Memoirs Iberoamerican Afrodescendant Conference.Pdf

Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Iberoamerican Conference Afro-Descendant Agenda of the Americas Cartagena de Indias - October 16-18 of 2008 MEMOIRS

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Iberoamerican Afrodescendant Conference Afrodescendant Agenda in the Americas Memoirs

Table of Contents Page

Presentation...... 7 Cartagena Declaration...... 10 General Objectives/Methodology...... 13 Topics Discussed in the Work Tables...... 14 Inaugural Session...... 18

Interventions Paula Marcela Moreno Z., Minister of Culture of Colombia. Alvaro Marchesi. Secretary General, Organization of Ibero- american States-OEI-. Zulu Araujo. Director Palmares Foundation.

Forum I: Global Tendencies: African Diaspora and the need of inclusion...... 23

Interventions Nidore Ndiaye. Deputy Director, International Organiza- tion for Migrations. Agustín Lao Montes. Profesor University of Massachus- setts. Silvia García. Adviser, Iberoamerican General Secretariat (SEGIB). Message President of the Interamerican Development Bank Sr. Luis Alberto Moreno. Message Iberoamerican General Secretariat (SEGIB) President. Mr.

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Enrique Iglesias.

Forum II: Culture as the basis of encounter and recreation of the ethnical global agenda...... 62

• Intervention Doudou Diene. Lawyer and Special Rappor- teur against contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance. • Edouard Matoko. Director UNESCO Regional Office in Qui- to, Representation for Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Ve- nezuela. • Alberto Abello. Director Masters in Development and Cul- ture, Tecnological University of Bolivar • Rafael Palacios. Dancer and choreographer

Discussion and conclusions, Forums I and II...... 95

Table I: The contribution of the afrodescendant to the construction of the Ameritas: rewriting history...... 136

Interventions Howard Dodson. Director Schomburg Center . Alfonso Múnera. Historian. Waguemati Wabgou. GEACES, Nation University in Colom- bia. Discussion and Conclusions Table I.

Table II: Exchange of experiencias of child and youth afrodescendants...... 138

Interventions Axel Rojas. Proffesor, Cauca University. Miguel Pereira. Every Child, Peru. Discussion and Conclusions Table 2. 4 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Table III: Migration: ethnical and cultural diversity...... 217 Discusion y Conclusions Table III

Table IV: Cultural Afrodescendant Entrepeurnship...... 217

Discusion y Conclusions Table IV.

Table V: Political Representation ...... 218

Intervention. Giancarlo Salazar. Historian Discussion y conclusions Table V

Table VI: The power of media and the positioning of diversity...... 220

Interventions Emma Kamau. Journalist Pedro Viveros. Social Communicator and Journalist Discusion y Conclusions Table VI

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Presentation

The I Iberoamerican Conference on “Afro-Descendants Agenda of the Americas” offered a valuable opportunity to institute a collective position, of the States and particularly from the region’s Ministries of Culture, on the unquestionable Afro-Descendant contribution in building Pan-American societies and their respective advancement. Achieving the Millennium Development Goals and eradicating poverty face a great challenge in terms of building inclusive and diverse societies; full cultural expression and recognition constitute an important development goal. These commitments were recorded in the Declaration of Carta- gena, Afro-Descendants’ agenda of the Americas, signed in San Basilio de Palenque, on October 18th /2008 by the Ministries of Culture of Angola, Bahamas, Barbados, Brasil, Colombia, Gua- temala, Guinea Ecuatorial, Jamaica, Mexico, Panamá, Paraguay and Dominican Republic, with the support of the Organization of Iberoamerican States.

In the framework of a multilateral cooperation scheme, the Iberoamerican countries have defined cultural diversity as an axis of their common integration project. One of the columns of the region’s cultural diversity policy is the existing pluri-ethnicity and multicultural expressions, and it is in this framework where the differential approach for a representative Afro-Descendant community becomes vitally important.

Among the commitments that governments that signed the Cartagena Declaration, is to promote the formulation of specific

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guidelines for public policy on culture for ethnic populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, and to help strengthen ties between Afrodescendant communities, indigenous and native people of the Americas.

The forced migratory process from Africa to the Americas has been the largest massive flow of people in the history of human- kind. More than 11 million men, women, boys and girls had to recreate their destiny despite adversity. Today, Latin America and the Caribbean have a population of approximately 150 million Afro-Descendants. The African Diaspora in the region represents around a 30% of the total population. The largest concentration is located especially in the Dominican Republic (90%), Brazil (50%), Cuba (30%), Colombia (20%) and Venezuela (10%) (CEPAL 2001).

For many it is clear today that during decades the old and established logic of the “mixing of races”, as the unique sign of the Iberoamerican “identity”, has prevented us from seeing this overwhelming reality, obliterating the enormity of the contributions of Afro-Descendants in all the aspects of public life. In fact, in Latin America’s case, there has been a generalized lack of attention, which is evidenced in a consequent naturalized cultural stigmatization and overshadowing. With some important exceptions, several centuries of Afro-Descendant material and immaterial cultural contribution have been omitted or underestimated in the cultural maps of the different Iberoamerican States, placing this population outside of what is known as history and culture. Hence, the urgent need to define an agenda that rescues and spreads the historic-cultural heritage, that determines a critical review of history and its massive dissemination within educational systems, that generates a process of identity strengthening and living memory through the new information technologies and that integrates ethnical cultural expressions, beyond the framework of the exotic.

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On the other hand, the Afro-Descendant community totally integrated in building inclusive and diverse societies will set a step towards itself in the historic perspective, preparing and educating itself with excellence to build a cultural recognition in the framework of social globalization whose common denominator is the convening of differences and richness. This construction gives the region’s children and young people a fundamental role. They will have to be educated with full awareness of their ethnic condition as transversal axis of many knowledge fields. Culture can perform as a power vehicle in forming artistic, political, economic and social leadership.

Today, as we face a global multicultural society, the goal of this Conference was to define an agenda that contributes to valuing and taking over ethnic-cultural heritage, not with an obsessive and self-pitting look towards the past but rather with a critical view for the sake of building a history with future.

Now, the political challenge is to cultivate the rich cultural expressions in each country (Promotion of cultural policies in a global- izing world, 2002), building roads to strengthen the importance of our cultural diversity and the ability of each country to ensure that their stories and experiences are available to its own citizens and the world that can lead to concerted action and, ultimately, a number of tools to address some of the issues within the broad field of cultural diversity, among which could include measures to promote cultural diversity as a source of value for human development, social cohesion and prosperity of societies.

Una segunda versión de este Encuentro se realizará en febrero de 2010 en Salvador de Bahía – Brasil y su Comité ad-hoc se reunirá en Washington DC en febrero de 2009.

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Cartagena Declaration Afrodescendant Agenda in the Americas

The Ministries of Culture of the Bahamas, Barbados, Brazil, Co- lombia, the Dominican Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Guatemala, Jamaica, and representatives of Angola, Mexico, Panama, Para- guay, the Organization of Ibero-American States (OIS), the Inter- national Organization for Migration (OIM), the Regional Office in Quito of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the International Development Bank (IDB), the Inter-American Foundation and the Alliance of Regional Support for Afro-descendant Rural Populations in Latin America (ACUA Alliance) gathered in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, Octo- ber 16-17, 2008, with the goal of examining the situation of the Afro-descendent population in different national contexts, share experiences of management in the area of culture. We have arrived at the following Declaration of Cartagena, Afro-descendent Agenda of the Americas 2009-2019.

Considering that:

1. Culture and diversity, in all of their manifestations, constitute fundamental elements of identity, development and the well being of nations. 2. There is an Afro-descendent population present in all countries, a force and common sense of unity and solidarity that nurtures the collective memory of the Diaspora and the rich African heritage, which is expressed and reproduced in the diversity of its cultural and spiritual manifestations. 3. Economic and cultural globalization can potentially bring with them opportunities within the economic plan and the circulation of cultural goods, but it can also generate risk, threats, and undesirable changes that could translate into the irrevers- ible loss of culture and processes that homogenize culture. It is the government’s duty to prevent such risks by valuing, supporting and making visible the cultural manifestations of Afro- 10 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

descendants as a vital force in the development process and for the wellbeing of our nations. 4. Situations of poverty and social exclusion affect broad sectors of the Afrodescendant population, and thus, cultural policies should address this within the framework of public policies aimed at achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) approved by the United Nations. 5. The phenomenon of migration in the Americas presents important social, economic, demographic and cultural changes. Afro-descendants have developed two-way cultural flows that have promoted intercultural dialogue, multiculturalism, and the establishment of links of solidarity and social cohesion with other communities in the world. 6. In many countries there are large gaps in terms of historical, demographic and socioeconomic information related to the Afro-descendant population which makes self-recognition among this population and the formulation of inclusive cultural policies difficult. 7. There is a need to move toward consolidating a favorable institutional environment for the adoption of mechanisms that contribute to the strengthening of intercultural dialogue in order to implement public policies for social inclusion. 8. The information and communication media should playa fundamental role as a vehicle for and expression of the cultural values of Afro-descendants as well as contribute to the prevention of discrimination and social exclusion. 9. The richness of the artistic and spiritual expressions of the cultural patrimony of Afrodescendants is factor in development that should be protected, fomented, and taken advantage of in order to assure the wellbeing of communities. 10. Cultural cooperation between the countries of the Americas and countries in Africa should contribute to the consolidation of permanent and sustainable links of unity.

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We commit to including the following progressively into our respective cultural policies and actions:

1. Guarantee that the majority of the Afro-descendent population has access to quality cultural goods and services, with a special emphasis in new technologies. 2. Support and strengthen the creation and dissemination of studies and information systems regarding the situation of Afro-descendent communities, their cultural and spiritual patrimony, as well as their artistic and intellectual creations in order develop cultural policies. 3. Promote the re-valuing and re-establishment of the historical memory related to the contributions by Afro-descendants to the construction of our nations within our education systems. Likewise, advance in the revision of educational texts and materials on the history of countries in order to make visible the contributions of Afro-descendants to the development of nations. 4. Facilitate the access of Afro-descendants, and researchers of the topic, to all document sources such as the General Histo- ries of UNESCO and pertinent historical archives such as the Archive of the Indies, so that each country, through a process of training and technical assistance, has or strengthens at least one network or center for documentation. 5. Create centers and programs for the study, documentation and support of native and Creole languages, their rich varia- tion and for preserving the oral and literary traditions of -Af ro-descendants. 6. Support making visible the contributions of the Afro-descendent population to the construction and development of countries, regions, and localities through national and community museums. 7. Officially commemorate the abolition of slavery. 8. Within the framework of the present Declaration, promote

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a consciousness raising campaign in different countries that aims at increasing self-recognition among Afrodescendants and the affirmation of Afrodescendant values as well as spiritual and cultural patrimony. Recommend that governments include an ethnic variable, based on self-classification, into the census and other national surveys. 9. Establish scholarships, cultural exchanges and internship programs for researchers of culture, artists, teachers and technical specialists in culture in order to advance knowledge about Afro-descendant communities. 10. Adopt mechanisms for the support of cultural industries and cultural entrepreneurship for Afro-descendants such as the creation of portfolios and cultural initiatives that promote circulation, while also protecting their collective andindi- vidual rights. 11. Stimulate communication processes using different media in order to combat social exclusion through the production of media content that Afro-descendants themselves produce media content and urge that the mass media industry adopt forms of representation of Afro-descendants that are appropriate and coherent, and which include their culture and aspirations. 12. Promote and contribute to the development of programs to improve the living conditions of the most vulnerable sectors of the Afro-descendant population through cultural policy.

Approved in the plenary session of the Iberoamerican Conferen- ce - Afrodescendant

Agenda of the Americas in Palenque de San Basilio, Colombia.

Conference’s General Goals

1. To generate an arena for reflecting on the importance of the Afro-Descendant culture in the Iberoamerican and Ca-

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ribbean countries, which yields input in building public policies geared at recognizing cultural diversity. 2. To share experiences that are vital from the cultural, political, economic and historic standpoint of the American countries, the Greater Caribbean and Africa, developing strategies and actions to achieve mutual recognition of identities, dignity and a sense of a joint community. 3. To encourage the development of a cultural cooperation agenda within the framework of searching for alternatives to improve the living conditions of the Afro-Descendant population.

Methodology

The First Iberoamerican Conference Afrodescendant Agenda of the Americas, established spaces and forums for debate and exchange of experiences between countries in order to facilitate the formulation of recommendations for developing an agenda for cooperation towards the recognition of cultural diversity in the framework of better alternatives to improve the living conditions of Afrodescendant people.

It was developed through a participatory methodology, providing a discussion open group to different participants.

During the Conference, there were forums and various sessions organized, allowing attendees to present and express their concerns, criticisms and suggestions.

Topics Discussed in the Working Tables

The tables collected conclusions, which are set out in the final declaration of the event with recommendations to the Ministers for their subsequent monitoring.

Table I: The Afrodescendant contribution to the construction of the Americas: re-writing history. 14 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Identify strategies for the preservation and reproduction of the historical contribution of Afrodescendants in the building of democratic societies, in its social and economic development, from its roots and identity, values, practices and symbols such as ethnic group, generating social cohesion and identity as an expression of freedom and human development.

Axes of discussion:

• Mechanisms for preserving the memory • Different historical forms of slavery in the Americas • Mechanisms of reproduction from memory • Simplification of the history and contribution of Afrodescen- dants • Access to technology by Afrodescendant people

Table II: Exchange of Childhood and Youth Experiences

It was an opportunity to reflect on the inclusion and participation of the youth population in the social, political and cultural socialization and by sharing local views and ideas that identify related problems and situations (progress, opportunities and strengths) which are expressed in the cultural field in the Iberoamerican countries.

Axes of discussion:

• Problems and situations that require priority attention in terms of product offerings and services in our countries. • Projects and activities related to building the capacities and talents in young people: sociocultural research, artistic, craft production, artistic creation, cultural dissemination, appropriation of traditional artistic practices, and emerging artistic practices. • Intercultural relations between the Afrodescendant Commu- nities and other ethnic groups.

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• Developments of issues that are identified in the item related to products cultural field

Table III: Migration and ethnic and cultural diversity

In this table, we allowed people to analyze the migration phenomenon in Latin America and the Caribbean to identify possible strategies for how to prosecute effectively reduction on the impact and effect on Afrodescendant people towards the preservation of identity, diversity and culture.

Axes of discussion:

• Transnational migration • Demographic tendencies • Economic inequalities between developed and developing countries • Internationalization of the economy and globalization of trade • Mobility of workforce • World communication networks

Table IV: Afrodescendant cultural Entrepreneurship

Some mechanisms were discussed and proposed as well as patterns of cooperation among countries to develop strategies for promoting cultural entrepreneurship and access to the economic dynamics, generating income, employment and strengthening business in a free-trade expanded and diversified. Identify actions to strengthen the linkages and synergies of the economy with specific Afrodescendants’ culture.

Axes of discussion:

• Options for the cultural industry (music, dance, literature, audiovisual production, culinary, tourism and others) • Culture as a tool for development of other sectors of the economy 16 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

• Access to tertiary education and vocational training with technical and ethical effective leadership and entrepreneurship among young people.

Table V: Political representation

Meet the achievements, opportunities, and challenges and define the critical elements of a common agenda for democratic participation and representation and effective leadership of Afro- descendant people in the Americas in the areas of political, economic and administrative.

Axes of discussion:

• The status of the political representation of Afrodescen- dant and its significance for the history / national memory. • The regulatory aspects and constitutional and legal developments related to ethnic diversity and cultures of Afrodescen- dants. • The relationship between political representation, electoral systems, and building institutions to implement policies of social inclusion for Afrodescendant people. • Participation and political Afrodescendant representation in institutions and processes of the private sector, the international community and its relationship to support the recognition and exercise of the ethnic and racial diversity. • Critical aspects of political leadership of Afrodescendants

Table VI: The power of media and the positioning of diversity.

This table generated recommendations for strengthening the role of media in the reaffirmation of cultural identity and collective imagination of Afrodescendant people in Latin America and the Caribbean and overcoming discrimination.

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Axes of discussion:

• The influence of the media in building the social imaginary on Afrodescendants in Iberoamerica. • Need to review the content in the media and rethinking accesses. • Promotion of cultural diversity in the media, including advertising. • Analysis of the contributions of the contradictory and review media formats, genres and styles. • Analysis of contradictory input from the media and review formats, genres and styles. • Legislation media (sustainable development of our societies and the protection of cultural diversity). • Afrodescendants as producers in the media.

OCTOBER 16 OPENING SESSION

Paula Marcela Moreno Zapata (Colombia’s Minister of Culture).

Profile

Industrial Engineer specialized in the areas of project and research management with conceptual clarity and skills to structure and to lead, organize, execute and evaluate projects. She is a team worker who has good interpersonal relations and she is experienced in community work, research for international organizations and schools. She speaks English, Italian and French.

Welcoming words

The social movement of the African Diaspora is going through a historical period that responds to the discussion and visualization processes that many world leaders have unleashed. Culture has been the basis of the Diaspora conference today. Rightly so 18 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

because in spite of the great amount of suffering experienced by our enslaved ancestors, their culture survived and remained. What is the strength of a culture that remains and recreates itself despite denial of its human essence? That is the historic strength of the Afro-descendant people, that remember today to dialogue and to build a future, to generate awareness, as well as to recognize that the presents poses different challenges whose profound reflection implies a priority for religions and continents of the world. As Manuel Zapata Olivella stated it, Latin America is a mixture of races. We all are a mixture that is captured in the cultural biography that marks our life project. For Latin America and the Caribbean the estimate is a population of around 150 million people of Africa descent whose historic memory and heritage is yet to be identified, documented, systematized and preserved. Considering the commemoration of two hundred years of independence, it is important to remember that this mixing of races is the value that we have denied for a long time and that plural ethnicity brings us together in the difference. There- fore, discussing the Afro-Descendant’s Agenda in the Americas means thinking in terms of a history with future, recognizing the progress achieved by so many social, academic movements and governments although at the same time the greatest challenges ahead of us in terms of integral development. Even more so if this discussion is extended to the realm of an Iberoamerican agenda; it will acquire all the relevance of a historical recognition. The Iberoamerican Ministries of Culture should be the Ministries of Memory and Difference that recognize the past but forge the future in a collective awareness and sub consciousness of nations. Social globalization demands from us cross the board culture and demands emphasizing the elements of understanding differences, which enable building fairer societies and searching for higher competitiveness valuing what is ours. I would like to thank all the people who have believed in this conference, who have attended with their entire conviction of a variegated Latin- Ame

19 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas rica that acknowledges diversity as its greatest wealth and that define common roads for its profound incisiveness in the social and sector basis. I hope this will be the first of many conferences that enable us to establish an agenda to exchange experiences and to reduce the gaps in our Iberoamerican cultural realm.

Finally, I want to express my profound gratitude to the Govern- ments of Spain and Brazil who have been the co-promoters of this conference, to the (Organization of Iberoamerican States) who from the first instant and unconditionally supported this Iberoamerican reflection and facilitated all the technical and economic elements for its development, to Colpatria and Seguros Bolívar that show a private sector open to discussing the importance of the ethnic topic in the world and in our region today, to the IOM, who helped us open a spectrum and to UNESCO who through their Participation Program 2008-2009 and the Regional Office in Quito have been partners in this task. And of course the Ministry of Culture’s team and particularly to this Conference’s coordinator, Mónica Fernández of Soto, who from the beginning understood and dedicated all her effort to this great task. Thank you all and you will always be welcomed in Colombia.

Álvaro Marchesi (OEI)

Profile

Born in Madrid, Spain. Professor of Evolutionary Educational Psy- chology at the Psychology Faculty of the Complutense University of Madrid. He has worked as Executive Advisor of the Instituto de Evaluación y Asesoramiento Educativo (IDEA) reporting to the Fundación Santa María and International Director of the Instituto de Evaluación IDEA with offices in Brazil, Chile and Mexico. Cur- rently, he is Secretary General of the Organization of Iberoameri- can States - OEI.

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Lecture

There is a hidden culture that has not been recognized. In the past years there has been a raising power: there is a need to make cultural expressions visible.

The Iberoamerican society is profoundly unequal. The most unequal in the world that records nearly 213 million poor people. In this situation, the Afro communities are the ones who suffer the most. Women stand out in this group and specially those who live in rural areas. It is difficult to be a citizen who fully exercises his/ her rights if there is no recognition of cultural identity. Education and culture can help us transform the situation. Freedom is not possible without education and culture.

This Conference’s task is historic because it is about recovering citizenship and working on historical injustices. One of OEI´s projects is to involve education and culture and to encourage their offer through:

1. Scholarships 2. Artistic education, culture and citizenship. Experiences where the artistic areas are integrated into formal education. 3. Support to Afro women associations in order to achieve more power in their task and representation.

Zulu Araujo (Palmares Foundation - Brazil)

Profile

Born in the province of Bahía, Edvaldo Mendes Araujo, known as Zulu Araujo studied architecture He is a cultural producer and a well known militant of the Black Brazilian Movement. In March 7th/2007 he joined the Palamares Cultural Foundation as Di- rector, this is a public foundation with offices in Brasilia, Distrito Federal, attached to the Ministry of Culture, it has the mission of formulating, promoting and executing programs and projects

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at national level to recognize, preserve and promote values and practices that enable participation of African cultures in the education of Brazilian society, favoring inclusion with equal rights and opportunities of Afro-Descendants (of Brazil) in an environment of cultural diversity and ensuring implementation of other policies of the Ministry of Culture. Zulu Araujo has ample experience in the management of cultural policies directed at the black population. He has been cultural administrator and coordinator of Praça Reggae, Advisor of Grupo Culturel Malê, Consultant of Olodum and special advisor of Bahía´s Secretariat of Culture.

Lecture

Palmares Cultural Foundation, an organization of the Ministry of Culture of Brazil was created in the centennial anniversary of abolition of slavery. He works for cultural promotion and exchange, ethno-development, protection of the Afro-Brazilian cultural heritage and cultural Exchange with African countries. The work with the African Unity has been intensive since 2006, second conference of intellectuals from Africa and the Diaspora.

It is necessary to highlight the black presence in Brazil, which corresponds to a 50% of the population and to identify the reasons why their contribution has not been recognized, It would not be absurd to state that there is a history of black people in Brazil.

It is important to clearly establish the consequences of slavery. It is necessary to clarify more precisely the folclorization role of the Afri- can culture, which is a way of relegating our values, and even the black and the Indian are considered just as a part of the past.

I have never seen in books, something that alludes to the contribution of the Brazilian black people.

It is necessary to recognize that our contribution is the result of the dialogue and the conferences with other cultures, not only the African one. 22 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

The samba, for example, dialogues with a set of rhythms that are not only African, but also Caribbean. These contacts should be precise for them to be suitable.

It is not sufficient to recognize and identify the Afro-Descendant contributions that we have contributed to the different nations, however it is important that public policies are adopted which should enable recognizing the expressions and their projection in a way that they achieve full inclusion of Afro-Descendants in each one of the countries. And this way, one would build empowerment, one would overcome racial discrimination and segregation, which at the same time should enable reaching full participation in civil society.

There is a spiritual distance between Brazil and Latin America. We are the only Portuguese speaking country in Latin America, which hosts nearly 60% of the Afro population of the region.

The new proposals are relevant to broaden the Afro-Latin exchange. In this context, the new Project called Afro-Latin Laboratory is established. National black awareness day.

Forum I: Global trends: African Diaspora and the need for inclusion

The forum generated an arena to reflect on the current situation of the African Diaspora and its interrelation with cultural development, to guide and to project national and/or regional public agendas.

African Diaspora world movement: power, solidarity and conference African Diaspora: Trends, current situation

Africa’s role in the world, as seen and projected. In this arena, there was a reflection on how globalization has affected the socioeconomic and cultural state of the Afro-Descendant popula-

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tions in the Iberoamerican countries, the collaboration and -Ex change possibilities of the African Diaspora with the original continent, the possibility of building bridges between Africa and its Diaspora and of presenting the characteristics, of evaluating the actions of the different countries on the Afro-Descendant issue.

Nidioro Ndiaye (Deputy Director IOM).

Profile

Born in Bignona (Senegal) on November 6th/1946. She studied in France, and later medicine at the Universities of (Senegal), Bor- deaux and Paris VII Garancière (France). In 1988 she was appointed by the President of the Republic of Senegal as Minister of Social Development. During the crisis between Senegal and Mauritania she coordinated the humanitarian activities. In 1990, UNICEF invited her to be part of the organization of the World Summit for Children. There, she proposed that rich countries considered the reinvestment of the debts they had with poor countries in children’s programs. As President of the Fifth Africa Regional Conference on Women, she contributed to the presentation of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Wo- men, held in Beijing, China in 1995. As founding member of the Scientific Committee for Women and Development, she created in the nineties the NGO “African Women Empowerment for Pea- ce and Development Network”, whose she coordinated until her election at the IOM.

Lecture

Excellencies, Distinguished Participants, Ladies and gentleman,

First of all, allow me to deeply thank the Government of Colom- bia, for the excellent initiative of organizing an Afro-Colombian 24 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Conference. I also want to thank Colombia’s Minister of Culture, Paula Moreno for being a great host of this Conference and for her capable and dynamic organizational arrangements.

Latin America is the synthesis of various peoples, races and cultures merged together into one, after a painful and inhumane process brought about by the slave trade with the transportation and enslavement of African peoples.

The slave trade was the largest forced migration in the world. It created permanent ties between Africa and the Americas. African slavery was called by a historian “the greatest tragedy in human history, because of its extent and the time it lasted”. Free Africans were forcedly transported centuries ago from many regions in Africa, to Cartagena. This forced migration included contingents of millions of Africans mainly from what is now Congo, Liberia and from the Gorée Islands, in my homeland Senegal. Gorée was one of the centers from which Africans were taken to the Ame- ricas. Cartagena was a trans-shipment port for African-born slaves. Today Gorée Islandnd and Cartagena have been selected by UNESCO as World Heritage and many sites in both places remind us of slavery’s shame in universal history.

Cartagena was the principal Caribbean port of the transatlantic slave trade from the 16th century to the beginning of the 19th century. But to its honor, the resistance to slavery in Cartagena was permanent. Next to Cartagena there is a testimony of this fight for freedom. Slaves that managed to escape Cartagena were called ‘cimarrones’ (maroons), as the Indians that fought against the colonialist, were called. The history of these rebellions in Co- lombia has been called the ‘Cimarron’ Wars. When the ‘cimarrones’ escaped, they grouped in camps, where they set up fences to protect themselves from prosecution. Such human settlements were known as Palenques. The fight of these slaves led to a peace accord at the end of the XVII century, and liberty was granted to

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the palenqueros. Today I want to remember and pay homage to the Palenque de San Basillio, a community that still preserves its roots, traditions and values. San Basilio provides us with a sense of the courage and fortitude of its ancestors.

