. 42. Reverend R. H. Sampson immigrated on the brig Nautilus in March 182 1. He was appointed the colony's Commissary of Ordinance when the Colony was mobilized in the fall of 1822 to meet King George's impending attack. "Roll of Emigrants, " 155; Henries, A Short History, 2 8. 43. King Bromley was one of the Dey chiefs who opposed the colony from the outset. He joined in the unsuccessful attack on the settlement in 1822 and was one of the instigators of a trade boycott two years later. He died in 1832 in the midst of a dispute over runaway slaves who had sought asylum in the colony. The affair culminated in the colonists attacking his ,illage and forcing his son and successor to sue for peace. Gurley, Ashmun, Appendix, 49-50; Richardson, Past and Present, 43. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 1827 70

Bromly's town is the largest and best built native village I have seen. The town is situated on the left side on the river, 30 or 40 yards from the bank, and so concealed by the almost impenetrable thicket and forest which surround it, that we should have passed the town without observing it, had we not seen several canoes paddling across the river at the spot. We landed and, being conducted by the natives along a phth thro' the jungle and woods, we were introduced into the town. There are perhaps about 150 mud walled huts with thatched roofs but neatly built, crow [dl ed together on two or three acres of ground. We were led first to a large house distinguished from the rest by a lofty thatched spire. The floor was raised two feet from the earth and covered with mats. This house was called the Grand palaver house. It is the rallying point for all the men, women, and children in the place, who pass their time in reclining upon the mats, talking sleeping and smoking, and gambling upon a stand shaped thus with pebbles, l4 for tobacco, knives, cloth &c. At this place we were introduced to a tall fat negro who was King Peter himself. He appeared glad to see us, but far from being hospitable, he endeavoured to obtain almost everything we had with and about us. We sent to the boatfor what rum,tobacco,and pipes we had to be brought to the Palaver house. The King soon became more than half drunk, very loquacious, and appeared finally to quarrel with some of his subjects. At our request, all his women were presented to us before the Palaver house, to each of which we gave a pipe. His wives amounted to 45, who alternately enjoy his favours every 2 days each. They were modest enough to cover a portion of their charms with a fold of cloth, but their breasts were wholly exposed. The sight was rather forbidding to one who was unaccustomed to view woman in nature's garb alone.

After the exhibition, the King, now tolerably drunk, absented himself for a short time. Upon his return he informed us that he had prepared beds and women for us. The King had turned pimp and prostituted three of his own wives ! For my own part I was already too much disgusted with this picture of the animal part of man to be allured by the Akican Queens whose bodies were well grfesed with Palm oil, and emitted, besides, a peculiar odour of their own.

44. Warri is a popular West African game, derived originally from South East Asia. 45. One supposes that King Peter was sufficiently acute to perceive the young officers' interest in the parade of his wives even if they were unwilling to admit, even to themselves, the verity of the unknown maiden chronicled in the Song of Solomon, "I am very black, but beautiful. " GEORGE E . BROOKS, JR .

When we arrived, the King asked if he should cook dinner for us. We answered in the negative, telling him we had brought our own dinner with us. It was now nearly 2 o'clock, when he informed us that he was hungry, and wanted our dinner. We accordingly set it before him, and he soon made way with it, washing it down with two additional glasses of whiskey. After dinner he showed us some of his finery, as a cocked hat, for which he gave two slaves, a marine's dress coat presented to him by Captain Norris , his grand pipe, which cost another slave &c.

Having given him my pocket handkerchief, and a small demijohn of whiskey, besides nearly all the tobacco and pipes, we took our leave from King Peter, saluting him with two muskets.

Returned to Caldwell, dined with Miss ~aylor~~and visited the sick. We arrived at the schooner at 7 o'clock in the evening.

Found Sailing Master ['Alexander F Porter had been suddenly taken s ick during my absence with severe rigors, pain in the head & back. Two others I also found sick with fever. Mr. Porter has slept on shore at Mesurado one night since our arrival.

This morning one of our boats crew who was with us yesterday was taken sick with fever.

February 10, 1827. On the morning of the 7th we sailed from Mesurado having on board Governor Ashmun and 11 colonists under arms. With a fresh fair breeze we again ran to leeward and in the afternoon of the same day anchored off Little Bassa. Our object was to obtain the Slaves in the possession of King Tom Bassa and which had been sold to the Captain of the French Schooner Creole. On the morning of the 8th Mr. Ashmun visited the King who refused to comply with the promise made some days since to Mr. Ashmun to transfer the slaves to the colony. Having failed in the purpose of our voyage, we sailed from Bassa on the 9th and anchored at Mesurado on the morning of the 10th.

February 11, 1827. Mr. Porter, after a sickness of only 5 days, departed this life last evening at 8 o'clock. His disease (Yellow Fever) was rapid in its progress. Black vomit commenced yesterday afternoon, and it was during the act of vomiting that he was seized with a convulsion in which his soul took its flight to the world of spirits. He was about 2 1 years of age, and had been in the navy 12 years.

His body was entered on Cape Mesurado .

4 6. Sarah Taylor arrived on the brig Hunter in March 1825 . She was killed in 1828 by a bolt of lightning. "Roll of Emigrants, " 165. A.A. ADEE'S JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO LIBERIA IN 182 7

February 12, 1827. Much alarm has prevailed among our crew since the death of Mr. Porter, and many have fancied themselves sick, who really have no symptom of disease, except perhaps a slight headache that would not have attracted notice at any other time.