That struggle and others that followed had led to the final abolition of the slavery in Colombia in mid nineteenth century. Today African traditions continue to influence life in the Americas.

In this regard, the African Diaspora is the living reminder of the way Africans, though scattered and dispersed, managed to retain their traditions in a new world. Throughout the Americas, wher- ever Africans were brought, aspects of their language, religion, artistic sensibilities, and other elements of culture survived.- Af rica’s influence is ever present in the cultural make up of Latin America and has undoubtedly played an important, vital, but often overlooked and forgotten role.

African descendants in Latin America

There are an estimated 150 million African descendants in Latin America, in 2006 according to the World Bank, but the international attention for African descendants is much more recent; it only really began to take off in this decade, with the prepara- tions for the World Conference against Racism in 2001. There is a strong need for commitment from the international community to address the development needs of African descendants.

Although Latin America has made solid economic strides over the past two decades in terms of sustained economic growth, increasing average income levels and decreasing average infant mortality rates, the region still confronts certain levels of racial inequality and discrimination that impacts aspects of economic and social life.

To further eliminate racial gaps, it is necessary to develop projects targeting the African descendant community to address in- 26 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

equalities in education, health care and job creation. Women in particular are cruelly affected by those inequalities.

Indeed women from the Afro-descendant communities are discriminated against in the labor market due to a sum of different factors: gender, ethnicity and poverty. They also have little access to higher education.

African Descendants and Millennium Development Goals

A good starting point for addressing African descendants’ needs are the areas outlined in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) established in 2000 and unanimously adopted by 189 world leaders through the Millennium Declaration.

Despite a lack of accurate information on African descendant populations’ needs in most places, governments are increasingly collecting and analyzing data on the situation of Afro-Iberoamer- icans. Countries like Colombia have begun policy and legal measures to respond to these challenges. Also in Colombia, the Na- tional Department of Statistics (DANE by its acronym in Spanish) includes in the national census an ethnic component based on self-identification that helps to initiate the quantification of Afro- Colombians and other ethnic groups.

The international community must support these efforts by investing institutional and human resources to improve data collection in order to better understand the problem and track policy solutions.

It is also encouraging that a growing number of Afro Iberoame- ricans are winning elective office and gaining government appo- intments, which should translate into increased policy attention and opportunities to pursue new development projects to address pervasive inequality gaps.

27 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

The appointment of Paula Moreno as Minister of Culture of Co- lombia constitutes another proof of this growing presence of Afro descendants in relevant political positions.

We are confident that the growing political representation of Afro Iberoamericans and Afro Iberoamerican women in particular in the continent will contribute to move forward the agenda of this neglected community.

In particular, the 10th Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean urged Iberoamerican countries to broaden sustainable access for women to land ownership and access to water, other natural and productive resources, sanitation and other services, such as financing and technologies, valuing work done for household consumption and recognizing the diversity of economic initiatives and their contributions, with -par ticular guarantees for rural women, indigenous women and Afro descendent women.

Furthermore, the access of Afro descendants to social and health services must be improved. Indeed, Afro-Latinos in general and Afro-Colombians in particular are living in extremely difficult social, political and economic conditions that prevent them from enhancing their talents, potential and overall well being. What’s more, access to comprehensive healthcare, which includes sexual and reproductive healthcare, is an essential condition in guaranteeing women’s participation in paid work and in political affairs.

African Descendants in Colombia

The Colombian Constitution officially recognized the multicultural and pluri-ethnic nature of the Nation and granted specific rights to indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombian communities.

Colombia has the second largest African descendant population in South America after Brazil. In the last 2005 national census ca-

28 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

rried out by DANE, the official figures stated that Afro Colombians constitute 10.4% of the entire population in Colombia.

Afro-Colombians comprise one of three major ethnic groups in Colombia that differ in certain respects from the majority population in terms of their social, geographical and cultural backgrounds.

The African descendent communities in Colombia live in different regions throughout the country, including the inter-Andean valleys of Patia, Magdalena and Cauca, the low lands of Pacific Andean, the Uraba region, the Atlantic Coast, the islands of San Andres and Providencia and urban centers such as Cali, Barran- quilla, Cartagena, Medellin and Bogota.

Afro-Colombians have made meaningful contributions to Colom- bia through the richness and diversity of their cultures. They are characterized by their ability to coexist peacefully, their sense of community and solidarity, their vast knowledge of the country’s natural resources and their love and concern for the environment.

According the Colombian constitution, Afro-Colombians are en- titled to cultural, territorial and natural resources rights, which allowed these communities to have access to natural resources according to their cultural traditions as the Law 70 of 1993, established. On this regard, the Afro-Colombian community collective lands are concentrated where important country’s natural resources are located: tropical rainforest, biodiversity, water, oil, gas and mineral resources, such as gold. Unfortunately the presence of this natural resource wealth on ethnic territories has led to conflicts particularly with illegal groups and such has generated in some cases the forced displacement of Afro-Colombians.

Some of the statistics available provide a clear picture on the magnitude of the challenges, as the indicators shows that there

29 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

are specific gaps and needs in terms of the development of the areas where the Afro Colombians live and on their living conditions.

Significant support is currently being provided to these communities by the Government of Colombia and the International Community which gives us hope that this situation will improve in the medium and long-term.

Migration and Cultural Diversity

Migration is currently one of the major issues in the agenda worldwide. Migrants often come from different socio-cultural backgrounds making migration a major source of cultural diversity. Cultural diversity is widely recognized as an asset in a globali- zing world and as a stimulating source of socio cultural change.

However, migration also poses challenges when it comes to the respect for cultural diversity in multi-ethnic and multicultural societies. This is why addressing the challenges of migration includes promoting the respect for cultural diversity.

Understanding and valuing cultural diversity are the keys to coun- tering any negative impact of migration or racism. Along with human rights, respect for diversity is an essential component of successful migration management.

Efforts to strengthen and preserve cultural diversity and at the same time to promote respect for other cultures can counteract the marginalization of social groups such as ethnic or religious minorities. The promotion of cultural diversity is therefore an element of a general strategy for poverty reduction and for supporting the participation of poor or marginalized groups in social development. As part of this process special attention must be devoted to the situation of women and ethnic minorities.

I am very glad that the Government and the Civil Society of Co- lombia are addressing these challenges in a very serious and 30 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

effective way. I also want to thank the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) for their generous support to our programs.

IOM and African Descendants in Colombia

The mandate of the International Organization for Migrations is to help ensure the orderly and humane management of migration, promote international cooperation on migration issues, assist in the search for practical solutions to migration problems and provide humanitarian assistance to migrants in need, be they displaced persons or other uprooted people.

IOM supports efforts to integrate ethnic minorities’ issues into development frameworks and supports partnerships to ensure the protection of, and respect for, their rights and the realization of their visions of development with respect for their culture and identity. This strategy aims at ensuring the implementation of culturally appropriate and sensitive programs which also include the full and effective participation as well as the free, prior and informed consent of ethnic groups.

For a number of years a crosscutting approach has been applied with respect to the rights of black and indigenous women. This attention is part of all programs implemented by IOM, in which it applies differential focuses for gender, ethnicity, and location, for the handicapped and according to age. In this respect, special emphasis is placed on support for actions associated with sexual and reproductive health, domestic violence and elimination of all forms of violence against women and the family. These projects are directly carried out by IOM and in alliances with other organizations and institutions.

The work of IOM in relation to ethnic groups aims to achieve comprehensive human development based on the concept of ethnic collectives and their cultural characteristics, autonomy and territorial sovereignty. That is why community organization 31 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

processes are supported along with institutional strengthening of their ethnic organizations at the different levels. A commitment to productive development in harmony with the environment and ancestral practices is also important.

Evidence of these actions can be seen in the results of certain programs and projects, such as:

• Installation of the Provincial Consultative Commission of Cór- doba in the framework of the Third Ethno-cultural Encounter for Peaceful Coexistence in Córdoba. “A project aimed at the Afro-Colombian population”. • Inclusive and comprehensive educational attention for boys, girls, young people and families in a situation of displacement and vulnerability. • Program for building indigenous housing based on ancestral knowledge of the culture of the Pasto indigenous people to tackle and prevent the phenomenon of forced displacement on the reservation.

To conclude, I would like to thank the organizers of this important conference and I look forward to hearing and discussing best practices in this domain.

Thank you for your attention

Agustín Lao Montes.

Profile

Professor of sociology at University of Massachussets Amherst, where he is member of the post grade in Afro American studies and also researcher at the Center for Iberoamerican and Ca- ribbean Studies. He considers himself ad activist-intellectual with militancy in a variety of fronts both in the political arena as well as in the intellectual field in the United States and also in Latin America and the Caribbean. Among his main research and tea- 32 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

ching areas one finds: the critical decolonization, global-historic sociology, cultural studies, political sociology (specially the state topics and social movements), critical studies of race and ethnicity, feminist critics and politics, and urban studies. He has Publis- her several books and a good number of articles in these fields. He is a member of the Network Institute for Global Democratiza- tion (NIGD), the Inter-American Observatory on Migrants´ Rights (OCIM), the Hemispheric Council of the World Social Forum, and the association for coloniality / modernity / decolonization. He currently works on two book projects, a co-publish volume called “Global Constellations of Powers and Future Insurgents “ and a manuscript “Afro-Latin Diasporas: Black Movements and Ethno- racial Policies in the Americas”.

Lecture

Empowerment, decolonization, and fundamental democracy: Refining Ethic-political principles for the Afro-Descendant Dias- poras in relation with the millennium challenges

“The problem of the XX century is the problem of the color line”, stated at the beginning of the past century the eminent Afro- Descendant Intellectual WEB DuBois. Said statement proved to be prophetic and reveling both for the central issue of the racial question and the racism problem in the main dramas of that time, as well as the leading importance of the historic agency of the African nations and Afro Descendants in the most important developments of the modern world specially in the fundamental deeds for liberty and equality which are the guiding values of any justice and democracy project. Today, in the thresholds of the XXI century, following the fights for independence that attained the formal decolonization of Africa and the Caribbean, alter the movement of the 1960-70s for the civil rights and black power whose axis was in the United States but that was of global historic importance and influence, and after the world conference

33 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

against racism and other forms of discrimination celebrated in Durban, South Africa in 2001; the ethnic question and the problem of racial disparity and discrimination are still among those main challenges for a society project where real equity and fundamental democracy prevail.

In this presentation I will attempt to address the main question that I have been asked for this initial panel; what is the power of the Diaspora in the Americas today?; from both an historical and global perspective. This implies reviewing our collective historic memory and the very definition of the Diaspora. There are two main angles from where to direct such review that both draw two intertwined histories, one of domination and oppression in relation to one of empowerment and liberation. The Greek word Diaspora means dispersion which recalls a long history of rootless ness, banishment, forced displacements, and over exploitation. In this sense, the histories that build and the threads that tie the African Diaspora as a transnational population, are directly related to the institution of slavery and continuance after the abolition of inequality in the distribution of wealth, social and political exclusion, and the cultural devaluation of the African and Afro- Diasporic subject. The harsh drama of forced displacement that a considerable percentage of Afro-Colombians live today is a sign of continuity of a long process of dispersion and banishment that started with the slave trade and that continues today as result of a variety of processes (wars, genocide, financial and ecological crises) that created a structural condition in the modern world system that maintains Africa as a continent in everlasting poverty in spite of its great human and resource wealth, and the majority of Afro descendants in a situation of financial inequality, racial and cultural discrimination, and lack of political power. I consider important to highlight these connections with Africa that are not simply cultural but that on the contrary point to the relation between the subordinate inclusion (or dependant) of the Afri-

34 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

can continent to the western imperial powers which Caribbean intellectual Walter Rodney analyzed in his book How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, with the long road of over-exploitation and economic inequality from the plantation slavery until today in situations similar to those of the cane workers that have gone on strike in Valle del Cauca. In summary, this is what we call structural racism, which also has its institutional and every day dimensions as we will see later. But the African Diaspora can also be visualized from another angle; otherwise we would only see ourselves as victims and not as creators and history makers.

In this other genealogy of modernity that we have given different names from telling stories from down there to the historiography from the subordinates’ perspective; the African Diaspora is one of the greatest sources of cultural creation and of democratization of society, economy and politics. In this alternate narrative that constitutes the African Diaspora as a “counterculture of modernity” (to use the expression of the African-British Paul Gilroy) there are key moments as were the Haitian revolution from the 18th to 19th century, where the actions of the Afro descendants men and women occupied the main stage of change not only at local level but also at global scale. The freedom deeds of the cimarrones, of the plantation slaves, led by great figures such as Toussaint Loverture who the Afro-Caribbean CLR James called “Black Jacobinos”; headed the deepest social revolution of that time that at the same time advocated against colonialism and slavery, in favor of the construction of a new nation with full citizenship for Afro descendants. This implied the consolidation of the French revolution democratic Project at the same time with a vision and an own practice of freedom cradled in the heat of the struggle for emancipation. This chance of placing the cultural struggle and creations of the Afro descendants both in the center of the national and regional stages as well as in the global ones, is one of the main tasks of what we call the decolonization of

35 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

our historic memory from the Afro-diasporic perspective. In this sense, the African Diaspora is a formation of nations from what DuBois called a double conscience, on one hand national and on the other Afro-diasporic.

Said decolonization requires no more and no less than a thorough review of how we see and understand the critical moments, who are the main actors and the stories they tell and that should be told, and what are the forces that move the past and the present, and, consequently, what are the possible horizons for the future. Two fundamental milestones to understand Africa’s global-historic meaning and the African Diaspora in the period following the Second World War are the national liberation movements of the 1950s-1960s in the African Continent and the Caribbean, and the movement for the civil rights and black power of the 1960s-1970s whose action axis was in the United States. The so called movements for the national liberation of Africa and the Caribbean ended the formal political colonialism of the European empires, and grew political and economic independence ideals, along with a search for pan-African cultural unity and pride. In this context a new Pan-Americanism was created of which I would like to highlight its most critical and brilliant voices and proposals which are still present, such as Amilkar Cabral´s thesis on the need to promote a culture of liberation, the distinction established by Franz Fanon between the mere national independence and true national liberation, and Kuame Kruhmah´s analysis on the danger of neocolonialism (both economic and political as well as cultural) following the formal decolonization. In the cultural field it is important to highlight the conferences between Africa and Afro- -America as those held in Senegal in 1963 and in Algiers in 1975 that were part of a kind of re-identification between the African continent and the Diaspora whose fruits we are still harvesting in the most recent resolution of the African Countries declaring the Diaspora as a fifth region of the African Union. But without failing

36 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

to recognize the great importance of Africa’s formal independen- ces and the Caribbean, it is also important to point out that the famine, genocides, and inequality problems experienced by the African continent today are to a great extend the result of both colonial legacy as well as the significant elements of continuity in the structural financial dependence in conjunction with the political subordination to western powers. To continue insulting, this situation feeds the fact that the western racial imagination still considers Africa as a backward and primitive continent in relation to the developing ideals that emerged as criteria of modernity as of the 1940s. This global pattern of economic, political and cultural inequality that started about 500 years ago, and that in the Caribbean region after independence, turned into a subordination related to the imperial power of the state and the United States capital, we call it together with Aníbal Quijano coloniality of power. Due to the tenacious continuance of said power pattern, in spite of all the struggles and achievements of the African and Afro-diasporic movements, today we still seek to complete the unfinished decolonization project.

Another historic milestone to analyze and to evaluate the power of the Afro-Descendant Diaspora today is the black movements of the 1960s-1970s. We dare to state with certainty that the cons- tellation of social movements of the 1960s-1970s (feminists, ecological, indigenous, Afro-Descendants, students, workers) constituted the largest wave of change in modern history. The black movement in the United States was one of the columns of that moment not only of protests but also of living protests of which we still enjoy the effects, for example in the democratization of gender relations, and the dismantling of the social segregation regimes legalized first in the south of the United States and later in South Africa. Specially in the situation of global-historical importance between the end of the 60s and the beginning of the 70s, the black movement of the United States elevated its leader-

37 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

ship in the wave of change at global level and ended up having a main role in the opening of roads towards racial equality and full civil rights of Afro-Descendants in several fronts including legal and legislative reforms as well laws against discrimination and repairing justice measures like the Affirmative Action programs. Channels were also opened in the field of elective policies and this together with the growth of the Afro-Descendants medium layers promoted by the relative improvement on education and employment, resulted in a significant increase of the number of black legislators, majors and commissioners. To calibrate the state of power of the Afro-Descendant Diaspora, it is necessary to analyze this new Afro-North American political class, a task that goes beyond the boundaries of this presentation. However, we have to say that the presidential candidacy of Barack Obama would not have been possible without the political and cultural opening up caused by the black movements of the 60s and 70s. On the other hand, the growth of the medium layers and the Afro-North American political class was accompanied by an increase in the gap with the working classes and the socially marginalized of the black population. This junction of classes inside the Afro population intensified with the neo-liberal policies that since the Reagan administration insist on reducing the social ex- pense in areas like housing and education and to privatize basic services in their offensive against the sponsor state. This in turn was accompanied by a neo-conservative campaign against the racial equity policies including the Affirmative Actions and the laws and measures against discrimination. Said policies are supported by a racial ideology that declares the end of racism and the existence of an inclusive society free of color in the United States. However, the persistence of racial inequality not only financial wise but also in the political field and the daily discrimination- ex periences, is an evident fact of which testimony can be obtained from Afro-Descendant, Latin, Asian, and indigenous majorities, as well as from the study of social science. But what sociologist 38 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Bonilla-Silva ironically calls color blind racism is legitimized by the relative rise to the executive branch of the imperial state of an Afro neo-conservative sector whose most visible figures are Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice. Here, the key topic I would like to present for the discussion is the relation between the state, the elective politics, and the Afro-diasporic social movements. My argument is that on the one hand, it is necessary to have representation in the state and in particular in the elective arena, at the same time that we have to maintain the social movements with an autonomy and own power to open up non-governmental spaces of cultural live and financial development while we push the state and our representatives to perform equity and social justice politics.

After the wave of change of the 60s and 70s in the US, there was a relative reduction of the social movements’ policies in relation with the state and parties’ policies. In contrast, as of the end of the 1980s in Latin America there was a notorious emerging of Afro and Indigenous social movements. We characterize this as a spin towards the South in the main axis of the Afro-Descendant movements that finally brings to the open the 150 millions of Afro- Latinos that remained both outside the cultural and political maps of Latin America as well as in the Anglo-Northern representations of the African Diaspora. There is a long organizational history of the Afro-Latino American Diasporas and it is worth to mention that this year in Cuba, they celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the foundation of the first expressly Afro political party in the Ame- ricas, the Colorless Party (el Partido Independiente de Color del 1908). In the cultural and intellectual field it is worth to highlight the magazine AfroAmerica published in Mexico in 1940 and that gathered intellectuals from Brazil, the Great Caribbean, Latin Ame- rica, and the US. However, the turmoil of the autonomous Afro social movements in local and regional spaces that ended up in the weaving of national and hemispheric networks with convening

39 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

capacity and capacity to influence the power scenarios is a new development that yielded results at the beginning of the 1990s. There is no room to analyze the why, but we would like to highlight three key moments beginning by the campaign in 1992 against the celebration of 500 years of the so wrongly called discovery of Ame- rica, which facilitated the organization of both indigenous as well as Afro-Descendant communities. That same year, the Network of Afro-Iberoamerican and Caribbean Women was organized in Do- minican Republic, a dual expression of the rising of a new wave of feminism in the region as well as the urgency of black women to raise the racial question in the feminist field and beyond. The second moment is particularly in Colombia between the new constitution of 1991 that declares the pluri-ethnic and multicultural nation, and Law 70 of 1993 that recognizes collective property rights of the lands with self government of the community boards, political representation and ethno-education to the Afro-Colombian population, so being a legislative piece without precedent that had influence in the region later. The other is what we call the Durban process and agenda, this is to say the transnational networks such as the Afro-Descendant Strategic Alliance that were created with organizing purposes for the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa in 2001, the Durban Conference itself, and its consequences for the governments’ policies and the movements. This is another major topic that we will discuss thoroughly during this conference, but I want to emphasized two things: first, that Latin America has proven to be the only region in the world where the majority of the governments declare themselves in favor of the Durban Agenda and second that the Durban Program has also served as partial platform for the struggle against racism and for racial equity of the black movements in the region. The Durban process opened up a historic continent for racial justice in Latin America. An important product is the institution of state offices and branches in favor of racial equity in a series of countries, whose most advanced example is the Ministry of Racial Equity of Brazil 40 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

which has raised the topic to the level of executive office and that works the racial topic as a crosscut axis with other ministries such as education, health, and culture. I suggest for our discussion that in this sense, Brazil should serve as an example for the region. As a result of the movements’ actions, we have a series of achievements including the election of Afro legislators in several countries and the organization of a Black Parliament in the Americas whose president Epsy Campbell is here with us. Another example to follow is the Observatory against Racial Discrimination of Los Andes University and the Black Communities Process that has just won an historic case against racial exclusion in a disco in Bogotá. However, our achievements should not blind us to see and to analyze the serious problems and great challenges that we still face.

Let’s remember that the World Bank still shows the Afro-Ibero- american populations with the highest levels of poverty, to which we can add the highest levels of imprisonment and the lowest rates of higher education. This structural racism reveled by the tenacity of the socio-economic inequality is also expressed in a daily experience of violence caused by deterioration of the social fabric in the urban neighborhoods, the loss of land by the farmers and over-exploitation of rural workers which is aggravated by the neo-liberal politics that promote mega-development projects and free trade treaties. If to this we add the rest of the deaths and forced displacements in situations of armed conflict, we complete the chart of a rediasporization condition in the sense of banishment and violent dispersion. Given the achievements as well as the limitations, I will finish by listing what I understand are five of the major challenges and contradictions today, followed by five of the main work areas and proposals for the Afro-Descendant Agenda that we are to discuss and to define during this conference. I present these with a critical vision in the good sense of seeing contradictions, limitations, and possibilities to identify obstacles as well as avenues for transformation. These are the challenges: 41 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

1. Given the global capitalism crisis that has effectively hit the neo-liberal model of globalization, with the respective implications in terms of massive unemployment, fiscal pressure for the states accompanied by the reduction of the social remuneration and increase of social inequalities; in this critical moment of transition in the global order, what are the historical change projects and the development paradigms that we are to design and to develop? 2. The question of the development paradigms is also related with the life projects, what the indigenous cosmo vision calls “the good living”, in view of an ecological crisis exemplified in the global warming that puts the stability of the planet at risk, and of the agricultural crisis that points towards an increase of hunger. Here, two key topics are the ecological harmony ethnic and popular economies and food sovereignty, both columns of the Afro-Descendant and indigenous ethno development. 3. The third challenge is in relation to the escalation of a network of forms of (domestic, social, political, military) violence at all levels from the neighborhoods to wars and massive genocides as it happens in Darfur and Rwanda, which also constitute the structural racism which DuBois called the obscure races of the world and that Fanon called “the Wretched of the earth” are those who suffer the consequences the most. 4. All this is related to the persistence of Racism in its three dimensions: structural, institutional, and every day, at the same time the ideology of its denial takes precedence (the so called color blind racism) 5. This in turn points to an important contradiction in the Diaspora’s power and force where on the one hand we have greater political representation in the states and greater recognition depending on our identity and culture, at the same time that today, economic marginalization intensifies

42 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

displacement and violence in the experience of the Afro-De- scendant majorities.

Now I would like to point out five principles and areas of work for our collective agenda:

1. The first principle is that there is a fundamental relation between racial equity and fundamental democracy. In contrast to democracy in the merely formal sense (this is to say only as a question of rhetoric and procedure), the fundamental democracy implies identifying social inequalities and their roots to develop public policies in favor of equity, and to facilitate the process of empowerment of the subordinated and excluded subjects and sectors. This supposes a correspondence between financial, cultural, racial, sexual and political democracy, and in public policies it implies coordination between the financial, cultural, racial, and educational policies. 2. This brings me to the second point which relates to the area of cultural policies. It is interesting to observe that until recently we had three Afro ministers of culture in Latin America (Paula Moreno in Colombia, Gil- berto Gil in Brazil, and Antonio Preciado in Ecuador). The most skeptic ones would say that these are insignificant ministries without much power and budget but assuming culture as a resource (to use George Yudice’s expression) for economic development, for the redefinition of the national space as a inter-cultural scenario, for the democratization of the citizenship itself and of all institutions in favor of a true intercultural democracy where identity is based on that difference, is a fundamental column of any social justice horizon and fundamental democracy. Here a priority task is to explain and to negotiate the relation between the cultural policies of the communities and social movements with that of the states.

43 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

3. The third area that I suggest for discussion is in relation with the development paradigms, a topic I already mentioned but I want to emphasize that there are cosmo visions and development practices in our communities that have been conceptualized and turned into explicit paradigms of sustainable and ecologically harmonic ethno development, and based on our coexistence, re-distribution and self-governing rules. At this moment of crisis, change possibilities open up which enhance the possibilities of change that improve the importance and feasibility of said development practices and proposals. 4. The fourth point is the need to combine universal policies such as the right to a fair remuneration and to public education with ethno-racial policies like the Afro Reparation and Affirmative Actions. There is a false debate between the universal equity policies and the policies of recognition of ethnic-racial and cultural difference. On the one hand, ethnic- racial equity requires of social and economic policies in favor of the distribution of goods and resources, and on the other hand the realization of the equity democratic ideals and full civil rights require recognition, the valorization and empowerment of the excluded differences. 5. The fifth area is the legal and political front. We are gathered in Colombia, pioneer of legal change with its 1991 constitution that declared the pluri-ethnic and multicultural country, and with the -Descendants rights Law in 1993, it is necessary to reflect on the progress and limitations of legislative changes. How to perform the constitutionally declared inter-cultural democracy? How to defend the achievements, develop the potential, and extend the coverage of law 70 despite the continuity of banishment and rediasporization? Also, how to execute and extend the Durban program against racism. I suggest that all this supposes a multifaceted strategy of col-

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lective empowerment where on the one hand the levels of organization and autonomy of the black movements and Af- ro-Descendant communities are promoted, and on the other hand that influences and representation forms of the states increase. This is to say, a road of a visible empowerment and of representation for the collective power.

To conclude I would like to remember that in 1977 in Cali, a historic conference was held, The Conference of Black Cultures of the Americas at the dawn of a great wave of Afro-Descendant movements in Latin America. I hope that here and to continue the tradition, we can continue opening up channels to empower the Afro-Descendant Diaspora and decolonize power and knowledge. In this sense, the integration as a task of articulating the Diaspora of gathering its several pieces as of and in favor of a decolonization project in the broad sense of decolonizing memory, imagination, education, economy and culture, which means to reinvent the nation and to redefine the state, this is to say for the construction of a fundamental democracy and fair society. These are the ethnic-political principles that I suggest and that are the result of a long historic agency process and empowerment of the persons and movements of Africa and its Diaspora. This was DuBois’s vision; his spirit is inscribed in the Durban plan against racism.

I want to finish by saying that the greatest force of the Diaspo- ra lays in empowerment, in assuming the own power and building new forms of collective power. In this sense, decolonize the power means create power formations without name, because as the philosopher Enrique Dussel proposes, the basis of power is the own statement of life. For that reason the Diaspora’s main power has always been its vision and practice of joy and hope in spite of the sorrows, being reborn even from the ashes as the phoenix bird to come to life again and to live beyond the kingdom

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of survival and resistance, in the Cosmic Palenque of freedom, desire and rumba.

Discussion and conclusions

Challenges and major contradictions:

• In view of the capitalism crisis, what are the historical change projects and the development paradigms? • Life Projects “the good life”. In view of an environmental crisis (global warming). • Escalation of violence at all levels, domestic and political. The Afro population is more vulnerable. • Persistence of racism. • Greater political representation in the States vs. Intensifying of violence and marginality.

Proposals:

Fundamental Democracy: social inequalities and their roots should be identified. Empowerment of subordinated sectors. Co- ordination between economic and political policies.

Cultural policies. Only until recently Afro-Descendants have held ministries positions. Culture should be assumed as a resource for economic development and defining the national space as an intercultural space, is a fundamental column of social justice. To clarify the relation between social movements and state policies.

To establish harmonic development practices, based on self-governance. The crises generate feasibility for such practices.

Ethnic equity requires redistribution. The equity of rights requires the valorization of diversity.

46 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

One should reflect on the advancements and limitations of legislation. organization and autonomy; the representation of the states should also increase.

The nations should be reinvented pointing to fair societies. To create power without domination: power is the statement of life. Diaspora: joy and hope. “Cosmic Palenque of freedom, desire and the rumba”. in spite of the long history of exclusion and marginality of the Afro-Descendant communities, the Diaspora is the “life memory” of cultural traditions. Africa’s influence is present in the cultural foundation of Latin America; its developing role, however, is forgotten.

It is necessary to develop projects that give special attention to Afro-Descendant women. In this group of the population, discrimination by gender and ethnics are deepened and concentrated. Despite this situation, their organizational potential is highlighted in the trajectory of the Afro-Descendant movements.

In Colombia, a great part of the Afro-Descendant population is found in zones that hold an extensive wealth of natural resources. However, said communities have not seen any benefit from the exploitation of said resources.

The increasing access of many Afro-Descendants (to public jobs could be interpreted as opportunities for new development projects that may contribute to solving problems of social inequality and to drive the international cooperation agenda. The increase of political representation, however, contrasts with the intensifying of social inequalities.

The formulation of development projects should give extensive importance to culture and education as fields that contribute to consolidating full citizenship.

47 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

There are two ways of reading the meaning of Diaspora. On the one hand, it is understood under a logic of domination and oppression that pictures the Afro-Descendants as victims of history. On the other hand, the Diaspora is interpreted as a process where social movements are agents of change and transformation. The Diaspora, from this perspective, is “a counterculture of modernity” to the extend that there is a search of full citizenship that is expressed in a double national and afrodiasporic conscience.

Obstacles/ identified challenges

• There are major weaknesses as to the quantitative and qualitative identification of the Afro-Descendant communities present in the region. • The migration processes pose challenges for the multi-ethnic societies to the extend that social inequalities are emphasized. The diversity should be recognized as an asset in the globalization process. • In view of the capitalism crisis. Likewise, the environmental crisis, product of global warming, poses challenges in terms of food security of the Afro-Descendant communities. What are the historical change projects and the development paradigms? • There is a notorious increase of the violence that affects the Afro-Descendant communities at different domestic and political levels. Racism persists under three types: structural racism, institutional racism and every day racism. • The biggest political representation acquired by the Afro- Descendants contrasts with the intensifying of violence and marginality. • The Afro-Descendant communities now have more leaders. However, there is a generation of young people left behind that are exposed to several forms of violence. How to use culture as a tool for transformation and inclusion? 48 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Proposals that could be replicated:

• Despite the lack of precise information on Afro populations, the governments are compiling the necessary data. In Colom- bia’s case, the DANE included the ethic component. The international community ought to support this type of efforts. • In the legislative field for Afro-Descendant communities, we can highlight the progress that has been made in Colombia, particularly the 1991 Constitution and Law 70 of 1993. Also important to mention is the work carried out by the Observa- tory against Racial Discrimination of Los Andes University of Colombia. • The creation of the Ministry of Racial Equity in Brazil, that concentrates its efforts on addressing racial inequality issues, can serve as reference point for the Afro-Descendant Agenda of other countries.

Proposals for cooperation mechanisms and schemes between countries

• It is necessary to assume culture as a resource for economic development, the definition of the national space as an intercultural space, and the strengthening of citizenship. • The relation between the State, the elective policy and the Afro-Descendant social movements should enable the latter to be autonomous and to have an effect in the definition of public policies. • The current neoliberal crisis offers possibilities to formu- late new development paradigms. Said formulation should involve the Afro-Descendant communities’ knowledge and local practices with the state’s resources. It is possible that the contradiction between the greater political representation and the increase of socioeconomic inequalities and the structural racism, intensifies.

49 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

• We have to move forward in the constitution of solidarity bonds not only at cultural level but also in the economic and social areas. • It is necessary to reflect over the legislative progress and limitations for Afro-Descendant communities Development challenges for the Afro- Descendant populations in the world

The purpose of this forum is to propose cooperation mechanisms and schemes on actions that foster specific bonds and synergies between economy and culture.

This forum will emphasize on the need to foster cooperation between the countries in the framework of culture as means or instrument for development. Special emphasis will be given to the interaction avenues between culture and development. The fundamental objective is to propose cooperation mechanisms and schemes on actions that foster specific bonds and synergies between economy and culture.

Kei Kawabata

Profile

Of Japanese origin, she assumed the position of Social Sector Manager of the Inter-American Development Bank on Novem- ber 16th/ 2007. She joined the BID after 23 years with the World Bank, where she held the position of Manager Health, Nutrition and Population Sector. She has broad experience in the area of health systems, services, financing, in addition to her knowledge of education and gender. She took 6 sabbatical years to serve as Coordinator of transfer of resources and risk protection, and as health policy adviser with the Sustainable Health Department of the World Health Organization. Prior to joining the World Bank, she worked for the United Nations Development Program Latin America Office, both in New York 50 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas and in Brazil. She holds a Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy from the Fletcher School, Tufts University, and a bachelor’s degree granted by Colgate University.

Lecture

Message from the President of the Inter-American Develop- ment Bank, Mr. Luis Alberto Moreno.

Good morning to all. I am truly sorry for not being with you today in Cartagena in this important event, but I do know that I will be very well represented by Social Sector Manager, Kei Kawabata and by Claire Nelson of her team, and with them I want to take this opportunity to send a message for them to share it with you during this conference of Afro-Descendants of the Americas.

I want to send a special greeting to the Minister of Culture, Paula Marcela Moreno, to the Mayoress of Cartagena, Judith Pinedo, to Mr. Oscar Gamboa, AMUNAFRO Executive Director and Director of the Intersectorial Commission for the Progress of Afro-Colombian Communities directly led by Vice-President Santos, to the former Governor of Chocó, Luis Gilberto Muri- llo, and to the Governor of Cesar, Cristhian Moreno. I met with some of them in the past month of September at the Bank’s Headquarters to review the projects they are developing and to see what else we could do to develop Cartagena’s black communities, Cesar, Buenaventura, and in general the Colom- bian Afro-Descendant population.

For this reason I want to start by congratulating the Afro- Colombian community for the efforts made towards a better internal organization and coordination, and for having in this same city of Cartagena de Indias, 5 years ago (a series of institutional conferences in favor of the progress of the Afro-Co- lombian communities.

51 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

The community has assumed a proactive and constructive -at titude in favor of its inclusion, of which I have been witness since I worked as Ambassador in Washington; From this initiatives – mainly motivated by the call of the United Nations during the world conference against racism in August 2001, in Durban – have resulted many of the advancements in the past years, such as CONPES 3310, the alliances with the Black Cau- cus of the United States Congress, the special budget alloca- tion within Plan Colombia, the mobilization of other resources through international cooperation.

The importance of the social inclusion of Afro-Descendant communities lays in that the groups represent between 25 and 30% of the Colombian population, and between 30 and 40% of the entire population of the region (being Brazil and Colombia the countries with the largest settlements). I am convinced that their social inclusion is the driving force of growth and social cohesion for our countries.

I have said several times that there are no magic potions or short cuts towards development. Although promoting social inclusion is not the exception, I believe that is important to ca- pitalize on the issues where there is a consensus, to put them on the table and to use them as a compass and continue with local organization efforts, and with the building of alliances with countries of the region and the donor community.

Likewise, we have to identify strategic opportunities and situations to promote inclusive approaches. It is necessary to strengthen the local governments in the areas where the poorest communities are concentrated and to improve the foca- lization of social programs; and lastly, to identify the additional barriers faced by the Afro-Descendants which should be addressed by means of affirmative actions.

52 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

As I said in 2006 during the IV Institutional Conference of Afro- Colombians in Medellín, the advancements in organizational terms of the Afro-Colombian community are huge. They have applied the approach promoted by President Kennedy of reci- procity among the citizens: where rights come together with responsibilities. It is important to continue these efforts in the face of a largest building of consensus that maximize the impact of lobbying initiatives, rendering of accounts and building of alliances.

And so then, addressing social exclusion does not only require affirmative actions, of temporary and remedial nature, but also a cultural exchange that sees diversity as an asset and not as a threat. Therefore I want us to think ahead, with a strategic, realistic vision, but above all orientated towards results.

Even though the BID seeks to be a great ally of the countries in the promotion of social inclusion, we have to recognize that it has limitations to act. As many of you know, the Bank responds to the countries’ loan requests, and accompanies them in the implementation of development projects. This way, the initiative and demand always come from the countries.

The challenge is great but not greater that the commitment of all of us who know that social exclusion does not wait, and that promoting exercising of the excluded groups’ rights of the region more than an economic growth topic, is an ethical imperative.

Before finalizing, I want to reiterate my personal and institutional commitment with the search of opportunities for all Afro- Descendants. The Bank is ready to support the governments, and to hear from the interested organizations constructive, solid proposals focused on results and the rendering of accounts.

My best wishes for a great conference and I will make sure to be well informed on the results of this event.

Many thanks 53 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Silvia Beatriz García Savino. Consultant Iberoamerican Gen- eral Secretariat , SEGIB

Profile: Was born in Argentina. She is a Doctor in General Lin- guistic and Philosophy by the Westfälische Wilhelms-Univer- sität of Germany. She has been working for 15 years in the design, the evaluation, negotiation and the management of a wide range of social, environmental, and economic projects and humanitarian demining. She is an external consultant in international organizations. In the present time she works in the Iberoamerican General Secretariat (SEGIB) in Madrid, Spain in matters related to the Afrodescendant population in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Intervention

First and foremost, my thanks to the Colombian government for this initiative and for the invitation extended to the SEGIB. We are, as always, very pleased to be in these lands.

SEGIB was invited to participate in this meeting in the person of its Secretary General, Mr. Enrique Iglesias, who very much regrets not being with us today. Many of you know that issues of discrimination and situation of Afro-descendant people in Latin America have been among the concerns of Mr. Iglesias long ago. Therefore, he recorded and sent us a greeting video that includes some thoughts on the subject for today. We are here to present the video and add a few comments.

First, let me mention that the Heads of State and Government meeting at the last Ibero-American Summit held in Santiago de Chile (8-10/11/2007) gave the mandate for SEGIB to make “a compendium of information on the situation of Afro-descendant population in Latin America.” That mandate has been fulfilled through three activities:

54 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

1. An investigation was conducted on the bilateral and multilateral cooperation leading resources to countries of Latin America and whose ultimate beneficiaries are the populations of African descent in those countries. 2. Thanks to the cooperation of the European Commission, 3 papers were developed and are available to those who require “statistical visibility of Afro-descendant population in Latin America: Conceptual and methodological issues” by Fabiana del Popolo and John Anton; “Current status of implementation of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of Afro-descendant population in Latin America” by Al- varo Bello and Marcelo Paixao and “Organizations and joints of the Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean” by Martha Rangel. 3. In collaboration with the European Commission and the Re- gional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the SEGIB organized a seminar on this topic in Panama in March this year, where leaders of African descent of the region attended to discuss, analyze and record the documents mentioned in the previous paragraph.

Secondly, and very briefly, I would like to refer to something in the present time: the current financial crisis will affect, more hardly, the most vulnerable populations of Latin America and the Caribbean, including the Afro-descendant populations. I regret being the bearer of bad news.

As we all know, there have improvements in our region, especially since 2003 and 2004, in fact, the improvements of recent decades in access to health and, primary and secondary education have to add the sharp reduction in poverty and particularly extreme poverty or indigence. However, this should not make us forget that the number of poor (190 million) and indigent (69 million) in the region is higher than in 1980.

55 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Moreover, progress in terms of equity, including income distribution, has been scarce, if not zero, during the last decades. A prime example is the Afro-descendant population that is among those most impoverished sectors, which have come to a lesser extent improvements in recent years and which continue to suffer from inequality in the region hardest.

Just to give a few examples: currently over 80% of Latin Ame- rican children and adolescents between 5 and 18 years in school, but with the exception of Costa Rica, this figure drops sharply when looking indicators of the population African and especially of those living in rural areas. When you look at the numbers of work insertion, and the quality and type of employment, the Afro are placed in the worst job categories with the exception of the Garifuna of Honduras.

However, gains were insufficient, but, worse yet; they can be reversed more or less rapidly as a result of the international crisis, a product of irresponsible handling of the financial system in most developed countries, and especially in the United States. This crisis, which will produce an increase in unemployment and poverty, is likely to be added to the rising prices of food and energy, although these prices have declined in recent weeks, the cumulative increase remains high.

Just to give an idea to the case of food, its price began to rise in 2006 but had a very strong acceleration in early 2008. When comparing June 2008 with June 2007, those prices, in many countries, doubled the increase in the general price level. And, as you know, the poorer a family is more intensive in their food basket.

The increase in prices of food and energy as the slower pace of economic growth expected for the countries of our region for the remainder of 2008 and 2009, will, as always, affect more

56 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas to the most vulnerable, those with no savings or assets to cope with the crisis.

We have to ask who these sectors are; however, they are the lower income middle class and poor, including Afro-descendant populations in our region. In this way, if nothing is done to compensate for these most vulnerable sectors, it is not excluded that the crisis soon remove the improvements achieved in the last 5 or 6 years. As I read some days ago, financial crises in the north causing humanitarian crisis in the south.

This is the bad news I had for you today; it is an alert, respectful but urgent, our rulers and developed countries. A child who goes hungry for several months will suffer irreparable loss. It is the time to act.

Thank you very much! With you now, Enrique Inglesias, the Secretary General of the Iberoamerican General Secretariat.

Enrique Iglesias’s Message. Secretary General of the Iberoamerican General Secretariat

(Video)

Good morning. I begin by thanking a very special way the Co- lombian Government and its Minister of Culture for their kind invitation to attend this important event. I sincerely regret not being able to attend, first because it is a subject that has always been very close to my personal interest, not only on this occasion, but, previously, in my passage through the Interamerican Development Bank, we had opportunity to make this issue a topic of concern. Even here in this very city of Cartagena, in this beautiful city, in particular we had a meeting of the Board of Governors of the Bank; there are surely some people in the audience who have had occasion to remember this important opportunity to challenge for us and before us, this topic that concerns us.

57 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

I think we should congratulate, besides the Government of Colombia, the Afrodescendant population for the challenges posed by this event. It is very important that this issue is concerned, is discussed, not to create special categories, because we are all, in short, Colombians, Brazilians and Mexicans ... but to identify within the company where are the groups most affected by social deficits. And I think when we look at this population, the population of Afrodescendant, in countries where they are minorities, there is a clear discrimination against them, that, somehow, has to be addressed with the title you want, but it must be treated as policy interventions from the governments and the private sector, to pursue a genuine policy of combating discrimination.

Starting with the fact that we do not yet know exactly how many people are involved in such discrimination, because we do not have uniform statistics on the number of people classi- fied as African descent; but from CEPAL, which speaks of one hundred and forty six million, the World Bank, which refers to little more than a hundred million, one could say that 25% of the population is of African descent in Latin America. And particularly, where they are minorities is where one finds the worst levels of discrimination.

Discrimination with regard to health: a very high percentage of people of African descent have no access to basic health services, and this is reflected in things as serious as the child population or diseases that are part of a big social gap that must be begin to address and correct.

In education, which is the big factor of comparison, the single biggest factor in opening opportunities, I was touched to see many cases of discrimination that exist in fact. 80% of children arrive at school, but in the Afro-descendant population that percentage is considerably less. Needless to say, in secondary and higher education. I remember very well the programs, for 58 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas example, in Brazil, aiming to facilitate access for people of Afri- can descent to the university cycle, with specific policies and policies designed precisely to enable this population to advance their training.

Poor education also means a lack of ability to dynamically in- sert in labor markets, and when one looks at the statistics re- veals that the opportunities available to this group than those that open to the rest of society. Why is this? Well, simply because education has failed and will not allow this ethnic group to come forward to have equal opportunities with respect to others.

This year we are in the year of non-discrimination, in the year of combating discriminatory ways, it is important to discuss the issue and discuss it in a broad sense, not to create categories, but simply to determine that there are groups in the society who have severe social deficits. I think in this case is justified only too well the need to address and treat the enti- rety as claimed in this important meeting.

I must say that for us the issue is of particular importance, because we’re trying to build, or rather, to consolidate the construction of the Latin American society. Latin America is in the background, the large mixing of the confluence of three great dominant strands that formed what today is our society. To the Native American civilization must be added the European and particularly the Iberian slope. But added to that, afterwards, the very important influence of Africa. These three strands formed this great melting mixtures gave rise to this great mix we have today in Latin America.

If we are committed to Latin America, we must be committed to the three strands. And if one does not progress, something must be done. Each country will have to do it their way, will

59 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas ensure that the mechanisms for influencing it, but we have to enhance the theme and enhance the political sensitivity and awareness of society as a whole to achieve the progress that has formed Iberoamerica and has been so rich, not only contributing their labor, their work-often in dramatic situations, as the period of slavery in America, but also bringing the vitality of this group, bringing its enormous contribution to the culture. We find in Latin America, in the formation of this crucible, an enormous cultural contribution that has been done by the Afrodescendant population, and therefore, there is a duty to society as a whole to address the discriminatory ways, starting with knowing where the discrimination is and how many are being discriminated.

That’s why I congratulate the Minister of Culture of Colombia, because I think the fact of this meeting, along with institutions that accompany this event, is an important fact. I wanted to be in this event, unfortunately I cannot do it personally, but of course the Secretariat was represented at the meeting. We join to this effort with great enthusiasm; because we believe that we must confront all obstacles to create an Iberoamerican society more just, equitable and equal opportunity for all. Discussion and Conclusions

The social movement of the African Diaspora has grown and become stronger. However, there are still conditions of inequality and exclusion expressed in the lowest indexes of access to education, health and the offer of cultural goods and services of the Afro-Descendant population among others.

Among the young Afro-Colombian population, specially among the poorest there concentrates exclusion problems, lack of opportunities, reproduction of poverty, high indexes of violent deaths, marginalizing of science and technology, as well as employment

60 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

options, participation in politics, recreation and expression possibilities. These aspects make of them a vulnerable population.

Another structural element that is identified for the analysis related with the development challenges of the Afro-Descendant population is the profound inequality present in the power structures that limit development of equitable relations among the nations, persons and cultures at symbolic level and of material conditions required for traditional cultures to develop.

The minimum access of Afro-Descendants to the popular elective positions aggravate more the possibilities of being recognized. This is an expression of exclusion of the political system in which representative democracy prevails above the opportunities and challenges that a participative cultural democracy offers, where ethnic groups and other minorities would have a higher incidence in the political decisions and programs that affect them.

In the context of the global capitalism crisis, the role of the State as the regulating body in front of a development hegemonic and dominant model has been harmful and backward before the traditional productive practices, consequently, an alert is suggested, given that the populations that have been excluded and- mar ginalized will suffer with more severity the current crisis of the economy.

According to the foregoing, the following challenges have been identified:

1. To inquire into the alternatives that offer tools such as TICs and digital culture. 2. The inclusion challenges and valuation of wellbeing indicators used by the state and the multilateral development agencies. 3. The historic lap as an obstacle to resolve, question and identify the paradigms and traps of poverty where for example

61 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

the extracting systems and oil, coal, gold exploitation have generated but misery, cultural impoverishment and ecological devastation.

4. To implement the advancements of the Durban conference that fights against racism, as an efficient instrument that should be put on the Latin-American States’ public agenda .

Forum II: Culture as base of reunion and recreation of the global ethnic agenda

Cultural Diversity and the African Diaspora in the Americas

Discussed the importance of cultural parameters that determine development for the Iberoamericans countries for the progress of the Afro-Descendant population. Suggested the ethnic - inte gration role in the recognition of the nations’ cultural diversity.

Doudou Diene

Profile (Senegal, 1941). Was United Nations Special Rapporteur on Racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and other related forms of intolerance from 2002 to 2008. Diène has a Bachelor’s Degree in Law of the University of Caen (France), a PhD in Public law of the University of Paris, and a diploma in Political Science from the Institut d’Études Politiques de París.

Between 1972 and 1977 he worked as UNESCO’s deputy representative. In 1977, he joined the UNESCO secretariat, where he held several positions including Director of the Inter-American Di- vision of Cultural Projects. He was appointed Special Rapporteur on racism and related topics with the United Nations Commis- sion on Human Rights in August 2002, following Maurice Glele- Ahanhanzo from Benin.

62 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Lecture

I would like to start by saying that I am very pleased not only to be invited here but also to see you. One of the first countries I investigated was Colombia; six years ago I was here. There were no African descendant people in the Government, so it is now a pleasure to see you occupying this position, because I really think that after many years of wandering in the region, not only on the slave route, but also on the intercultural dialogue as United Na- tions Rapporteur, I believe that culture is the key, a key issue in this hemisphere.

We cannot continue our discussion without contextualizing our conference. We have to keep in mind in what context we are having this conference here in Cartagena and there are two key factors which have an impact on this discussion. One is the financial crisis. For many it seems very far away from our discussion, but I think it is very close because the financial crisis we are seeing right now is one of the most negative consequences of the present day globalization, and please keep in mind that the first form of historical globalization was the Atlantic Slave Trade, organized structured globalization because it linked Continents, regions. The main purpose was the so called exploitation of the so called “newlands” (they were not new), and the means of exploitation was moving financial powers, investing in the slave ship, in the tri- angle of trade and the using of population in the moving around as work force, just as migrants are being used now.

So the first globalization was the slave trade and I wanted to -re mind it to you because, in my view, one of the most important powerful forces which has really limited the negative, and which has destroyed my view in the slave trade, was culture. We all know that the Atlantic Slave Trade has certainly been a story of permanent resistance, and African salves always resistant, fought back, from the villages they were taken, along the routes to the

63 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

force of the corps of Africa, in the ships in the middle passage and in the Americas and the Caribbean, they keep fighting.

But, one dimension of the resistance which has been ignored even by many African descendants is the cultural resistance. I do believe that one of the most powerful arms used by the slaves has been culture. Why? Because the ideological column of slavery has been racism, this ideological column was that theorization of the cultural inferiority and the human inferiority of the Africans slaves. It was the basis, and because of this basis, the slaves realized an outset that in the long term, the so called “masters” where going to lose. Because the masters saw only the slaves and slavery as work force.

The women, children and men captured and sold by some African regimes, were seen only as work force and because of prejudice there is a very deep belief by this people that those that they are selling and taking across the Atlantic were not human, lack civilization, and even lack the capacity to think their own situation. There own suffering was something they could not grasp. It was part of the intellectual construction of racism, in the black person. And this was maybe the weakest point of the Atlantic Slave Trade, because slaves realized very quickly that the masters, the so called masters, were completely ignorant, were not taken into account in the other slaves’ dimension: their culture, rituals, and values, all very human.

The masters could not see this because for the masters salves do not have this kind of things; they were supposed to be inferior and uncivilized. It is from this initial observation that the African slaves, as you know, kept observing the masters, they kept a long the four centuries of slavery, looking at the master to see who he is, what it is bizarre, what does he like, what does he don’t like, and they used the only thing, factors that the master could not see to organize the cultural resistance, what I call the Maroon Culture. That culture was base on the capacity of very intelligent 64 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

creativity of the slaves that for centuries of literarily subverting and transforming what the masters wanted to input on them without the masters seeing it.

When the masters asked them, because the cultural and ideological power of the time, the Christian Church, the Holy Church, gave its blessing, as you know, to the Atlantic Slave Trade; the only thing the Holy Church did was asking the masters to really make the slaves more Christian and the slaves were asked as Chris- tian virtue to obey the master. By obeying the master they can gain paradise, they can be more Christian. But when the masters asked the slaves just to come back to the intelligent resistance of the Slavery, to take the Christ and Virgin Mary as their new God, the slaves had no possibility to say no, no possibility, if they say no, they would be killed.

So what they did, as you know, was to transform the Christ and the Virgin Mary to African Gods, they literally integrated them to their Gods; they gave them new names, new identity, without telling the masters. Giving the name of Orishas, African stilted realities. This is one example; even on the more trivial aspect, and our friend Zulu knows it, of cook and food when in a country like Brazil, on Sundays a masters asks a slave to kill the pig and prepare the meal for the master and its family, and left for the slave the bones and the so called inferior pars, as you know, what the slave did was just to take those bones and mixed them up with herbs and fruits, sea fruits, and created the Brazilian Feijoada, which is now the national dish, mixing.