Took our final leave of Mesurado, and proceeded along the coast, in a North-westerly direction, bound it is supposed to Sierra Leone. Our departure from this place is hailed with joy by the whole crew, particularly by the officers on account of the loss of one of their number.

The outbreak of sickness among the Shark's crew quite evidently was the reason for the vessel's precipitant departure from Liberia. Dr. Adee makes no mention of advance preparations in his journal, and his next entry, dated March 1, records that Lieutenant Norris did not inform the officers and crew of their destination. Supposing that the Shark would visit Sierra Leone on the homeward passage the ship's company devoured all the fresh provisions aboard in anticipation of obtaining a new supply. Instead, Lieutenant Norris set a course across the Atlantic for the Carib- bean.

After a five week passage the Shark anchored at the Danish-ruled island of St. Thomas in the West Indies, where it made a rendezvous with the U.S.S. Constellation. During a week's stay Dr. Adee visited ashore t 3me and recorded a few desultory disparaging remarks on the island and its --. the inhabitants. x 3f March 19, 1827.. . There is nothing in this place to interest a s:ranger - not a single public building worthy of notice. The town is built on the inclined planes of three or four steep hills, so that nearly every house is visible from our anchorage. The population consists of two thousand whites and about 8 thousand blacks. A very extensive contraband trade is carried on here. There are now fifty or sixty foreign vessels at anchor in the harbour, numerous slave vessels are fitted out annually for the coast of Akica, and report says that our consul Mr. Levi is concerned in many of them.

Dr. Adee's journal ends on March 23, 1827, with the Shark ready for sea and homeward bound to the United States. THE TUBMAN CENTER OF AFRICAN CULTURE

Kjell Zetterstrom

The long recognized need for a Liberian center devoted to the support and co-ordination of studies in African culture is in the process of realiza- tion. In 1964 thoughtful and farseeing citizens of Grand Cape Mount County, wishing to commemorate President William V.S. Tubman's sixty- ninth birthday in a meaningful way, did so by sponsoring the construction at Robertsport of the Tubman Center of African Culture. The ambitious objectives of the Center include the promotion of basic research in anthropology, linguistics, arts, and ethnohistory by sponsoring field work in Liberia, by providing scholarships so that Liberian nationals may pursue advanced studies in African culture at overseas universities, and by the collecting of microfilm, cinefilm, and published materials in the Center's library for the use of researchers .

Sufficient progress was made in the Center's development by the Spring of 1967 to warrant the appointment of the author as resident director, and during the summer of that year a museum wing was added to the main block which houses offices, library, lecture halls, and a projection room. The museum boasts a small but expanding collection of Liberian artifacts, and was dedicated by President Tubman in December, 1967. Efforts are now being directed toward augmenting the holdings of the Center's library, which now has some 600 titles and which maintains files of more than fifty current periodicals, and the construction of a residential wing which will include quarters for the director and guest rooms for visiting scholars.

Although keenly aware of the necessity for supporting thorough field studies on a massive scale, budgetary considerations have thus far permitted the completion of only one project, an ethnographic survey of southeastern Liberia. Foreign scholars are encouraged, however, to under- take field work in Liberia and to make use of the facilities of the Center. They are assured of the lively co-operation of the Center's staff insofar as circumstances permit. A preliminary report of the completed ethnographic ! survey, covering such topics as economy, technology, transportation, social and political structure, religion, languages, and history in the four eastern counties of Liberia, corresponding to the areas inhabited by the Bassa, Kru, Glebo, and Kran peoples, is scheduled for publication before the end of 1968.

One of the most conspiciously successful events during the brief history of the Center was the Conference on Liberian Research and Scholarship, held in Robertsport June 14- 17, 1967. This conference attracted some forty Liberian and expatriate scholars who presented nineteen reports on institu- tionally supported projects and eight papers on individual research in Liberia THE TUBMAN CENTER OF AFRICAN CULTURE

These reports and papers gave an encouraging picture of the many research projects now underway or being planned. A mimeographed report on this conference is available from the Center. A noteworthy result of this meeting was the decision to form the Liberian Research Association. Suggested by Dr. Warren L. d'Azevedo of the University of Nevada, the proposal met with enthusiastic response, and the Association was constituted at a meet- ing held at the University of Liberia on October 2 1, 1967. The Center plans to publish the papers and reports of the Robertsport conference and of the proceedings of the first meeting of the Liberian Research Association. A second conference, devoted to anthropological research in Liberia, was held at the Center in May, 1968, and a mimeographed report has been cir- culated. In common with all new institutions, the Center is experiencing the usual teething pains. The relative isolation of the Center, which can presently be reached only by air, or travel by a combination of car and boat, may soon be remedied by construction of a highway from Monrovia to ~?~tor, Robertsport. Administrative questions, such as whether the Center will r. 3in continue to operate under the Department of Information and Cultural Affairs, r2om. or be transferred to the jurisdiction of the Department of Education so that I~rts, the Center might be better placed to co-operate with the University of -2-0 b Liberia, remain to be answered. These problems are relatively insignificant, rrary, - however, when compared with the modest accomplishments of the Center, .. which plans to expand its activities as rapidly as its resources will permit i:-.ich in keeping with the aims enunciated in the legislative Act authorizing its Lclars. establishment. In so doing, the director and staff of the Center hope to fulfill their responsibilities for facilitating the growth of serious scholarship in the Republic of Liberia. -- ~nder- ::?r. Iar i~aphic ! I social &?stern E, Kru, -7f -