They kept mixing, integrating, transforming, and one of the most important form of cultural resistance was the ethical resistance. Because, this is were the roll and the very fundamental trunk role of women in the combat against the slavery has been a way to minimized because it is the women, the slave women, who kept this institution who is the family, as the ultimate place were in the evening, when the slaves came back from the cotton fields 65 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

or the mines of whatever, suffering after days of exploitation and violence, when they came back, to find in the family more strength, to regain their humanity. And it is the women, who are walking in the fields as men, who created this strategy and this is why the institution of family is so strong and so important in the whole hemisphere.

So the point I want to make out, is that cultural resistance has been the most profound force to literary win, destroy this first form of globalization which was slavery. And just one last example: you know the so called Revolt of Santo Domingo; it is Slave revolution, which has literary shaken up the foundations the slavery systems which happened in August 1971. You know that the Santo Domingo Revolution in front of the masters; the masters did not see because in the evenings after working in the mines and in the fields, slaves met sometimes in the woods to practice vudu and to play drums, the masters said let this wild people go and do this, tomorrow they will be in a better shape to work.

Slaves used that possibility, that window, that ignorance and prejudice, and organized the Santo Domingo Revolution, which happened in the Island of Espanola, from one part to the other. During that time there was no mobile phone, but the Revolution started at the same time in the whole island because they used everything; the drum rituals, songs, everything to organize the revolution.

So the point I was making here is that we are witnessing now, one of the worst consequences of the actual present day globalization, the financial aspect, but as we know, those who are going to suffer of the impact of this financial crisis are the poor communities, those who are already socially, economically marginalized and not as this morning we have heard, the Afro-descendant population will have to suffer an employment marginalization, socially and economically.

66 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

And as we know also, this is a point I want to bring out, certainly the so called powers of the world are getting together in their dark suites and white shirts are trying to get solutions without asking you what your views are. But, as we know that, one of the most important bases of the crisis is not financial per se, it is not the way some people are behaving in the banks and in the financial institutions, it is the lack of ethic in the human perspective, the human dimension, of development.

It is that ethical dimension, the moral, the human part which has been missing, and there is not doubt that human dimension will have to be brought in the picture for a final solution of what the crisis has rebuilt.

The point I wanted to share with you it is one factor of the context. The other factor I wanted to mention is Obama. We cannot continue to talk about diversity, our conference here, ignoring what Obama factor means. The Obama factor means two things, because I just came back from the United States, two months ago, it was the last mission as a Rapporteur, to investigate the state of racism in the United States. My report should be finished by the beginning of the year, and Howard Dodson hosted my conference in Harlem with the communities to listen to their experiences of racism.

But the point I wanted to point out is that because of the Slave Trade, we are seeing the possibility that the most powerful country in the world has its next leader, a member of the Afro-descendant community, that it is very important. We know that is the result of the combat of African Americans for civil rights against racism, but we wonder why in the United States where African descendant communities are not so big, why that phenomenon is does not exist now in this part of the hemisphere as South America. And I just wanted to tell you that I have never used the expression Latin America. I am sorry. I have been doing this pub- licly in the United Nations in New York and in Geneva because the 67 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

notion of Latin means that the ignorance of the other root of this hemisphere. There are three routes, the indigenous first, they were the first people, and they were slaughtered, killed. African brought work force and the European, this are the three routes. The European is a Latin so using the context of Latin means ignoring the other two routes. This was a parenthesis. Because the enterprise of racism, the intellectual construction of racism has been so profound in this hemisphere that it touches everything, even the geographical names, language, not only color, it impreg- nated the culture, very profound. It has a historical and cultural debt which people did not understand by using certain concept.

The point I wanted to tell you about Obama, he can be the next President of the United States. It is a very important new beginning, there is no doubt. Why this possibility does not exist in this part of the hemisphere, you have to wonder. A country like Brazil which has received 14 % of this African and slaved, that went to Brazil; 14% in the Caribbean, 10% in the U.S. 10% in the other South American countries.

Why? So this brings me to another point because, we have to, when we meet like this, and this is a fantastic initiative from the Colombian Government to do it, but I hope it is the beginning of something more profound. We have to revise the concept because in the program the central concept is diversity.

But let us revise this in two minutes, not too long, what diversity means, please. Remember two central points. First, it is one in the 18 and 19 Century when the first research on the notion of diversity on species and racism started with philosophers, thinkers, scientists, the so called “Enlightment”. It was in this intellectual context, as you remember, that the hierarchy of racism has been defined.

One of the first consequences of the intellectual reflection on diversity is the hierarchy of racism. It was from this perspec- 68 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

tive; please revise it, the writing of scholars and philosophers, so called scientists, of the end of 17, 18 and 19 centuries, people like Voltaire and other. It was during those times of research of diversity that they put two points; one, the human species are divided in different pieces, there is diversity, but this diversity is not equal, some races were superior than others by their blood, by the culture, and by their civilization.

Please keep in mind that it was in this context that the all dynamic of leaving Europe and conquering other lands started. So this point is important; diversity has been historically connoted, diversity used alone as a concept involve the notion of racism. And this we have to keep it mind.

Secondly, we know that diversity has been ideological instrumentalized by even Europe now, if you go to extreme parties, racist parties which have racists agendas, they accept diversity but they put a hierarchy between the different races and communities. This is why we have to revise the notion of diversity and try to move from diversity to something that has more moral content, like pluralism, because pluralism is a different thing from diversity, it is a value, it is a recognition acceptation, promotion of diversity but given it as a value. If you take diversity alone, then diversity will be instrumentalized by whatever political forces.

In this hemisphere, all the Governments which have founded their policies in the last three centuries, on this very profound racist ideology of the inferiority of the indigenous first and the African slaves, recognize diversity. But diversity mean everybody stay in its color.

But what I do believe in Madame Minister, that what you are aiming at and all participants is going beyond simply recognizing that there is differences between the different communities. But going beyond that means a second point I wanted to share with you.

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You have to understand that the recognition of diversity as a value not only as a simple fact has been violent painful conquest by the slaved, by the African descendant. Because as I said initially, their humanity has been denied at the beginning; their capacity to reflect on their own situation was denied; they were not recognized as humans. It is on this basis that they were slaughtered, exploited, in different ways during this three or four centuries.

But as I said, it was a slave that started by walking out; the best way to combat enslavement by using what remind as humanity in their listened themselves, what the masters could not see and slowly in the four centuries they regain inhumanity. They regain inhumanity integrating in their culture whatever their masters imposed to them, this was the first point I made to you.

So please keep in mind that diversity not only as a simple fact, which can be instrumentalized, but as a value, pluralism, meaning recognizing the other community and its humanity, recognizing its right, promoting this right, etc. has been brought, has been a result of a conquest of three centuries of fighting by the enslaved. And as I said.

Edouard Firmin Matoko

Profile

Born in the Republic of Congo and is Doctor in Development Economy and Politics Development of the University the Sapi- enza in Roma, Italy; Post-doctoral in Political Science and Inter- national Relations, at the University of Florencia Cesare Alfieri. In his career with UNESCO he has held, since 1984, several positions and has obtained considerable experience in identifying, designing and implementing program development projects in the areas of education, some of which he manages jointly with other United Nations’ agencies. He has contributed to the development of educational policies on Human Rights in Africa, Asia

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and the Iberoamerican and Caribbean region, and represented the Organization in several international fora and conferences. He was in charge of implementing the Organization’s Action Plan in the decade of the Right to Education at United Nations and of implementing the international conventions, which included technical advice and experiences to the Member States Latin America, Africa and Asia, and the development and evaluation of policies, programs and curricula in this area. Likewise, he played a significant role in developing UNESCO’s Culture of Peace Pro- gram. The launch supervision of this initiative in Latin America and Africa, especially in El Salvador and Guatemala, contributed to strengthen the relations between the different actors involved in the process of national reconstruction and consolidation of peace.

Lecture

The UNESCO and the cultural development of Afro descendant communities in Latin America and the Caribbean.

On behalf of UNESCO’s Managing Director, I would like to sincerely thank the organizers of this conference for their kind invitation, and in particular to Dra. Paula Marcela Moreno Zapata, Minister of Culture of the Republic of Colombia, since the topic addressed has been part of UNESCO’s agenda for more than a decade, when in 1994 the Slave Route Project, destined to both highlighting and dignifying Africa’s cultural legacy in the Americas, the Caribbe- an and Europe, as well as facilitating the dialogue between the communities inheriting that legacy, with the purpose of a greater strengthening of its activities directed at eliminating discriminating injustices and actions, as well as conquering access to development.

The city of Cartagena de Indias, declared by UNESCO in 1984, Cul- tural Heritage of Humanity, became as of the XVI century one of

71 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

the most important centers of redistribution of enslaved Africans towards the Hispanic Caribbean and opened one of the most pas- sionate topics that marks the profound knowledge of the cultural exchanges in the area in that enables us today to interpret the cultural diversity of the region from continuous transformation processes. I am referring to the Trans-American and Caribbean slave trade, an extension of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, but in a new and hitherto network of complexity, yet to be studied and spread in all its colors.

This city is today an appropriate space to place the Afro-Descen- dant’s Agenda in the Americas in the governments’ center of attention, and of the entire international community, to direct the execution of social and economic programs and policies that should be destined to the marginalized nations according to their cultural characteristics; that is to say, through respect to cultural diversity.

UNESCO’s work, based on the recommendations of the Member States, correspond with the objective of this conference. In the most recent years, two important conventions have been approved which also have a high degree of complementarities and that by own right are part of the interests of the communities represented here.

The CONVENTION FOR THE SAFEGUARDING OF INTANGIBLE CUL- TURAL HERITAGE, approved in 2003, has defined its objectives aimed at protecting a special characteristic of the cultural heritage related with the use, representations, expressions, knowledge and techniques, along with the handling of instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces that are inherent, that the communities, groups and individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This living cultural heritage, passed from generation to generation, is a permanent resource of the communities and groups in function of their environment, of their interaction

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with nature and their history, which contributes to promoting the respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. It also pro- motes the rising of awareness, at local, national and international level, about the importance of this cultural heritage and of its recognition; as well as international cooperation and assistance.

This convention has already been ratified by 95 states, according to the information to May of this year, a part of them depositar- ies of a profound African inheritance, enriched and transformed during several generations in the Americas and the Caribbean. Due to its binding function, compliance of the mandate of the referred Convention implies the safeguarding of these cultural expressions in their broadest sense.

Jointly, the CONVENTION ON THE PROTECTION AND PROMO- TION OF THE DIVERSITY AND CULTURAL EXPRESSIONS, approved in 2005, whose objective is to protect and to promote thedi- versity of cultural expressions; to create the conditions for the cultures to be able to prosper and maintain free interactions in a mutually profitable fashion; to promote the dialogue between cultures to guarantee more extensive and balanced exchanges in the world in favor of intercultural respect and of one culture of peace; to foster inter-culturality in order to develop its interaction; to promote the respect for diversity of the cultural expressions and to be more conscious of its value at local, national and international level; to reaffirm the importance of the indissoluble bond between culture and development for all the countries and to support the activities developed at national and international level to recognize the authentic value of this bond; to recognize the specific nature of the cultural activities and the goods and services in their quality of bearers of identity, values and meaning; to reiterate the sovereign rights of the States to preserve, to adopt and to apply the policies and measures they deem necessary to protect and to promote the diversity of cultural expressions in their respective territories; to strengthen international

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cooperation and solidarity in a spirit of collaboration, in order to reinforce, in particular, the capacities of the developing countries with the purpose of protecting and promoting the diversity of cultural expressions.

Both conventions have generated several measures to undertake actions of continuity and follow up. Between the years 2001, 2003 and 2005 90 masterpieces have been proclaimed; of which 17 correspond to Latin America and the Caribbean. An important part of them evidences the cultural footprints of Africa in Amer- ica, such as language, dance and music of the Garifunas (2001) in Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua; Bahia’s samba de Roda de Recôncavo (2005) in Brazil; Carnaval of Barranquilla (2003) and the cultural space of Palenque de San Basilio (2005) in Colombia; la tumba francesa (2003) in Cuba; the cultural space of the Cofradía del Espíritu Santo of the congos of Villa Mella (2001) and the tradition of the Cocolo Dancing Theater (2005) in Dominican Republic; and the cimarroness traditions of Moore Town (2003) in Jamaica. These expressions of diversity go beyond national pride and transform themselves in a world pride, in man made treasures.

Just as it has been pointed out during the first process of identifying, nominating, evaluating and proclaiming the first ninety works:

An essential component of the Proclamation Program is the preliminary assistance that contributed a financial aid to the developing Member States to prepare their dossiers for candidacy. This aid could be used for different types of activities: field work, research, inventories, identification jobs, seminars and workshops with the involved communities and institutions, development of audiovisual documentation. By establishing this financial support, UNESCO pretended to urge the involved communities to perform a direct role in the development of action plans. This preliminary

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assistance enabled some of the countries to undertake the execution of national inventories, to create committees in charge of coordinating the safeguarding activities and to launch awareness rising campaigns. Thanks to UNESCO’s ordinary budget and to the Trust Fund UNESCO/Japan for the preservation and promotion of immaterial cultural heritage, 120 institutions of developing countries received assistance in the framework of the Proclamation Program. 1

In the same way, in the New strategy for the Slave Route Project2, the Culture Office for Latin America and the Caribbean located in Havana, has concluded its first phase through the making of the Slave Route memory sites in the Latin Caribbean, that for the first time combines natural heritage with that built and that alive. This experience adds an interesting multi country work and action methodology to visualize not only the African legacy in the Caribbean, but specially the diversity of its cultural expressions through its current inhabitants, many of them descendants for many generations of enslaved Africans or emigrants from other places.

Proposing and proclaiming the new MEMORY SITES as part of the cultural heritage of the humanity, just as is the purpose of this project, would generate an important source of employment for the communities settled in those sites and it would be one of the avenues to fight inequality, poverty and to win new spaces for social participation.

On the other hand and in coordination with the referred Regional Office of the Habana, the UNESCO office in Quito, with representation for Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela, has sponsored the CACAO ROUTE PROJECT IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN whose background information is theSecond Confer-

1 Masterpieces of the Oral and Immaterial Heritage of Humanity. Proclamations 2001, 2003 and 2005, UNESCO, p. 5. 2 See new strategy for the Slave Route Project, CLT/CPD/HIS, UNESCO, 3 of February 2006. 75 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

ence of Experts of the Afro American Center for Cultural Diver- sity and Human Development, organized in Esmeraldas, Ecuador, from August 1 to 5 of 2005; and the second: «Cacao Route in Latin America as a History Research Project», during the Interna- tional Workshop on «the Cacao Route in Latin America: towards an Endogenous Development», organized by the Venezuelan Na- tional Commission of Cooperation with UNESCO, the Ministry of Science and Technology of Venezuela and UNESCO’s Office for Andean Countries, in Higuerote, Barlovento, State Miranda, Ven- ezuela, from 26 to 30 March of 2007.

The general objective of this project is to: «Identify, promote and spread the Cultural Routes related with cacao in Latin America and the Caribbean to promote the knowledge and valuing of cultural diversity in the memory sites linked with its collection, growing, production and consumption, result of a dynamic and shared historical process ». 3

This is a project not limited to the original populations and its descendants, but that due to historical and current reasons, it also covers communities identified as «Afro-Descendants », although their human and socio-cultural structure is more complex that the limited scope of one or other term. Such are the evident cases of Venezuela and Cuba or the more subtle and less evident cases of Bolivia, Mexico and Perú, where the native populations have coexisted since the XVI century with Africans and descendants and have generated several intercultural bonds with much varied shades that fade any type of denominated exclusion or self exclusion. 4

3 See the BASE DOCUMENT, of the CACAO ROUTE IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIB- BEAN PROJECT: CULTURAL DIVERSITY FOR AN ENDOGEOUS DEVELOPMENT approved in the Second Conference of Experts, Esmeraldas, 24-26 of August 2008. 4 See Arteaga Muñoz, Sonia and Luís Rocca Torres (Editors). Africans and original roots (Africanos and pueblos originarios) Intercultural Relations in the Andean Region (Rela- ciones interculturales in el área andina). Memories. Museo Afroperuano and UNESCO- Quito, Ecuador, Lima, 2007. 76 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Due to its scope, this project covers a lot and includes the complete cycle of cocoa /chocolate, therefore its is worth to make it know in different regional spaces such as ALBA, ATPA, CARICOM, MERCOSUR, TLC, and others, for it to become part of regional agendas, as well as for the interagency work of the United Na- tions organizations involved with nutrition (FAO), infancy (UNI- CEF), development and trade (UNCTAD and PNUD) and work (OIT), for example. This would enable a complex approach of the cocoa/chocolate cultures in Latin America and the Caribbean to facilitate from the cultural diversity perspective, a cultural development process that implies adequately remunerated employment, healthy food, attention to children and young people, that is to say, that they are self sustainable and independent.

The academic consensus that we may reach, far above any other type of exclusion or of self exclusion, inherited from the cultural colonialism, should facilitate the exchange of experiences in the region to attain an integration of approaches on the development problems and to place consistently our concerns and actions on the inter-institutional agenda.

UNESCO supports action programs that promote respect for cultural diversity without distinctions or exclusivities that is to say with an inclusive vision at regional and global level.

Alberto Abello

Profile Economist, Master in Caribbean Studies. At present, he is director of Master studies on Development and Culture of the Universidad Tecnológica de Bolívar in Cartagena de Indias. Co- founder and former director of the Colombian Observatory of the Caribbean, he has published and compiled books among which we find The Caribbean and the Colombian Nation and CaribbeA - an without Plantationand he has been director of Aguaita magazine. He has been advisor to the Ministry of Culture of Colombia and coordinates the International Network project on Develop-

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ment and Culture sponsored by the Spanish Agenda of Interna- tional Cooperation for Development (AECID).

Lecture

Fragments of the African Diaspora in Colombia before the reconstruction of development

In Stockholm in 1982, during the acceptance speech of the Nobel Prize of Literature, Gabriel García Márquez (GGM) in his beautiful text known as the loneliness of Latin America, he made an appeal to the international cooperation for development: the solidarity with our dreams would not make us feel less lonely, as long as nations that assume the illusion of having a life in the distribution of the world, are not supported with legitimate actions, and later he asked himself, why the originality that is allowed in the literature without reservations is denied to us with all sorts of suspicions of our so difficult efforts for social change? 5

I wonder if in this reproach GGM is not inviting us to think in own models for the development of the nations and these models built and strengthened from the very characteristics of life in society, of the identities, of the inherent cultures? I think of his idea, still very much applicable, of accepting the originality of the Iberoamerican nations for their social change processes, for their own live in the distribution of the world, suggests– in the space of building an Afro-descendant Agenda in the Americas- the need to take up again what the Colombian anthropologist Arturo Es- cobar calls the “question of the development that it has not yet been resolved by any social modern epistemologic model” 6

Three representative cases of Afro-descendant Colombian communities –the native population of San Andrés, Providencia and

5 García Márquez, Gabriel. Latin America’s loneliness (La soledad de América Latina). Ac- ceptance speech of the Nobel Prize. Stockolm, Sweden. 1982 6 Arturo Escobar ([email protected]). Anthropology and Development. Text found on Internet (undated). 78 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Santa Catalina, the population of the province of Chocó and the population of San Basilio de Palenque- are examples –in the case of Colombia-that contribute to explain the importance of an Agenda for the African Diaspora in the American continent and to think of the culture when taking up again the reconstruction of ideas on development.

The archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina: in the small archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina, located nearly 800 km from Cartagena and some 200 km off the coast of Nicaragua, the final settlement of its population started as of the XVIII century with the arrival of Afro-De- scendants from Jamaica and other places in the Caribbean. This settlement broadened the wealth of Colombian cultural, being different to Colombia’s continental settlements derived from the Hispanic conquest and colonization. Descendants of Afri- can slaves English speakers and of a Creole language of English origins, believers of a non-catholic religion and with cultural expressions different to those of the rest of the country and even from the continental Caribbean, constituted the majority of the population of the island until mid XX century, when the Colom- bian government decreed the Free Port of San Andrés in 1953. Already as of the beginning of this century the religious missions were known and whose purpose was to ensure the national uni- formity and to that end they stimulated the teaching of Spanish, the conversion to Catholicism and the adoption of cultural practices imported from the continent.

With the Free Port the island was occupied during the second half of the XX century by continental Colombians and foreigners original from other cultures that drove the trade, tourism and illegal activities that ended up removing the natives from the main resources of the island: the land, the sea and the landscape, which has caused that today the natives are not the largest part of the population of the islands but also the deterioration of their

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living conditions and that survival of their culture is at risk, that- as June Marie Mow notes- for the dominating business mentality results in an obstacle for economic growth7.

In a recent article written with Mow we noted how the replica of the continental models, without taking into account the particular conditions of these small islands, nor the ecological sea- coastal processes that characterize them and, even less, without taking into account the cumulate traditional knowledge, have al- tered the local socio-cultural capacities, the structure of its ecosystems and their ability to adapt to global environmental and climate changes. This way of economic growth leaves deep wounds in the environment and produces intercultural conflicts that have not yet been overcome in this archipelago that was declared Bio- sphere Reserve in the year 2000. 8

Faced with this situation I remember how surprised I was of a fishermen community in Thailand that survived the tsunami due to the way they had built their habitat, of understanding the unknown, of knowing the sea. Now, this community that had been underestimated before, scorned and even criticized for their fish- ing practices, has been declared national cultural heritage and the government recommends its protection and the learning of its cosmo vision.

In our archipelago, given the lack of opportunities, the young people descendants of the native homes, sea lovers and skilled sailors, are driven to render their services to the traffic of drugs as captains or assistants of the go fast that score the western Caribbean seeking to break the restrictions of the American in-

7 June Marie Mow. The potentialities of the native culture of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina to contribute to developing the island and Colombian society. Universidad Tecnológica de Bolívar, Cartagena de Indias, 2008. 8 Alberto Abello and June Marie Mow. San Andrés, Island city. Credencial Magazine, 2008. 80 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

terdiction to go as far as possible. Meanwhile the island natives cry their drama quietly. 9

The province of Choco: The second case is that of the province of Choco, that borders Panamá and has coast over the Pacific and the Caribbean sea. In the last census carried out in Colombia in 2005, 87% of its population was identified as Afro-Descendants, Choco is the poorest province of Colombia. The situation of this population, studied by economist Jaime Bonet, is deplorable: the average income among the Chocoans is an eighth part of the average income of the inhabitants of the capital Bogotá; 79% of the inhabitants of the province live in poverty conditions if it is measured by the satisfaction of basic needs; the illiteracy rate here is double than the Colombian rate and 97% of the schools present a low academic performance. According to the author, if the provincial economy average growth rate were looked at between 1990 and 2004 (0,85% annual), “the PIB would double each 82 years. If this current trend continues, several generations of Chocoans would live before achieving an average development level”. 10

The author rules out corruption that despite the high indexes is the cause of poverty in this province as frequently read the lec- tures given in the Choco case. He evidences how, if corruption were reduced to zero cases, the life conditions of the population would improve but it would not be enough to reach the average Colombian product per capita. On the contrary, factors such as colonial legacy and inherited institutions, as well as the isolation of the province from the national economy, affect even more the social conditions of this population.

All this with the additional problem that 15% of Choco’s population is victim of forced displacement. The Colombian Choco has

9 Alberto Abello. The snow on the sea (la nieve sobre el mar): a Caribbean border crossed by drugtrafficking. The case of Colombia and Nicaragua. Aguaita Magazine No 13-14, Colombian Caribbean Observatory, Cartagena de Indias, 2006. 10 Jaime Bonet. Why is Chocó poor? in Joaquín Viloria de la Hoz (editor), Economy of the Colombian Pacific (Economías del Pacífico colombiano). Banco de la República, 2008. 81 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

been in the last decades the dark scenario of atrocities committed against its population by the different forces involved in the Colombian conflict. It is the violence in its different expressions, included the setting up of production enclaves applauded by the economic development mentalities, which has caused the forced displacement of the Afro-Colombian populations.

San Basilio de Palenque The third case presented here is San Basilio de Palenque, that symbolic place, very close to Cartagena de Indias, only 45 km and with 4.000 inhabitants, declared by the UNESCO Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity, that makes it a universal reference for the collective memory of the African Diaspora.

With its Creole language–the palenquero- that went, in as short period of time, from being a hidden language, of which the population would feel embarrassed, to a language proudly spoken, as the linguist Armin Schwegler noted after his recent visit to Palenque; its ways of social and political organization, its rites and music, San Basilio is like a memory kapok tree with roots that reach the other side of the Atlantic, fed by the sap of the contact with the new world, with its foliage free of emancipation, that reminds the world each day that goes by, the horrors of the colonial society in which the capitalist era was born.

The material living conditions of the palenquera people, about which I will not talk, since this Iberoamerican Conference has included in its program a visit that will gives us the opportunity to appreciate them in person, revel already in the XXI century, the existence due to the lack of a true will of the state, of a huge social debt with the descendants of those enslaved by the black slave trade. 11

11 See Claudia Mosquera Rosero-Labbé. the memory of cimarronaje as heritage: symbolic reparation for Afro-Colombians inhabitants of San Basilio de Palenque. Anaconda magazine. BAT Foundation. Bogotá, 2006. 82 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

If Palenque is a universal reference of memory, it is also of the underestimation of the Afro-Colombian cultures by the social layers who have had the power and have imposed their visions on the different development strategies.

Development and culture

These three Afro-Colombian scenarios are, as I said before, an invitation to learn from their lessons and the time to reflect on the visions that should accompany the agendas and that promote the building of societies including, democratic, and culturally diverse societies. As Néstor García Canclini would say, “the imaginary of a prosperous economic future usually caused by the globalization and integration processes at regional level, is too fragile if it does not take into account the unity of language diversity, cultural be- haviors and goods that give meaning to the continuity of social relations”.

Amartya Sen, Nobel Prize of Economy, wrote recently, “The world [of today] is spectacularly rich, but is regrettably impoverished” (Sen, 2007; p.165). with this, the Indian economist wants to introduce not only this great contemporary paradox, one of the most pressing of the globalized world, but also one of the so many uses given to the so called ‘cultural theories: [that of] the political tyranny, that “seeks the causes of disasters not in the bad governments but in the culture of the citizens”.

Although Sen presents his ideas in the context of the expensive policies that the British government used to neutralize the fam- ines in some regions of India, specially that of Bengal, skeptically we observe how today, nearly a century later, the same rhetoric is applied to our reality.

According to Kliksberg “economic marginalization and poverty are frequently accompanied by cultural devaluations. The culture of the poor is stigmatized by sectors of the society as inferior,

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precarious, backward”. The poor feel, says Kliksberg, “that, besides their material difficulties, there is a quiet process of cultural “contempt” towards their values, traditions, knowledge, ways of relation”. 12

Fortunately, after the precarious results of the economic globalization, expressed in the social and economic lap of a good part of the globe, included in them, as is the case of Colombia, Afro- Descendant people; which are also expressed in the deterioration of the environment and the escalation of inequality, a new debate is presented around the traditional concept of development in academic, political and social fields.13

When with the world’s financial crisis, that serves as global context for this Conference- we confirm one more time that the en- gine that pulls the world economy moved blindly towards the precipice without any other concern that the elevation of the profit margins in full fall due to the excess of liquidity and did not pay attention to the signs to take the road towards the station called the Millennium Goals, the overcoming of hunger and the poverty in the world and the attention to the climate change that is already announcing a dozen of fatal diseases that will affect the poor of the planet even more, it is a good time to ask ourselves again for what Arturo Escobar calls the “question of the development, (Escobar, sf ).14

12 Bernardo Kliksberg. Social Capital and culture, forgotten codes of development (claves olvidadas del desarrollo).2000. 13 Amartya Sen, Nobel Prize of Economy 1998, questions the avenue usually announced for development, described as “of blood, sweat and tears”, qualifying it as a “cruel development policy”, that at the same time is highly inefficient (Sen, 1997). Joseph Stiglitz advo- cates for a consensus post Washington that reviews the goals and the instruments of said consensus, and highlights that” The Latin American experience suggests that we should reevaluate, remake and broaden the knowledge about the development economy, that is taken as the truth” (Stiglitz, 1998). James Wolfensohn, suggests that” without parallel social development there will be no satisfactory economic development” (Wolfensohn, 1996). Enrique V. Iglesias, BID President, points out that “development can only be faced in an integral fashion; the monistas approach simply do not work” (Kliksberg, 1999). 14 Arturo Escobar ( [email protected] ). Antropology and Development. Text found on Internet (undated).

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There is doubt that the development visions in the field of economic theory that maintained its hegemony between the social sciences and the discussions about development and design of the economic policies, has changed in the past years15. But also from the other corners of the social sciences significant contributions have been made to the debate; the uniform thinking of the economic orthodoxy has been broken.

A fundamental element of these changes has to do with the culture in its relation with development: the development, seen by Sen is conceived as a process of extending the individuals’ capacities; a process that turns around a basic axis, the cultural freedom, in which culture is thought as constituting itself of the human being’s capacities.

Rightly so, based on these new visions, the 2004 United Nations report on Human Development 2004, dedicated to the cultural freedom in the diverse world of today, notes that “the cultural freedom constitutes a fundamental part of human development, given that, to live a full life, it is important to be able to choose the own identity–what one is– not losing respect for others or see oneself excluded from other alternatives”.

In this interpretative line, a series of authors have outlined the important relations between culture and development. Kliksberg (1999) considers that culture is a decisive factor of social cohesion, reason why the social capital and culture could be great levers of development if adequate conditions are created. In culture, persons can recognize themselves mutually, grow together and develop a collective self-esteem. As this author points out, culture trespasses all the dimensions of social capital of a society, and underlies behind the basic components of it such as trust, civic behavior, and association level.

15 An expansion of this analysis can be seen in Aarón Espinosa, Augusto Aleán and Alberto Abello, Developemnt and Culture: origins and trends of an indispensable relation. Note- book No 7, Universidad Tecnológica de Bolívar, Cartagena, 2008. 85 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

In this context, suggests Kliksberg, in spite of of the astonishment that produces the scarce attention that they have been given, the relations between culture and development appear strengthened by revaluation of all these quiet and invisible elements, but clearly operative, involved in the idea of social capital. This because, among other aspects, the values borne by a society strongly influence the development efforts. Germán Rey has pointed out that there are at least six analysis perspectives to be taken into account in the relations between development and culture. 16

As other authors such as Stiglitz (1998) point out, preserving cultural values is of great importance for development, hence they serve as cohesive force in a time many others have weakened.

These new visions built on the reconstruction of the development idea, as well as the culture ideas, reivindicating also the role of the latter, travel the road contrary to the visions that contempt the culture and see it as an obstacle for development.

Culture on the global ethnic agenda

If we work guided by this vision, there is no doubt that inside the nations, cultural public policies will be required in function of development. Culture, in the field of politics, cannot be seen as one more sector. And cultural public policies cannot be exclusive of a ministry or public body, they should be incorporated into the broadest fields of the nations’ political life. It would be expected that an Afro-Descendant agenda in the Americas contains challenges in several fields, that it is not only concerned about social, cultural and political reivindication of the Diaspora inheritors, but that it can suggest incorporating strategies of their cultures, in conditions of equity with others, into the different fields of social life. That it is not only concerned about irrigating development benefits to the Afro-Descendant communities but that it

16 Germán Rey. Culture and Development, six perspectives of analysis. Contrast. Universi- dad Tecnológica de Bolívar. 2008. 86 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

also worries about the contributions of Afro-Descendants to the development of nations’ integral strategies.

How to promote sustainable human development without the public policies, called to protect the environment, do not incorporate cultural practices for the preservation of nature? How to continue designing housing programs, in their different mo- dalities, without incorporating the climate conditions, the use of materials and the nations’ traditions? But how much do we know about those own popular organization forms like the kua- gro of San Basilio de Palenque that have helped them overcome the difficulties, to exercise solidarity, to the material survival of their cultures that could provide the key for social participation processes so much demanded in the most varied fields of social and public politics life? What to say about the resourcefulness of our nations? Is that perhaps this resourcefulness or the originality that García Márquez remembered in the search for own solutions; will not be useful to us for the poverty eradication programs in our countries?

In this sense, acquires singular importance the restatement of the relations between the education system and cultures to make them be the ones that drive the educational processes and not for the educational system to establish hegemonic visions and cultures. In the case of the Afro-Descendant population, the new knowledge that the academy and the communities have built will have the possibility to enrich an intercultural education: its history and cultural practices would not only be incorporated into the education system for Afro-Descendant children and young people but it would also benefit a more universal education for all.

I think that many are the moments, the spaces, and the areas in which a greater interaction between education and culture will make their contribution to human development. That could be the

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formula for the originality that is attributed to us without reservations in the literature, is not denied in our efforts for social change.

Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, 16 October 2008.

The strength of the Afro-Descendant expression: arts, literature, music, movie making … global trends.

In this forum an interesting discussion took place on the contribution of the African nations to the different artistic expressions of the Iberoamerican countries. Said discussion suggested the topic of global trends, fusions and exchanges between the Afri- can Diaspora, highlighting the African contribution to the cultural heritage in general, focusing on the areas of music, oral tradition and literature.

Rafael Palacios. Bailarín, coreógrafo y director de danza.

Profile

He studied African and contemporary dance in Toulouse in Paris with Irene Tasambedo; teacher and classical dance, jazz and contemporary at the National Academy of Dance Paris. He worked in the international dance company Ebene. Has taken dance workshops in Burkina Faso and Senegal. When he returned to Colom- bia in 1997, he founded the Sankofa Dance Company in Medellin which performs work that seeks to build a bridge between African culture and our country, using the ancestral memory as a backup for the creation of works that, from the root of African dance, developed in everyday contexts and contemporary.

Intervention

As Afrocolombian, I frequently ask myself about the fact of observing children, our children, take their afrodescendence as a burden on their backs.

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It is unacceptable that even in the twenty-first century in a city like Medellin, Colombia a black child does not feel like not want- ing to be black, as a result of bulling of his fellow mestizo friends. This example is replicated long time at different scales and in different areas throughout the country.

Cultural policies of the Colombian State are constitutionally hold on the rights of diversity; nonetheless, the Afro Colombian communities have suffered constant state of omission, the public -or der, product of armed conflict. And while the discourse of multiculturalism irrigate the living space as the everyday, the academy, however, the Afro-Colombian men and women are often known just as exotic tropical and their fundamental rights are being ignored and violated.

Through experience, where I have worked as a choreographer, dancer and dance teacher, I find the inescapable need to strengthen the mechanisms and ordinary visible identity of the Afro-Colombian people. The richness of its diverse cultures is in its ability to express themselves from their roots by participating in a global world, moving without fossilize, and that on the contrary, feedback, re-created and integrated, sharing its essence.

At the end of my participation in the process of training trainers in the city of Pasto, I wondered why these processes have focused only on strategic regions; why not propagate in regions with Afro-Colombian population.

The country, since the 1991 Constitution, made progress in diversity issues and cultural rights. But today the state programs are still permeated by a central vision that makes African descent and indigenous peoples the last to benefit from them. It is important to say that this view not only neglects the centralist constitutional commitment to the black and indigenous communities. The whole country is suffering a disproportionate social indis- crimination today. Many regions of the country are being killed

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by poverty, displacement, and so on. And there, culture is also banished and displaced.

In this sense, cultural policy needs of real scenarios where cultural events are placed. This is a scenario that becomes a paradoxical and complex field as their players celebrate life in the presence of death. Amid the tense everyday people in the South Pacific, for example, hold cultural and artistic roots of the population.

We must recognize the value of equity and common law opportunities. Therefore, it is urgent to develop strategies of visibility where artistic and cultural values of the various regions to achieve recognition and dignification. A simple look to the Afro- Colombian population or programs which are able to access it allows to quickly identify the many creators and custodians of tradition, who are eager to have the tools that enable them enhance their skills and talents for the benefit of the communities in which they work.

With great effort and an impressive capacity for persistence, many use small spaces, physical and intellectual, only the ones can access, to keep their culture alive. And it is this record that should be compensated or promoted from the tools that can provide a Ministry of Culture, from, for example, the program of training trainers.

As always, neither the limitations nor the routine can inhibit the desire to create. Since our potential, young people who are part of the Sankofa Afro contemporary Dance Company, we have tried to share what we have with our colleagues in other regions, in processes that arguably are enriched by each other.

Sankofa is currently undertaking a process of training in three towns in the South Pacific: Tumaco, Buenaventura and Puerto Tejada. The proposal is based on the recognition of multicultural Colombian society in general and the culture of the ethnic black

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body in particular as a place of knowledge that other hosts on the body and knowledge about dance, so vitally linked with the environment and bicultural - with a sense of belonging to a dynamic, interrelated whole. In the belief of that tradition, ritual and the creation are only possible in an important relationship between the social being which represents individuals and their sociocultural context. Sankofa has conducted their efforts over ten years to update the link from the Colombian black population with Af- rican culture, from the downsizing of the body as a place of identity in the ongoing dialogue that occurs between the past and the present condition and the latter as expected for the future.

For this reason, the claim of professional dance as an expression of the temporality of poetic corporality of black culture has formed the backbone of our process.

Our persistence to take Pasos en la tierra, name of the project described previously, obeys specially to what we consider that it is the moment, delayed but necessary and right, to begin a way of professionalization of the dance work in Colombia as a serious and opportune work that allow those who dedicate ourselves to these to work under formal parameters and to obtain necessary pedagogical and educative tools for the good development and professional growth, like any other discipline in the different fields from the knowledge.

These processes also require a cultural component, so that the work does not imply a spacing gap between African roots and achieve at the same time, new proposals that part of the identity, not as a straightjacket, but as a way to express our concerns and solutions from the community that we as a people must be taken into account from its origins in Africa, not only since the arrival in the situation of slaves to the Americas.

The afro contemporary technique, created in the Mudra School in Senegal as a petition of President Leopold Sengar, and directed by

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Maurice Bejart and Germaine Acogny, is a form of expression of the richness and forms of traditional African dance and comple- mented with contemporary techniques to create new languages in keeping with a culture that has multiple ways to demonstrate. From that experience, I consider a valid approach to this technique as a way of assessing the cultural roots of Afrocolombian communities, in order to understand better the African country, regardless of the type of dance that develops.

For me it is impossible to think about the dance from my condition of a afro man, since this circumstance has been my main thing as a dancer and choreographer, my strength as an answer to the limitations and barriers imposed by this society, where a black person cannot think about dancing as a profession, since its desire is discarded with the trivial supposition that it is in our blood, that arises to us easy and from spontaneous way, which prevails us in a serious matter, real and professional in the Co- lombian labor scope.

For this reason, I consider important to address the recognition of Afro-Colombians from their ancestral knowledge, as this also means opening the perspective of those who want to make a dance of life project.

In our populations, there is only the opportunity to dance tradi- tionally, which is fine, but it is something with which we count on, and it survives thanks to the same community. If an artist of such moves to a big city where job opportunities are limited, he finds out that his profile is accepted only when tailored to the representations that are of their culture, most likely against their tradition and being forced to play inappropriate stereotypes of what the Afro-Colombian culture is, a culture that provides a political, social, economic, and artistic construction of the country.

The multiethnic and multicultural character of Colombia is beyond discussion. However, historically the country has known 92 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

this condition, reducing the identity of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombian territories clearly marked as belonging to specific minority, and denying the links shared by all its inhabitants, which makes them a nation.

This is the time to starting changing the inability of the Colom- bian educational system, in which there is a total lack of respect for indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants. The situation is even worse for Afro-Colombian men born in the urban centers of Colombia, because many times they receive references of their own culture through a distorted look of mocking, disdain, underestimation of the strengths they culturally have. That is why the work of social repair that the country must confront its origins is a difficult start, but by no means impossible.

It is a pity that obsolete formulas that distort the dance tradition are still alive without a reflexion that permits reviewing the way the country’s regions are represented in a disrespectable manner, without any shame, when showing visions of the ethnic group with the prudent rigor of an exact investigation.

We are tired of seeing black and indigenous dances in which the clothing or the techniques used, essentially contradict the historical events that these communities have faced. With what right is named a dance currulao, for example, when has not event visited the area with due regard to the great masters who have worked all their lives to preserve their traditions.

Most often, in these fieldworks the fellow has money toad- vance his project, but sees no need to financially compensate the source of knowledge, even though they become a great manager to charge for their investigations or placed on stage. We also see indigenous dances using classical ballet movements with the argument of being stylish or exalting tradition. It is discouraging to work in dance, for example, when we find great restaurants in the country, with waiters dressed in dance costumes represent-

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ing a particular cultural area. I am surprised to pride riding in what supposedly should have been when I see there a society that places its roots in a state of servitude, and not in the place of patron and connoisseur of ancient knowledge, which are the pillar of society.

It is wrong to think that dance is a technique for isolation of the philosophy of the people that created it. The technical talks about a specific culture which of course that then can be extended or not their own borders. But to believe that taking part in a workshop or an assembly, makes the dancer or a teacher familiar with the technique, is that it is limited to the body movements that identify a culture, forgetting that they are only one feature and that the real essence is the philosophy behind it.

In this context it is important to worry about training processes, but also by the processes of deconstruction, and to disarm those concepts on which it is thought that Afro dance is a technique that is limited to hip movements, shine on skin and taste that is carried in the blood, ignoring the ritual and spirituality of Afro- Colombian people with racist stereotypes that do not allow the integrity and true wisdom of the ethnic diversity of Colombia.

It has been, and remains, a custom in Colombia to minimize the effort of working people, and this is how it becomes a habit to invite institutional communities to working tables for processes of thinking or doing field work in which people, under investigation, are not paid and sometimes not even mentioned in the credits of the final work.

Traditional dance gives us a starting point for thinking and develop a Colombian Contemporary dance with an ability to interpret our culture from the social concerns we have, that allow us to see ourselves in valuable different way from what we are represent- ing us, making legitimate expressions and, above all, construct-

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ing, from marginalization to which we are subjected, a strong en- gine to make others understand the importance of specificity.

Discussion and Conclusion Forums I y II:

Global tendencies: African Diaspora and the need to inclusion:

• Global movement of the African Diaspora: Power, solidarity and encounter. • The development challenges for afrodescendant population in the World. • Culture as the basis of reencounter and recreation of the ethnical global agenda: • Cultural diversity and the African Diaspora in the Americas. • The force of the Afrodescendant expression: art, literature, music, filming…Global tendencies.

The forums sought to create a space for reflection on the current status of the African Diaspora and its interrelation with the development and culture to guide public and prospect of national and regional agendas.

Principal Ideas

The social movement of the African Diaspora has grown and has become stronger. However, conditions of inequality and exclusion are at the lowest rates of access in education, health and the provision of goods and services for people of African descent, among others.

In the young afrodescendant population, especially among the poor, there are concentrated problems of exclusion, lack of opportunities, of poverty, high rates of violent death, marginalization from science and technology, as well as the options for working, political participation, recreation and opportunities for expression. These aspects make it a vulnerable population.

95 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Another structural element that is identified for analysis related to the development challenges of the Afrodescendant population is the deep inequality in the power structures that restrict the development of equal relations between cultures and people at the symbolic and material conditions that are required for traditional cultures to develop.

The minimum access of Afrodescendant people to elected offices heightens the chances of becoming more visible. This is an expression of exclusion from the political system in which representative democracy prevails against the opportunities and challenges it offers a cultural participatory democracy, where ethnic and other minorities have a greater impact on policy decisions and programs that affect them.

In the context of the economic crisis that it is shown as global, the role of the state as regulator compared to a model of development has been hegemonic and dominant regressive and harmful compared to traditional production practices; therefore a warning is given to the populations that have historically been excluded and marginalized suffer more severely.

Despite the long history of exclusion and marginalization of Af- rodescendant communities, the Diaspora is the “living memory” of cultural traditions. Africa’s influence is present in shaping Latin American’s culture and its role in development, however, is forgotten.

There are two readings of the concept of Diaspora. On one hand, it is understood in domination and oppression logic that- Afro descendant people are portrayed as victims of history. On the other hand, the Diaspora is interpreted as a process where social movements are agents of change and transformation.

The Diaspora, from this perspective, is a “counterculture of modernity” in a way that there is a quest for full citizenship which is expressed in a dual national and Afro Diaspora. 96 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

The formulation of development projects should provide a far- reaching importance to culture and education as areas contributing to consolidate full citizenship. They must include the recognition of African descent and their ancestral knowledge as a strategy.

Challenges

The speakers and participants of this Conference noted some potential challenges and obstacles that have to be faced in order to overcome in the development of an agenda at a national and regional level that seeks to link development with a focus on Af- rodescendant people in Latin America.

We must recognize that racism and racial discrimination still -ex ists and it is manifested at several levels: routine, structural and institutional. It is important to remember this fact in the formation of public policies toward Afrodescendant people.

• There are major weaknesses in terms of qualitative and quantitative identification of Afrodescendant communities who are present in the region. • Migration processes impose challenges for multi-ethnic societies in which social inequalities are emphasized. Diversity should be recognized as an asset in the globalization. • The environmental crisis, resulting from global warming, imposes challenges in terms of food security for Afrodescen- dant communities. What are the projects of historical change and the paradigms of development? • There is a marked increase in forms of violence affecting -Af rodescendant communities at different levels and domestic policy. Racism persists in three ways: structural racism, institutional racism and everyday racism. • Increased representation gained by Afrodescendant contrast with the deepening of violence and marginalization. • The Afrodescendant communities are now leaders. However,

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there is a generation of young people behind who - areex posed to various forms of violence. How to use culture as a tool of transformation and inclusion? • Explore alternatives that offer tools such as TIC’s and digital culture. • The challenges of inclusion and assessment of welfare indicators which are used by governments and multilateral development agencies. • The historical gap as an obstacle to resolve, question and identify paradigms and poverty traps, where, for example, the mining and oil systems, coal, gold has only generated misery, impoverishment and cultural ecological devastation. • Implement the advances of the Durban conference against racism, as an effective tool that should be taken to the agenda of public institutions of Latin American countries.

Political Representation

Much remains to achieve the political representation of Afrode- scendant. Besides encouraging, it needs to ensure that the state and electoral politics that will allow the social movements of Af- rodescendant can maintain their autonomy and that are relevant for the definition of public policies. We need to reflect and revise existing legislation to examine whether they are efficient and / or sufficient.

Self recognition

We must recognize and work on the problem of self-recognition as a cause and consequence of other problems faced by Afrode- scendant people as the valuation of their culture and lack of reliable statistics on their situation. It is important that data collection is accompanied with awareness campaigns and cultural value and active participation of social movements of Afrodescendant.

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Migration

Migration imposes challenges for multi-ethnic societies in which social inequalities are emphasized, but also a possible life-force of social and economic development that presents an opportunity to foster inter-culturality.

Economic Factors

In general, Afrodescendant people are concentrated in the poorest sectors of society. We must seriously consider how the global market and macroeconomic problems, especially the recent global economic crisis, will be even harmful, leaving a situation of marginalization and inequality faced by Afrodescendants. It is necessary to identify and challenge the paradigms and poverty traps, where for example the mining and oil systems, coal, gold has only generated misery, impoverishment and cultural ecological devastation.

Violence

There is a marked increase in forms of violence affecting Afro- descendant communities at different levels: household, in urban centers, but also exile and displacement.

Folklorization of culture

There is a tendency to make the Afrodescendant culture folklore. You must think of culture as an asset, but also as a resource for development.

Proposals

Substantive democracy: You have to identify social inequalities and their roots to empower of subordinates sectors and Coordi- nation between economic and political policies.

Cultural policies: We recently have Afrodescendant Ministers of Culture in the region. We have to assume culture as a resource

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for economic development and define the space as intercultural, fundamental pillar of social justice. Elucidate the relationship between social movements and state policies.

Harmonious development of practices based on self-government. Crises generate sustainable practices.

Ethnic fairness requires redistribution. The equality of rights requires valuing diversity.

We must reflect on the progress and limitations of legislation. Organization and autonomy should also increase the representation in the States.

We need to reinvent the nations pointing towards equitable societies. Create power without domination: power is life affirming. Diaspora: joy and hope.

Despite the long history of exclusion and marginalization of Af- rodescendant communities, the Diaspora is the “living memory” of cultural traditions. Africa’s influence is present in shaping Latin American culture and its role in development, however, is forgotten.

It is necessary to develop projects that give special attention to women of African descent. In this group, focus and depth discrimination by gender and ethnicity. Despite this situation, highlighting its potential organizational of the movements of Afrode- scendant.

In Colombia, much of the Afrodescendant population is located in areas that have a rich wealth of natural resources. However, these communities have not benefited from the exploitation of these natural resources.

The growing access of Afrodescendant in many public positions can be interpreted as opportunities for new development projects that help solve problems of social inequality and promot- 100 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

ing international cooperation agenda. The increased political representation, however, contrasts with the deepening of social inequalities.

The formulation of development projects should provide a far- reaching importance to culture and education as areas contributing to consolidate full citizenship.

There are two readings of the concept of Diaspora. On one hand, it is understood in a logic of domination and oppression that Af- rodescendant people are portrayed as victims of history. On the other hand, the Diaspora is interpreted as a process where social movements are agents of change and transformation. The Diaspora, from this perspective, is a “counterculture of modernity” in that there is a quest for full citizenship which is expressed in a dual national and Afro Diaspora.

Collect statistics disaggregated by ethnic / racial group in order to analyze better the current situation that Afrodescendants are facing.

Investing in training and technology access for Afrodescendant young people, especially among the poor, where there are problems of exclusion, lack of opportunities, poverty, and high rates of violent deaths, marginalization of science and technology as well as the options for work, political participation, recreation and opportunities for expression.

The official version of history in many Latin American countries is exclusive and the incorporation and representation of the contributions of Afrodescendant people has not been adequate. There is a serious need to reconstruct knowledge. The Ministries of Cul- ture in conjunction with the educational system have to review the history and educational materials for the entire population, not only in Afrodescendant communities.

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Develop projects that give special attention to Afrodescendant women because in this population it is concentrated the social exclusion and discrimination in areas such as the labor market, access to medical services, and formation.

Proposals that could be replicated:

Use of experiences and examples as best practices that could be replicated in other countries such as the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR) in Brazil, the programs that support cultural education in the youth orchestra program and IDB theaters, conditional cash transfers to the IDB is supporting the Cultural Center in Esmeraldas as an experience to be replicated as a space where they can develop partnerships. In Latin America, for example, it must be replicated, a project on the Afri- can History that was conducted by UNESCO.

Some of the successful experiences are:

• Despite the lack of accurate information of Afrodescendant populations, governments are compiling the necessary data. In the case of Colombia, DANE included ethnicity. The international community should support such efforts. • In the legislative field for Afrodescendant communities, highlighting the progress made in Colombia, particularly the 1991 Constitution and Law 70 of 1993. It highlights the work that the Center against Racial Discrimination of the Andes Univer- sity has advanced. • The creation of the Ministry for Racial Equality in Brazil, which focuses its efforts on addressing the problems of racial inequality, can be a reference point for the Afrodescendant agenda of African in other countries.

Proposed mechanisms and patterns of cooperation between countries

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• It is necessary to take culture as a resource for economic development, the definition of space as a national exchange, and the strengthening of citizenship. • The relationship between the state, electoral politics and social movements of Afrodescendants must allow that they can be autonomous and that they have an impact in the definition of public policies. • The current crisis of neoliberalism has the possibility to develop new paradigms of development. This formulation must link local knowledge and practices of Afrodescendant communities with state resources. It is possible that the contradiction between the increased political representation and increased socioeconomic inequalities and structural racism, deepens. • We must move forward in building solidarity bonds not only at the cultural level but in the economic and social as well. • There is a need to reflect on the progress and limitations of the legislation for Afrodescendant communities. • Incorporate the ethnic issue in the millennium development goals and to use existing mechanisms in order to promote cultural diversity and improving conditions and access to opportunities for Afrodescendant people. • Implement the advances of the Durban conference (which was for many speakers at the event concerning the visibility of Afrodescendants in many subject areas) as an effective tool that should be the agenda of public institutions of Latin American countries.

OCTOBER 17 EJES TEMÁTICOS

Working Groups

During the Conference, a reflection and exchange space of experiences between the different participating countries was sought,

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in order to sponsor the formulation of recommendations for developing a cooperation agenda aimed at recognizing cultural diversity, in the framework of the search of alternatives to improve the life conditions of the Afro-Descendant population.

The groups gathered conclusions, which are presented in the event’s final declaration as recommendations for the Ministries and their subsequent follow up.

Group 1: the contribution of Afro-Descendants in building the Americas: rewrite history.

Identify preservation strategies and reproduction of the Afro- Descendants historical contribution to the building of democratic societies, in their social and economic development, based on their roots and identity, values, practices and symbols as ethnic group, generating social cohesion and identity as a full expression of freedom and human development.

Discussion axes:

• Memory preservation mechanisms • Different historical forms of slavery in the Americas • Memory reproduction mechanisms • Simplification of history and the Afro contribution • Access to technology by Afro nations

Howard Dodson

Profile

Director of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture of the United States, he is a specialist in Afro-Descendant history, teacher and consultant graduate of West Sheet Said Collage. He has been teacher in several universities of the United States and under his direction the Schomburg Center has developed a public library specialized in Afro-Descendant history and at present is developing a support job for the Directorate of Ethno-culture of 104 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Colombia’s Ministry of Culture and the Universidad Tecnológica de Chocó, for the development of the National Center of Studies and Documentation of Afro-Colombian Cultures.

Lecture

At the beginning of the XX century, the idea was that black people did not have a history; these were the myths that led to the creation of the Center for Research in Black Culture of the United States.

Today the collection amounts more than ten million of articles that record the Afro-Descendant contributions.

People say that the Afro-Descendants did not contribute in building nationality; this implies assuming that others created it and that the Afro-Descendants only helped a determined elite. The greatest part of the Afro-Descendant contribution continues to be ignored, overshadowed. The traditional historiography constantly commits these imprecisions, for example by considering Egypt as part of the Middle East and not part of the African continent.

The African slaves in the Americas were active and creative, with social, political and cultural actions that led the new world to really become the new world, they as active agents that produced impact.

The colonial history is a history about colonization, written by the colonialists, which is simply an extension of this domain. These historians have not considered the fact and importance of that the great majority of those who are building this history, were Africans. Which helps put aside a good part of the countries’ realities.

Restoring and preserving colonial cities like Cartagena should serve to show the Afro-Descendant contribution, who were the

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true masters and builders and not to honor the memory of the colonial elite as it would seem to happen sometimes.

The nations reinvented themselves, the African slave population was not an extension of the enslaving mentality, they were much more than that, in fact they created a new world, The Jubilee, the emergence of the African culture.

The triumph over slavery: the symbols among which we find ourselves are part of the reaffirmation of that colonial power that denies our presence and contributions.

In New York, a cemetery was found that force the rewriting of colonial history in the North-American territory.

Alfonso Múnera

Profile

Born in Cartagena. He has written several articles about the history of the Colombian Caribbean in several national and international magazines, and he is the editor of a selection of essays of costeño (from the coast) of the XVIII and XIX centuries. Among his main works we find the failure of the Nation (El fracaso de la nación). Region, class and race in the Colombian Caribbean (1717 1821), published in 1998. He obtained a PhD in Latin America and Caribbean history at the University of Connecticut, United States, in 1995, and was Dean at the Faculty of Human Science of the University of Cartagena, where he has taught history since 1981. Currently, he is director of the International Institute of Carib- bean Studies, which is part of said academic center.

Lecture

The great contradictions in the teaching of history.

As historian I tend to experience certain frustration about the daily distortions of history, when faced with that, what I do is to

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recall the facts of my own experiences in which at school nothing was taught about Afro-Descendants.

We continue to be immersed in a country that does not abandon its racist practices; millions of children continue to be condemned by the racist practices as of their early school age, where a hegemonic history of excluding nature is taught. But now we have an army of youths coming from black communities studying their own history and thinking in a solution to their problems.

It is worth to remember how José María Henao and Gerardo Aru- bla addressed the black people issue in our history. In the text that was selected as history of Colombia only in page 223, the historians consider important to refer to slavery to study the lep- rosy phenomenon, in something less than one page of the nearly thousand that the book has. There is nothing about their contributions; nothing about their struggle.

This entire outrageous version, prevailed in a country that throughout the XVIII century did not have any economic or social activity that did not rest on the shoulders of the enslaved.

We had to wait until 1963 for Jaime Jaramillo Uribe to point out something so obvious like transport and a great part of the colonial economy depended on the slaves. Today we have important studies, we are moving in the correct direction.

The Afro-Descendants in Cartagena had been the decisive factor in the Independence facts of Cartagena in 1911, and even the first leader of Cartagena’s independence was a black man from Cuban origin.

The struggle for citizenship was led by the Afro-Descendants and even today they continue their fight.

It is little or nothing what has been said of the undeniable vocation of the peace of the Afro-Colombian women.

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It is necessary to get inside a process in which the research that confirms this history, gets to the students.

Maguemati Wabgou (GEACES, Universidad Nacional de Co- lombia)

Profile

Sociólogo de nacionalidad togolesa (Togo), licenciado de la Uni- versité du Bénin (Lomé-Togo). Doctor en Ciencias Políticas y So- ciología de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, realizó una estancia posdoctoral en el Centre d’Études Ethniques des Univer- sités Montréalaises (CEETUM) con énfasis en estudios étnicos y de migraciones. Actualmente, se desempeña como profesor aso- ciado en el Departamento de Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia (Sede Bogotá: Facultad de Derecho, Cien- cias Políticas y Sociales). Es integrante del Grupo de Estudios Af- rocolombianos (GEA), categoría A de Conciencias, del Centro de Estudios Sociales -CES- y responsable del Grupo de Estudios sobre Migraciones y Desplazamientos del Instituto Unidad De Investiga- ciones Socio-Jurídicas Y Políticas “Gerardo Molina” -UNIJUS-. En- tre sus publicaciones recientes, se destacan Migraciones subsa- harianas. África entre el orden mundial y las redes sociales (libro, 2006); Sistemas políticos africanos. Debates Contemporáneos en Colombia desde la Ciencia Política (libro, comp. & ed., 2007); “Poder y sociedad en África subsahariana: los pueblos entre las tradiciones y el Estado” (capítulo de libro, 2007); “Governance of Migration in Senegal: the Role of Government in Formulating Mi- gration Policies” (capítulo de libro, 2008); “Transnationalism and Dominican Women: Intersections between Gender, Migration and Development” (artículo de revista, co-autor, 2008); “Africa: a bridge between Latin America and Asia”, (Impreso Universitario, 2008); “Estudios Africanos en Colombia desde Ciencias Políticas y Sociales” (capítulo de libro, 2008).

108 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Lecture

Analyzing the realities lived by the black population in Colombia implies interpreting the historic, political, cultural and educational situation of these Afro-Descendant communities, taking into account their past, present and future. Through this road, the Africa, the African and the Africaness have become subjects of academic interest together with the Afro-Caribbean Afro-Colom- bian and black cultures. In this sense, it is necessary to feel and to listen to the Black Colombia in relation with the African cultural guidelines: to that end, a historic tour enables apprehending the African memories17 in Colombia in different social spheres. This implies showing different forms of intertwining of the African cultures and identities with those of the black populations in Co- lombia.

In this Lecture we inquire, in the first place, to slavery as historic process and socioeconomic practice, plotted and executed by the Europeans throughout the XVI and XIX centuries (I). In the second place, it is analyzed how, after the slave trade, the African cultural practices were transferred from the African continent to Latin America in general, and Colombia in particular with emphasis in some centers resistant to Africanism like Palenque de San Basilio (II). Likewise, an examination is made of the impact of these African cultural guidelines in Colombia to music, oral tradition, art, religion and the African thinking (philosophy), among others. This attitude enables highlighting the cultural interactions and relations that constituted the basis for the building of identifying similarities and of ways of socio-political organization in the Afro-Descendant communities; that justifies the need to project the consolidation of initiatives and actions in favor of a greater

17 The use we make of the concept “Africa” is introduced into the framework of previous studies in which “the notion of «Africa» is to a less or greater extend related with the public blossoming of negritude of the «black communities » […] the notion of «Africa» constitutes a crucial reference to understand the Afro-Colombian culture […]” (Wade, 2002: 246-247). 109 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

integration among the African countries and Colombia since, without doubt, it contributes to consolidating the identity construction of black men and women of this country and to extend collective struggles to transform their living conditions generally marked by the lack of opportunities, little political participation, growing racial conflicts, , mixing of races myth, ethic and racial discrimination, among others.

Afro America: a historic-political perspective

The history of Africa, full of shadows, semi-darkness and lights, draws our attention when it comes the time to reflect about the anthropologic, sociologic and human elements that were moved from the old continent to the Caribbean and the Americas. These elements turned into identifying components of the African nations that have survived the time and the space following one of the nastiest practices of human kind: the slave trade.

In Africa, as in other continents, the enslavement was not unknown before the arrival of the Europeans18, although it is observed that between some ethnic groups like the Fang (in general in Equatorial Africa and exactly in Equatorial Guinea) the concept and enslaving practices already existed (Ki-Zherbo, 1980: 302-304 & 306). The combination of history, political and economic facts (exploration of the African coasts, the discovery of America in the XV century and its colonization in the three following centuries,

18 It is true that “the practice of enslavery dates back to prehistoric times, although its institutionalization was probably produced when the agricultural advancements made more organized societies possible which required slaves for determine jobs. To obtain said slaves these societies would conquer more nations; however, some individuals would sell themselves or members of their families to pay debts; the enslavery was also the punishment for those persons that committed a crime “. (Available on: http://html. rincondelvago.com/historia-de-colombia_1.html). Then, we think it is relevant the observation which, “different to the old Greece, for example, where the slave was placed in the category of “thing”, in this continent [África] the slave had civil rights and ownership rights, existing also, several emancipation procedures. There used to be a difference between home and war slaves, although the latter would end up being part of the first category after certain time. In general, In Africa, the slave would quickly integrate into the owner family. In Kongo, for example, a parent calls his slave mwana (the son, the child). In other places of Africa, the situation would not be as favorable, but the patriarchal and community structure would impede the black slave to be a good in the Greek sense of the term” (“Past and present of enslavery”. Available on: http://www.monografias.com/ trabajos10/trini/trini.shtml). 110 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

among others), considerably encouraged the slave trade. As of a turn in history, the idea of enslavement in/from Africa with the expressions of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, due to its capitalist nature, its sophisticated character, trans-oceanic, international or trans-national and its trade implications at great scale with the subsequent reduction of the human being as merchandise, and for being originated, materialized and led by the Europeans, it remains indelible in the memory:

“The transatlantic slave trade circuits are many. The slave trading ships passed by the African coast, from Senegal to Angola to load the slaves. After the voyage that would sometimes last more than two months, they would arrive at the ports of Brazil, Guy- ana, Caribbean and United States19 ”.

Different from the slavery practice in Africa prior to the arrival of the explorers, the slave trading became a recurring business between Europeans to sustain their interests in America. Millions of natives of the American colonies would die due to the harshness of the work that would demand a long-lasting and cheap labor force. As the idea was that the African slaves could endure forced labor better, the import of black Africans from the Spanish and Portuguese colonies was a more opportune alternative. To cover labor force need in the American and Caribbean colonies, the Europeans intensified, between the XVI and XIX century, the banishment and deportation of millions of African captives to the Americas and the Caribbean.

This inhuman trade in the XV century, more exactly in the year 1441, with the traffic of the first African slaves is executed by the Portuguese from their African colonies. A short time later, Spain

19 Own translation. See « the slave trade, the enslavery and the abolitions. Some points of reparation » (“La traite négrière, l’esclavage et les abolitions Quelques points de repère)”. Available on: http://www.comite-memoire-esclavage.fr/inventaire/historique.html: “Les circuits of the traite transatlantique sont multiples. Les navires négriers longent the côte africaine, du Sénégal à l’Angola, pour y charger leur cargaison d’esclaves. Au terme d’une traversée longue parfois of plus of deux mois, ils accostent aux ports du Brésil, des Guya- nes, des Caraïbes et des États-Unis” 111 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

followed although for more than a century Portugal continued to monopolize the trade20. The black considered as human goods merchandise by the State would reach an economic and social value in the slavery market. Generally, the future slaves would be captured by other Africans and transported to the west cost of Af- rica where one would find slave sale and purchase displays. The calculation is that during four centuries (from mid XV century until the decade of 1870), between 15 and 18 million of Africans were exported to the Americas not including the millions of those that died in Africa while being captured followed by their accumulation in specific places of the coastal areas, and during the long voyages on the slave trading boats. In the latter case, the captives would experience inhuman conditions due to the dirtiness, stench, the suffocating heat, torture, pain, frustration, depression, thirst, hunger and panic; conditions that in fact caused the death of part of the slaves. What is more, the sick or injured, that could not be sold, were thrown into the sea, as per report (Ki-Zerbo, 1980: 314). This sentence would be equally applied to those who could not react to the sound of music of their villages that the slave traders would play with the purpose of measuring their physichological state or state of mind. A dramatic reality is experienced: the traditional -Af rican music and dance were used as instrument to select captives during the trips. The selection processes of captive labor force were frequent aboard the ships to ensure arrival at destination with the “best products”. The fact that the black man would not dance would be a sign of dismay, weakness and mental depression; being condemned to the death sentence, he would be separated from the rest and thrown into the ocean. But if he would react positively and dance vigorously, this would be interpreted as if he still con- served his energy, courage and intrepidity; and he would continue

20 At the end of the XVI century, The United Kingdom started to compete with Portugal, France, the Netherlands and Denmark that, until then, held the right to provide slaves to the overseas colonies. France, for example, would resort to trade channels that, depart- ing from the East coast of Africa and Madagascar would end up in the Bourbon Islands (Reunion) or of France (Maurice) and in South America. Other would go to Northern Africa traversing the Sahara. 112 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

to be part of the contingent, reserved and maintained until arrival at final destination.

The Caribbean and Americas were frequent geo-commercial destinations. In less than thirty years (between 1611 and 1640), Cartagena (Colombia) became the main slave trading port of the entire Hispanic America since approximately 95.000 slaves went though this port at that time. From Cartagena, the captive -Af ricans were moved to the Caribbean, Panama and the interior of the Nueva Granada. And from Panama, onboard small vessels, they would go to Peru from where they were delivered to merchants who would take them to different Central American countries like Nicaragua and Costa Rica; also to South American countries like Chile and Ecuador. Panama became an important destination and transit point in the history of slavery given that the slaves, stored in subhuman and appalling conditions, would wait for months in the houses called warehouses (los depósitos) before being dispatched and redirected to other destinations (El Callao, for example), by traders that would combine their slave trading activities with the supply of other goods. The important position of Panama in the slave trading platform (slave trading circuits and networks) and the provision of other goods are highlighted in the following:

“During the colonial period, the Isthmus of Panama was the supply port for what would be one of the main Spanish colonies in the continent: Peru. The Isthmus’ strategic position placed it in the vertex between Jamaica and Cartagena, and on the route to Africa; as of that moment the region has shown its condition communication channel, a vocation that it has kept until this day. This position made it the confluence scenario of persons from different origins and cultures, in particular of African origin […] Panama was not a plantation economy but its role as corridor for the gold coming from Peru and goods from Spain soon turned it into a multi-colored world where persons from different origins and beliefs would gather […]” (Cáceres: 2002: 145 & 154). 113 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Colombia’s black slave population was located especially in the provinces of Cauca, Valle del Cauca, Chocó, the north part of the province of Antioquia, Bolívar and Atlantic coast (with its center in Cartagena). Many of its members came from areas that correspond today to African countries like Benín (former Dahomey), Togo, Ghana (Former Gold Coast), Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Mozam- bique21, Angola, Cape Verde, Senegal, Guinea (Arocha, 1999: 34) and belong to different African towns such as the wolofs, mandingas, fulos, cazangas, biafaras, monicongos, anzicos, engolas, among others. Despite the resistance offered by the future slaves, it is evident that the members of these ethnic African groups were forced to come to Panama and Colombia, piled up in slave trading ships:

“[…] in the lower part of Senegal one could differentiate three main groups: the wolofs, the lebu and the sereer, and three kingdoms: Waalo, Kajoo and Bawol, the first two Islamic and a large part of the third animist, and therefore seen as barbarians. In the last region different razzias took place whose purpose was to obtain slaves, reason why its extensive wooded areas became a zone for cimarrones to seek refuge. The sereer, organized in small political units less complex than the Islamic ones, without aris- tocracies or slaves, reacted violently against slavery, closing their communities to any interference from outside, which gave them in the oral tradition the reputation of fierce and cruel”22.

Soon, part of the African slaves that were transported by force to plantations and mines in America started to organize resistance to break the slavery chains. Several Cimarron movements arose

21 As of 1645, Mozambique started to become affected by the slave traffic (capture and- ex port of slaves) led by Portuguese traders since the Dutch controlled Angola and Beguile that, four years earlier (August 1641), were under Portuguese rule. As of 1830, many Arab vessels, from different ports of Mozambique brought a large number of slaves to the Islands of Comoros and Madagascar, among other regions. And as of 1839, the city of Zanzibar became a true slave traffic center in the East coast of Africa where the Arabs were the main slave traffickers. 22 James Searing (1987), cited by Cáceres (2002: 163). 114 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

from this: the slaves started to fight23 for freedom, through re- belliousness, the development and execution of resistance strategies, as of the second half of the XVI century, slaves started to escape the colonies: they fled to hide and inaccessible territories where they would regroup sometimes to organize themselves in defense groups against hunters sent by their owners, or to seek refuge in territories occupied by indigenous to whom they ended up teaching insubordination methods against the Spanish or Portuguese colonist. Slave revolts take place to attaint freedom in the Isthmus of Panamá24, the Pacific Coast, Cartagena, Ven- ezuela, Cuba, Brazil (the Quilombos), Puerto Rico, among others: fiercely.

“[…] in 1532 in Venezuela; in 1533 in Cuba and Panamá In 1547 the long-lasting rebellion of Sebastián Lemba in the Española; in 1550 the rebellion of Juan Criollo that lasted several years. In 1579, the revolt of the black rebels in Portobelo (Panama) that led to the signing of a peace treaty with the Spanish colonist via which, the slaves attained collective freedom. In 1635 we can highlight, the rebellions of the black slaves in Jamaica that went so far that the Jamaican Assembly was forced to see the need to send an assistance petition to the metropolis. The list is endless: the rebellion of slaves in 1791 constituted the center of the Hai- tian process of independence and the rebellions of Puerto Rico and Cuba in 1812 that were strongly suffocated due to the fear for a Haitian like situation. These rebellions, add to the long list of personal resistance, revolts and rebellions that took place in

23 Espinosa and Friedmann (1993: 105) highlight the participation of women in the struggle against freedom: “in the cimarrons’s struggle, women fought fiercely with darts, cudgels and spears facing the Spaniards […]”. In the same sense, Mena García (1993: 88) reiter- ates the magnitude of the black women support during the colonial era, she regrets the scarcity of historic documents to that respect and the need to recognize their active presence in the Colombian anti-slavery struggle. 24 During the colonial era in Panama, the cimarrons cooperation with the pirates and free- booters was remarcable; we refer to the role as pirates’ guides that they played against the colony.

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the very Africa, in the Caribbean, in America, and in those places where slavery was known to exist […]” 25

In the same line, it is important to highlight the insurrections of the slaves of the French colony of Saint-Domingue (Haití today) that, having started in the night of 22 to 23 August of 1791, ended up with the slavery abolition proclamation in 1793 and the adoption of the decree for the emancipation on February 4th, 1794. The resistance of the towns of Saint-Domingue to the reinstatement of slavery by Napoléon Bonaparte, by way of decree of May 20th/ 1802, gave way to a bloody repression. Although slavery was restored in the other French colonies, Saint-Domingue managed its independence on January 1st/ 1804 with a new name (Haití), after a year of cruel war against Bonaparte’s armies (1802-1803), and the capture and death of the resistance leader Toussaint Louverture. The situación in Haiti gave way to several insurrection movements of African slaves established by force in several countries of the Caribbean and America; movements that were led by slaves native of the coastal zones of West and Central Africa (Cape Verde, Congo, Goald Coast –today Ghana-, Dahoney –tiday Benin-, Nigeria).

Prior to Haití’s independence, it is worth to highlight Benkos Bio- ho’s, a slave of African origin ,exceptional and notable nature of leadership in the organization of resistance and offensive actions against enslaving Spaniards, settled in the coasts of Cartagena. His role was so outstanding that he is considered today as the “Black Bolívar” of the palenqueros. He founded the cimarrones town, know as the first “free town of America”26 which was iso-

25 See “Past and present of enslavery”. Available on http://www.monografias.com/traba- jos10/trini/trini.shtml 26 “[…] What makes palenque de San Basilio different is, in first instance, to be the sole palenque that forced the Spanish crown to make a peace agreement, what they called then “cordial entente”. This agreement enabled the Palenque de San Basilio to become autonomous in its language, organization, rituals, economy and all other internal aspects, different to other palenques, that were being governed by the crown and church rules. The Palenque de San Basiliosigned the peace agreement with the crown in 1713. No other palenque, neither in America nor, particularly in our Colombian territory, obtained this denomination; hence the Palenque de San Basilio is called “the first free town of America” (Peréz Palomino, Jesús Natividad, 2006: 2). 116 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

lated from the rest of Colombia since 1713, preserving its identity of African origin. Today the palenquera language is a mixture of bantú words (language of Central Africa) and Creole.

This heritage shows that despite the fact that men and women27 were moved forcedly from Africa to America and were stripped from goods and land, they brought along their cultural background that marked the lives of the Afro-descendant populations in Latin America and the Caribbean. In this context, it is important to go into reflection on the African presence in Colombia.

African presence in Colombia: a socio-cultural perspective

This paragraph starts with my personal experiences when I started to know the Iberoamerican continent in 2004, following a tourist trip to Bogotá and Cartagena. I was already aware of the existence of African-descendant black people, but seeing this was a new reality. On the streets of Bogotá I hardly came across a black person (at least I don’t remember) but in Cartagena I found black people (even in tourist areas) who were selling art objects or were trying to survive. I was so impressed that I felt in Africa; however, I was not aware of all sorts of discrimination and racism that the black people of Cartagena suffer, ways and realities hidden by the tourist representations and attractions of this city. I left the country happy and saying to myself that I had found Africa in Colombia. What is more, in 2005, I was in Caracas and Margarita Islands (Ven- ezuela) again as tourist. One of my curiosities was encountering black communities. To that end, I went to popular city districts of Caracas inhabited by low class people, of all cultures and races, with a predominance of black persons. One afternoon I attended a music and dance soiree organized in a cultural center by a popu-

27 We emphasize the presence of women in the enslavery era since “for many years the studies on black slave women were limited by the intensifying of the economic aspects of enslavery […]” (Castaño Zapata, 1993: 77).

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lar committee of Venezuelan youths of the neighborhood, where they played music with popular airs at the drums’ rhythm. It was there where I felt under the skin, the cultural similarities shared with the black people of Venezuela. I let myself be driven by the emotion which was reflected in my overwhelming enthusiasm to dance to the rhythm of the drums; airs and melodies that were very familiar to my ears since they sounded very much like the moba sièk (rhythmic melodies that make one move the hips frantically –by the moba-gurma towns of the north of Togo, in West Africa -), blékété (frantic rhythms accompanied by mystic dance and trance– by the populations of ewe-mina of the south of Togo-), apkèssè and tuméwé (Traditional joy, relaxation and divertissement –between the ewé-mina peopl-). I said to myself the following: «This is Africa; this is Africa!»28. in 2006 and 2007, I was in Palenque de San Basilio and Quibdó respectively where my previous observations have been confirmed by the experiences I lived: far beyond the cultural guidelines what stands out is the nature of their people, the way they interact with others, the way they look, their eagerness and pride to reaffirm themselves as black people with references to Africa, among others; reflecting and evoking in the same way identities shared with Africa. This part of the Lecture corresponds to the advancement of research results, fruit of my observations, compared reading, conversations with black man and women or Afro-Colombians, wanderings Afro-Colombian forums and gather- ings, after one and a half year of residence in Colombia: one gets inside the forms of sociopolitical organization of Afros in Colombia,

28 ¡What a happy coincidence to find the testimony of the distinguished writer originally from Congo-Brazaville Tchicaya U’Tamsi with respect to one experience that is very similar to mine, while I am reviewing files on the African footsteps in Latin America! Accord- ing to Denise Mendez report (2002), the writer tells that he visited Cartagena and that he felt so much admiration and emotion that he would not stop saying: «Je me croyais in Afrique, j’aurais voulu parler comme chez moi»; “I felt I was in Africa, I would like to have spoken as if I was at home” (referring this way to the language barrier that separated him from his brothers and black people of Cartagena –a linguistic distance between Colom- bia and Africa-). See Denise Mendez’s testimony (2002) on the conference of Tchicaya U’Tamsi and Manuel Zapata Olivella in 1988 in Paris: “La Présence Africaine in Colombie”. Available on: http://www.africultures.com/index.asp?menu=affiche_article&no=565 ). 118 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

in relation with the African ones (2.1) and the expressions of black- African cultures in their social spheres (2.2).

Black communities in Colombia: languages, thinking, organizational forms and traditions

We inscribe ourselves in the context of the Afro-Latin-American studies in order to explore the sociocultural, philosophic and political contributions of Africa in Colombia. The slavery years managed to bring men and women “ripped from Africa” to work in coffee, tobacco, cotton and rice plantations; sugar manufacturing factories and the mines in the different countries of Latin Amer- ica and the Caribbean among which Mexico, Peru, Gran Colom- bia (Colombia–Nueva Granada- and Panama), Venezuela, Cuba, Santiago de Chile, Costa Rica and Brazil. In this way, the black Diaspora was formed in Latin America which has consolidated itself throughout time (history) in Iberoamerican spaces; Brazil and Colombia represent the Iberoamerican territories with the largest black population of Latin America. More than 12 million of Afro-Colombians live currently in Colombia of which nearly 1 million are in Bogotá; they represent a little more than 26% of the Colombian population and make Colombia the third country with the largest black population in America, after Brazil and the United States.

Among the Afro-Colombian people, there are values and expressions derived from the African conception of big family along with the acute sense of solidarity. In reference with the traditional Africa, it is fundamental to have descendants: it is the anger to their duty of contributing to the continuity of life on the earth. Likewise, the perpetuity of the ancestral chain is ensured; hence the big families are the most appropriate means to guarantee the clan’s emergence and consolidation: having a daughter or a son (fertility) implies a capital or social value gain. As the Chocoan researcher Perea Chalá Alumá (2004) explains, in Chocó, there

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exist marks of Africaness related with the importance of the inheritors:

“In Chocó, Colombia, where the bantú presence is evident, we have not heard the Muntú29 and Kulonda voices, but the concepts of love for nature and human (the Muntú) and the anti-abortion philosophy, according to which each son is the product of the agreement of two ancestral lines both paternal and maternal, one concludes that–each child has a piece of bread under his/her arm - (kulonda), therefore the right to live is not even debatable” (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004: 20).

In relation with the contribution coming from the African thinking, Mina Aragón (2006) highlights some determining aspects: the African antropos, the modern homo sapiens, would start fantasizing with his psyche to invent the «oldest philosophy in this planet»: the Muntú philosophy, and as of this thinking of fraternity between the beings and entities of creation, built all its cosmo vision in myths, esthetics, law, technique, medicine, social organization, etc. All these are imaginaries socially built by the Africans and their descendants in the world Diaspora of ethnic diversity and cultural polyphony, that what the Afro imaginary element with its overwhelming creativity in voices and languages, the para- digmatic referent through which the world’s mixing of races has enriched itself” (Ibíd., 2006: 63-64). 30

29 According to Perea Chalá Alumá’s explanation (2004: 13), the Muntú phylosophy con- sists in the conception of the human being as the product of nature and not as its owner. Consequently, destroying the nature is equivalent to ignoring the principles and rules of the common law. 30 For more details on the Muntú thinking see Mina Aragón (2006: 64-69). This author (2006a: 19) defines the Afro creating capacity as “any piece of art, of ideas, thinking, values and technical inventions, materials that the African man and his descendants, using his radical individual imagination and of his collective imaginatory, have made in favor of the cultural, biological and sociohistoric mixing of races in the world, to make of the self constitution of our complex civilization, something more than hate, wars and conflicts”.

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In the same way, polygamy, the way of marriage par excellence to ensure a greater number of children, is a heritage of cultural practices around the African family:

“With the enslavement abolition law, a type of polygamist extensive family was triggered and consolidated an efficient strategy for the territorial control of the jungle, consisting in that a male would take several spouses, all being equally important. Each one of them would live along a river and would specialize in determine crops, the husband would visit them on a regular basis, providing them with the things they could not produce” (Chalá Alumá, 2004: 15).

Childrens’ education takes place within a traditional context marked by the teaching of the importance of the sense and exercise of solidarity between the members of the extensive family:

“For the sons, the most important thing is the mother’s kinship consaguinidad uterina; being the quality of the mother the social determiner of descent. The family concept in the Biogeographic Chocó is so strong that cousins are assumed as brothers in de- grees of kinship so distant for the western society, as a seventh or eight degree is still family, with a solidarity obligation. Religious- ness and family meet, when a father or mother die, they decease is not buried until the last relative shows up” (Ibíd., 2004: 15).

This way, the black human resources, inherited by slavery in Colombia, adopt forms of political organizations very similar to those of their African ancestors. Hence, their combative and re- claiming nature is close to that of Africans against the nature’s aggressiveness, slavery and colonialism.

“The perception is that the Afro was submissive and passive, but Chango and Elegba were always encouraging the heroes’ combative spirit […] in the Caribbean (Mackandal, Toussaint Louver- tuere, Dessalines), in Brazil (Gunga Zumbi) and, of course, in Co-

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lombia, with the great Benkos Biojó, the African king that started the «war of the palenques» in this hemisphere, and whom would serve to develop a new political, ethno historic and ethno educational pedagogy of Colombia and America, since he was the first American «revolutionary » that said no to the Spanish crown. It is with him that the «humanitarian law », starts given that he made a political negotiation with the governor of Suazo, who acted on the Spanish King’s behalf for the exchange of some war prisoners (1605). It is with Benkos Biojó where one should start valuing the Afro identity and political contribution to the struggle for independence and autonomy, that then the communeros will make (1781), creoles against the crown’s negligence and arbitrary acts” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 78-79).

The forms of political resistance tend to be supported by cultural guidelines very much marked by language. Here, we observe many linguistic contributions of African origin in the development of strategies to break the chains of slavery. In the so called African corner in Colombia, the invention of the palenquera language helped invent a vehicle for internal and own communication that the slave trader could not understand. Likewise, it constituted the possibility of building palenques in and from the places where the fugitives reorganized their life projects, al- tered by slavery. They were the social center of resistance with which true republics were created «independent republics» and aggressive action centers were consolidated to hide and escape from their pursuers and to defend themselves from them. This way, the Afro-descendant cimarrones fought for their freedom: Palenque (Colombia) became the first free town of America. This element (Freedom and independence) has been determining to maintain, both in time and space, one identity and some cultural expressions like the palenquero language.

“The palenquero invention as frank language is an attempt to seek a convergence point, to seek freedom and to affirm identity; 122 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

without a common communication it would not have been possible to unify the project to end the Afro servitude here in Amer- ica […] the resistance spirit only acquired unity and cohesion by the intervention of an Afro-Colombian language that recalls the distant but always present African cultural-linguistic wealth of infinity of languages of endless traditions” (Ibíd., 2006: 71-72).

To highlight the importance of Africaness in the linguistic configuration amongst Afro peoples of Colombia, we refer to Perea Chalá Alumá’s (2004) and Mina Aragón’s observations (2006) that coincide in that African words and terms have survived both in the Hispanic forms as well as in the culinary art, very much present in the black communities.

“It not a coincidence that at present names as Madagascar, [An- gola] and Mozambique are maintained as family names for example. Although it is clear that many slaves arrived at our beaches not with his/her original tribal name but with that of the port were he/she was forced to embark. However, the presence of cultural practices (dance, music, religion, etc.) talk about the ethnography of these supérsites and in some cases, cultural con- tinuation […] we collect this list sufficiently representative:Acué, Angola, Beté, Biáfara, Biohó, Coco, Congo31, Chalá, Chamba32, Chocó33, Egba, Fanti, Ludango,Mandiga 34, Maní, Matamba, Nagó […]” (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004: 18)35.

“We celebrate the Afro contribution to Castilian, which has made the latter a mixing of races, languages that took Amerian-indian

31 It its original version means those of the country of the panter: K’ongo; its inhabitants are kikongos (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004: 31). 32 in moba (language of the moba-gurma people from the north of Togo), chamba, written câmba, means the family of clan chief. 33 According to the same researcher, “Chocó is a territory and an ethnic group, provided with an own language of the great bantú family, that, in fact, entered the province in the first decades of the XVI century” (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004: 31-32). 34 The mandingas correspond to an ethnic group in East Africa, originally from what is today Malí that are also distributed between parts of Senegal and Niger. 35 In relation with the contribution of African languages to the Spanish spoken among the Afro-America people See Perea Chalá Alumá (2004: 16-32). 123 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

expressions (tobacco, corn, sweet potatoes, savanna, hammock, crabs, canoe …) and Africans (mondongo, manguala, catanga, salar, tanga, tunda, chiripa, tula, bitute, bemba, cumbia, banana, chimba, guineo…), to enrich its polyphony and the power of its meaning” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 71-72).

“Dishes as the carimañola, voices like cucayo, cocolón, to refer to the roasted rice adhered to the bottom of the pans; the constant presence of garlic, or the acidulation, etc., revels a strong African influence, apart from the usualmondongo . […] the kitchen is also an ethnic resistance fortress, this way mondongo, refuses to give up its place to the Hispanic callos, or to the quechuismo guata (bellie), mofongo, mangú, fufú, ñame, etc., still enjoy their vitality” (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004: 14 & 21)

“The possible African footsteps appear in the name of foods, in certain mixtures or combinations and in diverse forms of preparation. Even, the coffee with milk is attributed to a Dutch man who lived in Africa; and the habit of frying plantain is also pre- sumed to be African” (Villapoll, 1977: 325).

Similar to the African traditions, death occupies a very important place in the rituals practiced by the members of black communities in Latin America. The death is the birth of a new life. In this sense, we observed in the palenquero towns, funereal ceremonies called “lumbalú”, a ritual that is done in the funerals and during the nine days following the burial. In this context, the lum- balú is a reflect of the religion anchored in the belief of the invisible given that that people sing for the decease next to the coffin and play drums because they believe that by singing and play- ing drums it is easier for the decease to travel to the other life. Together with the traditional music, this ritual is an organizative and expressive form of their vision of the world: this palenquera cosmo vision is a traditional spelling that, day to day, is practiced and is part of being palenquero. Here, we think that the lumbalú

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is the most authentic, religious and ancestral forms that express the Africaness and profess the traditional African beliefs and religions (RTA), the death never die.

Moved forcedly to Colombia, the slaves brought along their cultural values (cultural background) and rituals in their soul since they were stripped off all their material goods. For that reason, in their destiny they were able to resist to the total imposition of Catholicism:

“The death never dies, because his spirit, the immortal part that the orischas would place in him, for him to bond with God, is far beyond the space-time; it is an unfading shadow the one that binds and encourage the indiscriminate actions of men in their daily life. The yoke of Catholicism was not able to kill the orichas of the Afros; despite «the cross and the sword » they enriched the western religions with the syncretic mixing of races that will be constituted among the African orichas and the catholic Gods for the emergence of the Afro-Amer-Indian-Catholic religious syncretism” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 74, citing Zapata Olivella –in Chimá nace un Santo-).

In summary, “the configuration of the Afro-Colombian communities was initially done in the framework of slavery, under the rulers’ parameters, and it is from the processes of resistance, syncretism, cimarronaje and configuration of palenques, purchase of freedom and ending of slavery that the Afro-Colombians manage to structure their communities, families and creating their organizations. The palenques constitute one of those organizative forms. As Aquiles Escalante points out here , the palenque summarizes the anti-colonial insurgency, from the palenques the Afro-Colombian started to create conditions to settle in a territory and from said conditions he starts organizing his new way of life, to create his own forms of government and social organization. These constitute spaces for the construction of identity

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and according to Jaime Jaramillo were «the social ID in which the black man tried to open a channel for his tendency to free life and the needs of sociability, in the palenque they used to elect their authorities, organize their festivities, organize their religious cult and had town councils. In fact we needn’t forget that the palenque has a military nature, site of strategic entrenchment, protected with traps, pits, stockades, sites for training, provision and rest and refuge from the cimarrones»”36.

African culture expressions in Colombia: literature, oral tradition, religiousness, arts, music and dance

We address the cultural contributions of Africa to Latin America through the process of de-culturalization37 and culturization38 that implies the reception of incorporation by people or a social group with own cultures (languages, religions, ways of thinking, literature, arts, music and dance etc.) of cultural guidelines coming from others to the extend that, sometimes, they replace their own partially. In this line of thinking, we mention that, from the XVI century, the cimarronismo and the settling of palenques (quilombos in Brazil) in regions of Central and South America, constituted the greatest strategy of cultural survival and of struggle for freedom. Following the abolition of slavery in Hispanic America,

36 See, “Cimarrones and Palenques”. Available on: http://html.rincondelvago.com/historia-de-colombia_1.html 37 To broaden this concept see, Manuel Moreno Fraginals (1977: 14-27). 38 Processes that, with the sociocultural transformations, are today perceived as trans- culturization processes. This term, taken from the modern anthropology, “refers to the process via which the constant and uninterrupted contact between two or more groups of different cultures affect mutually the cultural answers of each one of them […] in their analysis, [the anthropologist and Cuban thinker Fernando] Ortiz provides the tools to dissent of its justification for the use of a neologism when he explains, «by aculturization one means the transit process from one culture to the other and its social repercutions of all genders. But trans-culturization is a more appropriate word. We understand that the word trans-culturization expresses better the different phases of the transition- pro cess from one culture to the other, because it does not consist in acquiring a different culture, which is what the English word aculturization really means, but that the process also implies necessarily the loss or uprooting of a previous culture, what we could say a de-culturization, and, it also means the subsequent creation of new cultural phenomena that can be called neo-culturization » […]”. See Sonia Ruiz, “Aculturization or Trans- culturization?”. Available on: http://ceci.uprm.edu/~sruiz/ciso3121/id12.htm 126 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

the cultural expressions of the Afro-descendants were maintained from several perspectives favoring the consolidation of the African cultural heritage in the Iberoamerican territories. From there, the descendants of African slaves engaged in activities of artistic and literary creativity, following the African footsteps:

“The African, from his constitution as man, is a subject of imagination and thought who would not have to be envious of this or that culture. The African, from the magic thought and amaze- ment visualized the cosmos, the nature and all the things, and started to question it; he accumulated wisdom, wealth, and it is precisely the Afro creativity, spread in the mining, the agricul- ture, the arts, the medicine, in the oral tradition of those African families and kingdoms, who the colonizer overpowered. It was one way of the other that they contributed with their radical and their collective imaginary, to enrich the Colombian historic and social culture […] of all the imaginaries that we have captured in the economy, politics, music, religion, then, the Muntú creator is the great legacy of the Afros to this «earthly human singular »” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 44).

Oral and written Literature (oraliture; oral tradition). There may be oral expressions without any written version; but in contrast with difficulty can there be a written tradition without ‘orality’ (i.e. speech). As a matter of fact, globally, traditional African and native first nation societies characterize themselves by anoral culture or by primary orality, i.e. societies that did not have any type of written forms. According to, Friedemann, (1999: 25), “the term oraliture is an African neologism while at the same time it is a trace of word literature. According to Yoro Fall (1992) its objective is to find some how a concept status that rises up to the same level as that of literature. Because the idea is to recognize the esthetics of the word incorporated in the oral history records, the lawendas, myths, stories, epopeyas, or songs, they are forms of creativity, which have managed to survive up to our time by

127 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

word of mouth. And, due to the globalization of cultural critique they also constitute poetical subjects of study by societies with written traditions”. Thus, it is worthwhile to mention that there are other means of writing that, based on ‘oraliture’, documen- tary sources, oral history and ethnography may yield a new type of text. The idea is to point out the existence of oral forms of literature that coexists with the other classical forms of literature (the conventional or “cultured” form) in different contemporary societies: There is a literature or a form of associated literature(s) linked to a popular culture that gets passed on, orally. Under this perspective, it becomes a political vindication that recognizes the variegated means of narratives as channels for the discourse towards literature since in Africa for example, the white colonial powers condition the possibility of having the African version of their own history (as a people) in writing.

The belief that words have different powers (that of creation, that of enchantment) participates in consolidating ‘orality’ in -Af rica: “The most tangible characteristic of the African is and has been their oral expression, but ‘orality’ has not been simply a mental symbol that shapes. Instead it has been the equivalent of a memory, a tradition and a specific culture. Orality, the invention of a language is to a degree a means of leaping out of the natural world and into that of human culture, socially and historically” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 71). And the power to name provides the possibility of apprehending different phenomena whether em- pirically or spiritually that constitutes the universe of knowledge. Although words are permanently surrounding human beings, only those who have managed to dominate them have managed to unveil their power. That is why the elderly are more susceptible to dominating such knowledge in using the spoken word. Knowl- edge transfer via informal education is performed orally; that is why when an old person dies without sharing his or her knowledge and wisdom it becomes a loss for the entire people.

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In Colombia’s Pacific Coast, the formation of a specific orality characterizes itself by phonetic peculiarities, morphosintactical, grammatical and lexicon-morphological singularities in every day speech.

“[…] In Afro Latino cultures [of Colombia’s Pacific Coast] orality ha emphasized movement more than the written word […] the higher weight awarded to oral tradition and corporal expression in cultural survival probably have been associated to low levels of social strata in their communities, in comparison with the rest of the nation. […] Notwithstanding the religious attitudes present in the oral tradition structure, […] Afro Latino cultures of Colombia’s Pacific Coast have still a literary vocation, expressed in variegated forms of graphical arts and popular texts of recent tradition in the region” (Pedrosa, 1994: 33)

This orality prevails in transmitting knowledge among Choco settlements as is stated by Perea Chalá Alumá (2004: 20-21 & 29):

“Transmitting and sharing culture by word of mouth, fundamen- tally by mothers, ayas and grand mothers, was the most expeditious vehicle in preserving and disseminating it. This is one of the reasons why the strength of oral tradition, specifically ‘oraliture’, the material that constitutes culture and above all professional discourse facilitated the preservation of many word sounds, i.e. among washing maids who preserved the instrument to beat the clothes and the soap as well as who preserved the word sound, of ’el manduco’” […] Thus, thru multiple paths oral traditions, a broad array of African word sounds have not only survived the journey across the Atlantic but enriched the Spanish of the Americas”.

Formal education prevalence in Afros regions has enabled several slave descendents in Colombia to get a college degree in fields like anthropology, sociology, mathematics, medicine, teaching and po- licing. Among the formally educated population there are writers, novelists, script writers and poets of outstanding talents whose

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works, regrettably, are not commonly known by the general public. Among the pioneers in Afro Colombian literature, Aquiles Es- calante, Manuel Zapata, Arnaldo Palacios are usually mentioned, who, attracted by issues discussed in literary and poetical works of African writers – ‘la negritud’ (Blackness), for example-, have lead the way towards sociological, historical, anthropological research, in favor of recognizing human, cultural and philosophical Afro Colombian values: “Another significant emergent Afro art was what came to be known as ‘the Negritude’, a literary poetic – philosophical movement that was born in Paris during the 1930s, with Damas, Senghor, Césaire, where they cherished the values, the creativity and the social vision of the Afro starting as of the word while preserving the sense of belonging to a civilization that is exclusively creative of a different Cosmo vision, a philosophy an a form of esthetics. […] that seeks its Afro roots and it roots in its never-ending blend with the native American nations yielding new reference icons in the words of poets like Alfredo Vanin, Edelma Zapata, Héctor León Mina, and in essays by Hugo Hidrovo [or by Arnoldo Palacios], in the verses by Fernando Maclanil, in music by pianists like Edison Valencia and Sody Brayde, in sculpture by Abou Sidibe and in novels by Ben Okri” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 77).

Arts and Religiousness39. In Colombia’s Pacific and Caribbean Coast, the provinces of Cauca, Antioquia, Chocó, Bolívar and the entire Atlantic cost constitute the traditional Colombian regions were the Negro slave population settled in clearly defined territories. These provinces make up the social nucleus where profound traits of African Art have flourished in a blend with rituals, myths and religiousness of Colombian society.

39 with respect to the religious imagery (religiousness), we mention that “Africans were always close to their orichas, who they considered their supreme divinities, creators and organizers of all general existence […] rituals have been held using the sensuality of the body with the sound of the bambam, a «witch doctor drum», from the gods that come from the yorub olimpus, or who come down the «witch doctor tree» to aid the living in their epopeyas and enterprises […], the entire cosmos is filled with gods; all religions are polytheists with deities in each human group” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 73-74). 130 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

“Religiousness presides, virtually, over all Afro Chocó acts […] under an apparent veil of Christianity, or popular Christianity, as theologians prefer to call it, i.e. the «viejos católicos (the old catholics)», there is always present a set of religious philosophies of African origin” (Perea Chalá Alumá, 2004, pp. 13 & 12).

“African art always has had the same goal as those great artistic civilizations: expressing divinity, cherishing their ancestors, im- mortalizing the living, singing to liberty and heroism of the most significant members of society. Art has been precisely that, a way to seek, a way to feel and to interpret collective existence. Afri- cans, in that pursuit, were not inferior to the creativity demands of Muntú” (Mina Aragón, 2006: 75-76).

Music and Dance. The African dimension of the musical composi- tions and dances cross over the variegated forms of music, dance and recital among the AfroColombian communities. From the Pa- cific to the Colombian Caribbean, the djembés (drums) are ever present in the popular musical rhythms: in ‘currulao’, in ‘mbasú’, in ‘calypso’, in ‘saporondó’ and in ‘bullerengue’ for example, are pure African inheritance (from men and women brought from Guinea, Cameroon, Angola or Congo). African ancestors used the drum to communicate and to dance in festive days; the drums pound at the time when one sees the first light at birth and at the time when one passes away: convening unity.

Among the modern musical rhythms there is champeta that was born in the poor and popular boroughs of Cartagena at the end of the seventies, emigrating towards ‘Palenque de San Basilio’. Currently, among the unofficial kings of champeta music is Vi- viano Torres. It is a mix of soukous (from Congo – in central Africa -) and highlife (Ghana and Nigeria – west Africa-) the fuses with Caribbean rhythms (Haitian ‘compa’, rap -reggae- ragga, socca, calypso, among others). Marginal people form popular boroughs – fishermen, shoeshine men and self thought musicians - have

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been important in disseminating champeta40 in Colombia. Today, in spite it being popular music, it is one of the most discriminated in Colombia and in the Caribbean.

Conclusions

This discourse (Lecture) is inscribed within the framework of Afro Latino - Americans with the intent of exploring the social and cultural, as well as philosophical and political contributions of Africa in Latin America as a whole, and in Colombia specifically, with an emphasis in specific areas such as ‘Palenque de San Basilio’.

As aforementioned, enslaved blacks in Colombia were localized especially in the provinces of Cauca, Antioquia, Chocó, Bolívar, an in cities like Popayan or Cali, in the northern part of the province of Antioquia and in the Atlantic Coast (with its geographical center in Cartagena). Several of the peoples came form regions that today are African countries such as Benin (former Dahom- ey), Nigeria, Sierra Leona, Mozambique, Angola, Cape Verde, Senegal, Guinea and they belong to different peoples within Africa such as the wolofs, mandingas, fulos, cazangas, biáfaras, monicongos, anzicos, engolas, among others.

The configuration of the afro Colombian communities was based initially on the mechanics of slavery, under parameters of their masters and it is as a result of the resistance processes, syncretism, cimarronaje and the configuration of ‘palenque’ settlements, the purchase of their own freedom and the end of slavery from which Afro Colombians manage to structure their communities, their families and to create their forms of organization. There was a black Diaspora formation in Latin America that has been consolidating in time (throughout history) in Iberoamerican scenarios; Brazil and Colombia represent the Iberoamerican territories with the most Negro populations.

40 Wade refers to this musical style (2002: 273) while exploring the different musical forms in the coast as an expresión of negritude and ‘africaness’ in Colombia (Ibíd.: 268-274). 132 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Colombia is the third country in the Americas, after the United States and Brazil with the greatest Negro population. The main concentration in Colombia is in the Pacific coast with 82.7% of the total Negro population. However, this Negro population in the Pacific only represents 12.7% of the nation’s total population. 69.4% of the Negro peoples live in urban areas. The main urban nucleolus of afro-descendents are in Cartagena, Barranquilla, San Andrés Islands, Sucre, Buenaventura, Tumaco, Quibdo, Cali, Me- dellín and Bogotá.

As per the analysis of the work herein, how slavery operated is shown in order to bring African men and women to the “new” world of Central and South America, forcing them to live with social and cultural realities that were totally different from their own, in plantations (either of cotton or coffee), in mining and in factories. This work explores how the slave trade which came to be one of the most despicable and repugnant activities of human history lead to the systematic separation of parents from their children, of brothers, of spouses, of friends or neighborhoods according to the needs of the slave merchants. One of the objectives was to achieve their total alienation. However, it was shown that part of the slave population had been developing social and cultural production and reproduction mechanisms as a means of resistance to the status quo (i.e. cultural, political and economic oppression) and as a path to finding freedom.

In different countries, the struggle was accompanied by abolition of slavery initiatives that ended in a series of proclamations of political nature; the last countries in Latin America and the Carib- bean to abolish slavery were Cuba, in 1886, and Brazil, in 1888. We share the idea that “[…] abolition did not mean suppressing definitively slavery but rather declaring it illegal. As a matter of fact, forced house help, clandestine people trafficking, exploitation and prejudice attitudes did not end with the abolition of slavery. The majority of former slaves continued living in miser-

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able conditions, many of them under the same slave master and subjected to the same – physical and mental - exploitation prior to the abolition of slavery. Furthermore, abandoning the slave master implied leaving the only territory known in a foreign land and being subject to going totally astray in terms of finding a job, a house and food or any basic need. Legally they were free but as a matter of fact they remained enslaved with scarce possibilities of ever enjoying freedom: domination, being subjected, discriminated and exploited remained common traits of their reality41”. For example in Colombia the issue of Afro ‘Colombianess’ is one of those aspects that worries society in general and worries the Negro communities in particular. Mostly speaking, they are marginalized and excluded from regional and national policy making. That is why the treatment tailored to theses peoples in Colom- bian political spheres poses challenges.

Quickly, part of the African slaves that were forced to come to plantations and mines in America began to regroup and to set up resistance in order to break the chains of slavery. There were important slave rebellion movements in the XVI century that contributed to create an atmosphere of emancipation after a clear participation of slaves in independence processes of the XVIII and XIX century, up until the declaration of official emancipation in the XIX century.

Before Haiti’s independence (between 1791 and 1804), one must highlight the exceptional and notable leadership character of Benkos Bioho, a slave of African decent who organized resistance movements and offensives against the Spanish slave masters who had settled in the Coasts of Cartagena. His role was so outstanding the he is considered today as the “Black Bolívar” of the ‘palenqueros’. He founded a town of ‘cimarrones’ (maroons) Negros, known as the first “free town in the Americas” that re-

41 See “Pasado and presente de la esclavitud”. Available at: http://www.monografias.com/ trabajos10/trini/trini.shtml 134 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

mained isolated from the rest of Colombia since 1713, preserving the identities of their African origin. Today, the ‘palenquera’ language is a mix of Bantú words (a Central African language) and Creole.

Certainly this analysis has enabled us to explain the African cus- toms and traditions that revolve around cultural, social and political realms as an extension of family. In turn the study has lead us to learn the way how some of these components have survived the test of time and of space, to resurge in Colombian soil.

With that inheritance, it was shown that men and women were forcedly sent to America out of Africa and they were stripped of their assets and territory. They brought with them only the cultural baggage that ended up branding the lives of the Afro descendent towns in Latin America and in the Caribbean. Given all these reasons, the settlements of African ancestry have had to come up with cultural resistance mechanisms and pursue defense movements of civil rights. Among the most important manifestations of their specificity and cultural resistance is religion, music and Negro movements or negritude (‘negroness’).

Also, one may perceive how the Muntú philosophy brings us clos- er to fraternity among beings and the forces of creation as is stipulated in African traditions. We realize that the Afro-American conception (that of the ones in the Americas) of family (mainly after the abolition of slavery), based on the practice of polygamy is very similar to the African way. Within the framework of family education among Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas), we find reference frames of African traditions such as the teaching that essential or primary trait of solidarity.

Among the Afro Colombian settlements, in general, and ‘palenqueras’ in particular, there are still values and expressions derived from African conception of extended family that prevail in conjunction with that acute sense of solidarity.

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In respect of the forms of resistances of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in Colombia, we find that they are very similar to those of their ancestors, in as far as the role played by the beliefs and the language of African origin, which were key in the political processes of liberation of the enslave peoples. From there, we mentioned the linguistic contribution of the African languages to Spanish as is spoken in those Afro-American (of the Americas) towns. Furthermore, the study ascertains that the rituals, the religious ceremonies, the burials, the oral tradition, written literature and the variegated artistic forms such as culinary art, music and dance among other expressions are social, cultural and religious practices of the Negro communities of Colombia that have the branding of ‘Africaness’.

Discussion y Conclusions Table I: Rewriting history

Main Ideas

1. Challenge the idea that Afro-American peoples (i.e. those of the Americas) are people without history. 2. Highlight the contribution of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in building the nation, by providing an inclusive look from a national historical and economical stand point. 3. Highlight via documental recollection and organization the contributions of the Negros in different civilizations, thus enabling the reinforcement of the idea of their influence in constituting new nationalities. 4. Highlighting the creativity, the social, political and cultural contributions of actions by Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas), that lead to turning the New World into a genu- inely New World, by being active agents that had profound impacts on their societies.

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5. Highlighting the epistemological rupture between the- cat egories of slavery and enslaving as an indispensable tool in building new paradigms. 6. Exploring the social-cultural, philosophical and political contributions of Africa in Latin America in general, and inCo- lombia specifically, with emphasis in specific places such as Palenque de San Basilio.

Obstacles

1. Surpass the voids and fight the prejudices of traditional history and geography that in other matters has affected history teaching, highlighting the linguistics structures typical of each group. 2. Stimulating the exercise of full citizenship by Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas), not fully allowed due to phenomena such as displacement, exclusion and racial discrimination. 3. Avoid the continued practice of folklore-demeaning the cultural practices of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Ameri- cas).

Policy Proposals

1. Highlighting the collective reaction of Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) peoples in academic formation of their own sets, which they have begun to assume as their own challenge in teaching the historic processes in their communities. 2. Proposing a new framework for education that recognizes and integrates fully to the national set of Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) peoples. 3. Coordinating among the deferent countries and governments in the continent collective construction of the history of Afro- Americans (i.e. those of the Americas).

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Cooperation Proposals among nations

1. Highlighting and multiplying experiences as basis for the ‘Fundación Palmares’. 2. Sharing the experience of the Schomburg Center for research that concedes fundamental importance to the various means of preserving the memory thru archeological findings, such as cemeteries. Colonial constructions should serve as samples of Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) contributions, which were really the ones who actually mastered the art and who actually built the buildings, as oppose to honor- ing the colonial elite as it would seem at times. 3. Highlighting cultural inclusion policies by the Brazilian government such as the celebration of the black awareness day among others. 4. Celebrating a forum with Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) historians from different regions in the continent.

Politics Proposal

Emphasize the collective reaction of Afrodescendant people in academic training, who have begun to assume its own challenges in the teaching of the historical processes of their communities.

Propose a new scheme of education that recognizes and integrates the full set of citizenship to the Afrodescendant people.

Coordinate between different the countries and governments of the continent, the construction of a collective history of Afrode- scendants in the Americas.

Table II: experience exchanges among youth and children

It was an arena for reflection on inclusion and on participation of youths in social, political and cultural processes via the dissemination and the exchange of local experiences as well as by 138 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

identifying ideas and opinions relating to problems and situations (progress made, opportunities and strengths) that manifest themselves in the cultural realm of the Iberoamerican countries.

Discussion themes:

• Problems and situations that require prime attention in as far as cultural offerings of cultural products and services in our nations. • Projects and actions related with stimulating capabilities and talents among youths: social-cultural research, artistic -for mation, craftsman production, artistic creation, cultural dissemination, artistic appropriation of traditional practices and emerging artistic practices. • Intercultural Relating amongst Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) Communities and other ethnics groups. • Developments and problems which are present in respect of productivity issues regarding the cultural realm.

Axel Rojas

Profile

Professor at Universidad del Cauca, Department of Intercultural Studies; Faculty of Human and Social sciences. His research interests are mainly focused on inter cultural issues, poly–cultural expressions and the ethno education in Colombia; also on research of Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) settlements in the country.

Among his recent publications are: (Coordinator) Lecture on Afro Colombian Studies. Inputs for Teachers (that is “Cátedar de Estu- dios Afrocolombianos - Aportes para maestros). Editorial Univer- sity del Cauca. 2008

Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in Colombia. Biblio- graphic Compilation. Editorial Universidad del Cauca. 2008 (Co- author with Eduardo Restrepo). 139 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Lecture

The “Cátedra de Estudios Afrocolombianos” is an educational proposal whose intent is achieving inclusion within the educational system of pedagogical strategies in order to make visible the trajectory of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in the nation and the eradication of racism and other forms of discrimination. Since it is a proposal geared for basic and middle education levels, it offers an invaluable possibility in forming children and youths in an ethics of respect and recognition of the multi-cultural society as well as the promotion of a type of different means of relating, based on the possibility of building an intercultural society, with especial attention to the presence and contributions of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in the nation’s history, the region’s history and the globe’s history.

Given that one of our goals is to share significant experiences that contribute to making visible the contributions of the African Diaspora to American societies, I shall start my presentation by pondering from the start, from a set of educational experiences whose purpose coincides closely with set for this congress.

Initially I’ll approach the reflection in pedagogical terms, then I shall discuss generally speaking the meaning of Diaspora, its current expressions in Colombian society and the meaning that its study and signification has in education. Afterwards I shall reflect upon the educational experiences of the past decade in our nation, identifying some progress and some difficulties found in the process of applying them throughout the different regions in the land. In closing I propose some possible lines of action in other to build an Afro-American (i.e. those of the Americas) Agenda, pertaining to the field of cultural policies, that could nourish direct or indirectly these types of experiences.

Curricular guidelines on the Lecture on Afro Colombian Studies, that is, the document on general guiding principles in applying 140 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

them within Colombia’s Educational System, were presented formally in 2001, precisely when the nation was commemorating 150 years of promulgating the law abolishing slavery in Colombia (MEN 2001). However, the background on these issues goes back further in history where Colombia went thru diverse institutional transformation processes, among which it is worthwhile highlighting the constitutional amendment of 1991 and the promulgation of the 70th Law dated 1993, known as the Black communities’ law. In it the first legal norm that grants specific treatment to Negro populations in as far as being subject of collective rights are stipulated and as of its promulgation they acquire the status of ethnic group at an institutional level. Within this legal and political context, a series of rights are promulgated in different realms of social life, including education, geared towards protecting these peoples.

I shall limit this presentation to Lecturing, without mentioning any other means consecrated in the law as a result of the times; maintaining this historical context as a reference frame.

It is pertinent to state that throughout my presentation I’ll be referring to Negro populations, Afro Colombians, ‘palenqueras’ and grass roots population, to name the set of Afro Colombian peoples of our nation. In this manner by naming the set of peoples we would be obeying the mandates of respecting the diversity of forms in self recognition present amongst our peoples and highlighting the diversity of identity expressions that have given rise to the Diaspora process currently taking place in Colombia.

Pedagogical Dimensions of the problem

If the educational institutions have the mission of forming the new generations according to the knowledge that a society deems pertinent and concurrent with its political project, why is it important to include African Diaspora in school curricula? Why is this knowledge important for Colombian society? What should

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be taught when dealing with the Diaspora? How is it possible to recognize the historic presence of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in the Colombian society? In which manner may one transform practices, knowledge base and values, which have historically legitimized racism? These are some of the questions that one must pose in the pedagogical realm and that one uses as basis for the implementation of experiences on a Lecture on Afro Colombian Studies, i.e. the “Cátedra de Estudios Afrocolom- bianos”.

Albeit it may seem relatively easy to reach an agreement regarding the value of ‘cultural diversity’ and the value of some expressions such as Diaspora, it is also true that there is no generalized consensus on what it all means. If the challenge is changing the curriculum, what is at stake is the formation of students in their very integrity; that is to say, the challenge is affecting the entire set of formation processes, reviewing all those elements that constitute that which transcends the work of the educational institutions and it encompasses the educational system in its broadest sense. It implies transforming critically the curricular guiding principles in the entire set of formation areas, the evaluation systems, the editorial policies regarding school texts, as well as strengthening the educational research practices, redefining even the training programs for teachers. That is why it is necessary to clarify the starting points of this curricular project. I mean to say that the problem or the set of problems that have lead teachers, social organizations and other experts to call to our attention the need to incorporate nationwide educational projects that make a direct reference to the trajectory and the achievements of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas), whether in their contributions to building national society or in as far as the inequity conditions to which they have been subjected, and that in turn have given rise to diverse discrimination practices. In the end, this would be the justification as to why the Diaspora should be taught. 142 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Transforming curricula requires pedagogical intervention in the knowledge, values and practices fields that are part of the formation process that needs to be built. In this sense, the curricula problem is not one that can be solved exclusively in the realm of new content or with the introduction of a greater number of such. Certainly there is need for greater awareness and clarity regarding the problem, in order to intervene more effectively. Also, it is necessary for that intervention to be steered from a clear ethical–political project. Knowing the problem is not enough. The solution must correspond to a clear project of the desired reality; a model of society that we aspire to have.

Knowledge is not an end in itself, while transformation of practices is; the transformation of knowledge and attitudes of students and of society in its broadest sense is an end. It is so with the intent of building a perspective for a different type of social and political reality, which is marked by such new knowledge, such new practices and such new attitudes. Said society project is the ever more referred to intercultural society.

If education in a society like that of Colombia were to offer a balance knowledge regarding the historic presence, contributions and current expressions of the Diaspora, and if, furthermore, within its practices and orientations it were to have a clear inclusion of strategies that promote intercultural activities with a clear posture of opposition to the multiple forms of discrimination in certain areas of the population, surely we would not have to think today on Diaspora from the pedagogical realm. The problem would be solved.

Regrettably, the educational system has been more a realm were types of diverse expressions of non visualization and discrimination circulate and legitimize themselves, instead of having relations that promote equality. That is why it is necessary to unveil these concrete expressions of discrimination and non visualization pursuant to processing them pedagogically. 143 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Concretely the means to achieve this goal and the reasons to do it, must not subjected to consensus. The “Cátedra of Estudios Afrocolombianos” may be part pertaining to how, meaning part of the action strategies. Nonetheless, solutions to complex problems do not depend on single interventions or on a unique social life plan. That is to say, an integral comprehension of the problem and of the actions is needed, in order to tackle the problem integrally as well. That is the desired direction of this intervention, where we focus on the analysis of the pedagogical dimension and on a sense of an educational project that may be pursued by the “Lecture on Afro Colombian Studies” or other similar projects.

Why this Lecture? For what?

One of the first issues that must be clarified in the curriculum proposal is for what, the change. Schematically, one may propose that the Lecture follows three central purposes:

• Contributing to overcoming the diverse forms of non visibility of the historic presence of Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Americas) in the country, particularly those promoted and / or legitimized by the educational system.

• Progressing in eradicating the different forms of discrimination and racism that have affected these peoples. • Consolidating the role of the Colombian educational system and thus of teachers, parents and students, in building intercultural relationships and in building a more democratic society.

Keeping in mind these goals, a series of questions arise regarding means to achieving them in the educational practice. That is to say regarding the basic considerations to materialize these objectives and regarding the manner in which such achievement may be obtain. Among them we have:

144 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

What should be taught / learnt within the educational system regarding the historical and contemporary presence of Afro-Amer- icans (i.e. those of the Americas)?

Are these purposes, learning, contents and methods the same for all people? Which educational materials are pertinent to achieve such learning?

Which contributions have Afro-Americans (i.e. those of the Amer- icas) made to Colombian society? Do we have enough knowledge to properly testify in that regard?

Which should be the role of the different disciplines in this project?

How could we increase our knowledge formation in this respect?

What can education per se contribute to eliminating all forms of discrimination and of racism in Colombia?

How could we teach values, knowledge and practices that promote and eliminate all forms of discrimination, including racism?

How could we form kids and youngsters in practices and values that promote setting up intercultural relationships?

In which manner could we strengthen horizontal relationships that respect cultural differences?

Both the objectives as well as the need to define pedagogical strategies to incorporate them in educational practice makes it necessary to define which are the problems that constitute the focus of the formation. That is to say, it is necessary to consider the set of situations that one wishes to overcome in the formation process.

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Problems or standpoints: Why Fellowship?

As way of illustration I will highlight, very briefly, some of the practices and representations frequently seen in educational spheres and which I consider most relevant to understand the problem’s dimension with which we are dealing; they refer to issues often found in curricular guides, textbooks and teachers’ practices. Fi- nally, I will mention what we call racialized thinking, a dimension which, even though present in the different expressions of racism, is not exclusive of discriminatory practices, being found even in some academic and political discourses aimed at finding a solution for the problem. Let’s see: A history that begins with slavery: erasing free men and women’s history (Africa before Eu- ropean colonization).This might be one of the points of great debate among academics and pedagogues linked to the Fellowship debate. In teaching Afro-Descendant History we often find that their presence in America is seen as a natural fact, resulting from the need for cheap labor force in colonial economies affected by the death of indigenous peoples submitted to forced labor.

Associated to this discussion and as a natural fact, Africans’ and their descendants’ presence appear tightly connected to slavery. This is to say, separated from their previous history in the African continent, their freedom and their particular societies and cultures.

This type of story is not questioned, nor the causes for slavery, or its injustice and even less its effects.

‘Naturalization’ of slavery: a history showing submission of human groups as a ‘normal’ and even ‘necessary’ fact. As an expression and correlative of the aforementioned point, a slavery naturalization effect is produced, particularly in the colonization process. By ‘ignoring’ the historic motivations that caused slavery, and by presenting the submission of populations as an obvious fact in the colonization process, the effect of obviousness 146 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

appears over social and political processes marked by the imposition of some colonial societies’ power over the set of colonized and enslaved populations. Both indigenous and Africans are presented as inferior populations who should carry out a mission of reproduction of the colonial system in which they would also be evangelized and civilized.

These types of imaginaries produce very deep effects that have lasted up to the present time, in which a social system ofin- equalities anchored in racial type hierarchies is legitimated, being reflected in the different spheres of life such as work, sexuality and subjectivity. Consequently, the idea of certain forms of work, eroticism and knowledge belong to or are ‘natural’ of certain populations and that, when it comes to Afro-Descendant subjects and populations as well as to indigenous ones, they are also inferior (Quijano 2000a).

Overshadowing of knowledge and practices: slavery as mere servitude, and passive condition (crafts and knowledge). Another consequence of the naturalization of slavery is the denial of intellectual capabilities of Africans and their descendents. As they are presented as beings reduced to the condition of submissiveness, they are conceived as unable to have their own initiative and knowledge; they are located in the place of beings whose activity lacks will and which responds only to the slave master’s desires and the colonial system’s needs.

The presentation of Afro-Descendant people as beings with no agency: the denial of political practices (rebellions, negotiations, adaptations, etc.). Another realm in which history usually erases the Afro-Descendant participation, is politics. As their political expressions are reduced to ‘cimarronaje’ and ‘palenques’, lots of other expressions such as organization of rebellions and negotiation processes with the colonial and independent elites, aimed at the transformation of their life conditions, are omitted. Participa-

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tion in Independence wars, for example, was one of many Afro- Descendants political expressions, and there, different political projects of those populations were expressed. In recent times, organizational processes that fight against racism and promote collective rights are another expression of the aforementioned.

Ignorance of the contributions made by Afro-Descendants in different social spheres during history: economy, politics, arts. Be- sides the aforementioned, a very common mechanism to over- shadow the historic Afro-Descendant trajectories and contributions, has been denying their production in different economic, political and artistic sectors, among others. This is expressed in different ways, among which ‘whitening’ of notorious characters leading to their overshadowing as Afro-Descendants, the sub- valuation of their artistic production or underestimation of their contribution in different spheres.

Consequently, even today, it is difficult to recognize the contributions of outstanding politicians in regional or national history, as well as the recognition of Afro-Descendant artistic works.

Denial of the Afro-Descendant cultural legacy shared by a majority of Colombian society. Some are more ‘visible’: music, dancing, gastronomy, sports. Some are less visible: literature, politics, and academia. A discriminating society will hardly recognize the legacy it shares, when it comes from the populations it has subordinated.

Nevertheless, some of these legacies have been crucial in the history of societies such as the Colombian one and sometimes they have achieved a certain level of ‘recognition’. One of the risks of this recognition has been that of being tied to different stereotypical expressions; this is to say, recognition marked by the association to subordinating imaginaries such as folklore or gastronomy which are only visible while not being part of highly

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considered values for society; these spheres are visible, but those with a higher value remain hidden.

Racial thinking: even though races ‘do not exist’, we keep thinking in racial terms. Even though it has been widely acknowledged that races are social constructions with no moral or biological bases, they keep operating on an everyday basis in social relationships and not only in discriminatory practices. This is to say, that even though race is a widely questioned concept and that it has been strongly excluded from common language, social relations are still marked by race related thoughts.

This race related thoughts operate in different ways, being the most evident, but not the only one, the thought that discrimi- nates people due to phenotypical characteristics. Association of people to certain works, artistic or sports practices, or the sub- valuation of their knowledge according to the color of their skin are other samples of that. One of the risks posed by this fact is that it remains even in some aggressive dialogue.

Besides thinking racially, we establish hierarchies between ‘races’ and assign those ‘races’ some alleged physical, intellectual and moral conditions that contribute to strengthening such ideas. Both in common sense as well as in many expert discourses by the academy and the institutions, stereotypical imaginaries of Afro-Descendant people and populations are reproduced, assigning them an alleged physical, moral, emotional or cognitive ‘nature’ which supports their subordination. For example, “Slav- ery of Africans arose because they are stronger and are ‘natural- ly’ prepared for climate harshness”; “Black people have dancing in their blood”; “Black women are hotter” The racial democracy myth: “There is no racism here”. Besides thinking racially, society vehemently denies its racism. That seems to be a characteristic that unfortunately tends to be more noticeable before certain achievements made by Afro-Descendants in terms of recognition

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of their rights. This is to say, a greater formalization of rights ends up serving the argument that denies the existence of the problem.

The meanest expression of this logic leads to making some sort of counter-argument that states that racism is a problem generated by those who have been discriminated; its expression becomes evident in phases such as “they marginalize themselves, black people are quite racist”.

Racism does not appear ‘from the outside’, there are also racism related practices ‘from the inside’: endoracism. One of the most complex dimensions of racism is expressed in its incorporation by those who have been affected by it; so that it does not come from people different from Afro-Descendants but it takes place within the relationships among people belonging to the same population group.

Not all forms of discrimination refer to racial conditions. Some forms of discrimination are not experienced only by Afro-De- scendants (sexism, classism, religious discrimination). This point highlights the complexity of subordinating expressions in society. Eventhough this is true that black, Afro-Colombian, ‘raizales’ and ‘palenqueras’ populations have endured inhuman discrimination forms, this is not a condition affecting only this group of the population. Consequently, one of the possibilities for educational projects such as this, is creating new spaces for reflection on the multiple and diverse expressions of social injustice which should be solved in the process of building inter-cultural societies; this is to say, more democratic.

In conclusion; I have stated just a few dimensions of the problem and I have done so very superficially, to draw the attention to the multiplicity of fronts in which it is expressed. They define, in turn, the spheres that should be approached in pedagogical processes. 150 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Yet, it is still necessary to design a more integral approach, both of the problems as well as of the pedagogic alternatives to include them in the educational practices.

At the end of the document, there is a presentation of some limitations which have hindered developing of educational experiences of Afro-Colombian Studies; public educational policies, the relevancy of racism, institutional cultures opposing changes and other set of factors that also have influence on the possibilities for a curricular transformation such as the one required by the Fellowship, are mentioned. Such analysis makes visible the ways in which the aforementioned dimensions survive even after the institutions have drawn the attention to the scopes and limits of initiatives.

Finally, it is necessary to draw the attention to the dimensions not included herein, whose role has been considered decisive by some analysts. I am referring to school books, relationship between Fellowship and teaching of the knowledge disciplines, teacher-education processes, educational research and academic production in the field of Afro-Colombian studies, among others barely mentioned in this reflection. They should all be considered in a more thorough analysis of the issue.

Considering space limitations, I will advance towards the subject of the Diaspora, its meaning and current expressions.

African Diaspora: Contemporary demographic presences

The Diaspora is a long lasting historic event with deep implications in the present.

More than a fact occurred in the past, it is necessary to understand the Diaspora as a constitutive dimension of the present time, whose expressions cover the most diverse spheres of everyday life in American societies and in societies of other regions of the globe.

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One of these expressions is the presence of the Afro-Descendant populations in the region’s societies. Nevertheless it is not the only evidence of this historic process whose origins go back to the beginning of the European colonization dynamics at the end of the 15th century.

In this African slavery process it was a determining factor to establish the capitalist economic system, which since then started to spread at global level (Quijano 2000a, 2000b; Wallerstein). De- spite the information available regarding the number of slaves arriving in America not being completely reliable, the existing estimates are enough to illustrate the phenomenon in demographic terms.

In the period comprised between the 16th and the 19th centuries, the presence of Africans and their descendents in the Amer- ican colonies acquired a great population weight; the majority of settlements were found on Caribbean costs in Central Ameri- ca, Colombia and Venezuela, and the Pacific cost in some South American countries. Also, an important number of slaves entered Brazil, where they have become an important percentage of the population. According to William Dubois’s estimates, more than twenty two million people were slaved between the 16th and 19th centuries. Caio Prado Junior estimates the number of slaves taken into Brazil, only in the 19th century to be almost seven million people (Rodríguez, 2006:25).

As it has been mentioned, analyzing the demographic factor allows us showing one of the Diaspora’s dimensions: its population presence; both in historical terms as well as in contemporary terms. Nevertheless, this is not a mere statistical ‘data’: Visibil- ity of the demographic presence of the black, Afro-Colombian, Raizales and Palenque populations allows us questioning some of the stereotypes that survive deep inside the theoretical and political imaginaries of societies such as the Colombian one.

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Additionally, the value or importance of these trajectories and presences is not just of a numeric or quantitative nature; their contributions and the multi-culture nature do not depend on the number of people or its percentual weight in a society, but on the sense collectively assigned to said presences. The American continent is the heir of multiple legacies of the African Diaspora, expressed even in those societies or human groups where their presence may appear to be less significant. It is enough to go over the traditions and artistic, intellectual, linguistic, gastronomic or political expressions in a society such as the Colombian, and quite surely in many others in the region, in which these legacies remain alive and are expressed in different ways, both among those who recognize themselves as Afro-Descendants, as well as those who build their identities and lifestyles from other references.

Even though nowadays the demographic weight represented by Afro-Descendants is undeniable in the countries of the region, recently estimated in around 30% of the total population (Ho- penhayn, 2003:9; Bello and Rangel, 2000:38), its quantification has caused many debates and proposals. In the recent years, censuses and population estimates have been carried out, but it has not been easy to get to consensus regarding the criteria to be used when defining who are catalogued as Afro-Descendants and what strategies to use in the quantification process.

As Table 1 shows, the way to understand the ethnical/racial are quite diverse and vary according to each country, and their particular historic circumstances (Antón and Del Popolo, 2008; Ran- gel 2005; Flórez, Medina and Urrea, 2001).

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Table 1. African American (of the Americas) Population according to census of the 2000 round

Census 2000 Census 2000 Total Country Round Afro-Descendants Round Afro-Descendants Population

Brazil (1) 45,0 75.872.428 168.666.180 Colombia (2) 10,6 4.311.757 40.607.408 Costa Rica (3) 2,0 72.784 3.713.004 Cuba (4) 34,9 3.905.817 11.177.743 Ecuador (5) 5,0 604.009 12.156.608 Guatemala (6) 0,04 5.040 11.237.196 Honduras (7) 1,0 58.818 6.076.885 Nicaragua (8) 0,5 23.161 5.122.638 TOTAL 32,8 84.853.814 258.757.662

(1) Preto + Pardo, (2) Raizal + Palenquero + Black(3) Afro-Costa Rican or Black, (4) Black + Mulatto/Mestizo (mixing of races) , (5) Black + mulatto (6) Garífuna, (7) Garífuna + English Black, (8) Creole + Garífuna (*) Note: Excluding the category “ignored”. Source: Census micro-data processing in Redatam (Taken from Antón and Del Popolo 2008:27)

One of the most recent census processes took place in Colom- bia, carried out in 2005, which included an ethnic-racial self-perception question with multiple answer options (black, mulatto, raizal, palenquero), which was possible thanks to the pressure exerted by social organizations and academic sectors during the census preparation stage, this was a conflicting process.

Once the results were obtained and even though they yielded significantly better data than those obtained in the previous census, (carried out in 1993), different organizations highlighted possible ‘mistakes’ made by the entity in charge of the statistical production in the country (DANE), accused of reproducing forms of racism and demographic overshadowing.

Nevertheless, it is worth highlighting that one of the most significant contributions offered by this type of information is the possibility to change the image of a population in minority with

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little presence in the national society. It also allows us questioning one of the deepest rooted stereotypes in Colombian society: its geographic location.

In Colombia, the idea of black populations inhabiting mainly the Pacific region, in rural areas and mostly on the river banks, has been widely used (Restrepo 2004a). Nevertheless, the census shows that their geographical presence does not meet this ru- ralizing stereotype. More than 70% of this population inhabits urban contexts, municipal capitals, intermediate cities and large capitals such as Cali, Medellín and Cartagena; this is to say, they are not predominantly a rural population.

The other stereotype linking these populations to the Pacific region is widely controversial according to the census data. The presence of black, Afro-Colombian, Palenquera and raizal population is extended around the different regions of the country, even in provinces that have not been historically considered as settlements for black population. Three provinces (Valle del Cau- ca, Antioquia and Bolívar) comprise 51% of all the country’s Afro- Colombian population (See Table 2). Regarding cities, only Cali and its metropolitan area comprises more black population than the four provinces on the Pacific coast; this is to say more than one fourth of the national total.

After Cali, other urban centers with a high concentration of black population are: the metropolitan area of Cartagena and then, from highest to lowest, the metropolitan areas of Medellín, Bar- ranquilla, Bogotá, Santa Marta and Pereira (Urrea 2007: 18).

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Table 2 Percentage distribution of the Afro-Colombian population by province, regarding with respect of the total of Afro-Co- lombians at a national level, 2005 Provinces %

Valle del Cauca 25,63 Antioquia 13,87 Bolívar 11,66 Chocó 6,72 Nariño 6,35 Cauca 6,01 Atlántico 5,33 Córdoba 4,51 Sucre 2,86 Magdalena 2,59 Others 14,49 Source: DANE 2006

As we can see, demographic information is not only used to learn how many people we are talking about, which is in itself crucial data, but also gives us a better understanding of the concrete geography of the African-Descendant presence, the latter being essential to see the Diaspora expressions and to advance in the understanding of the concrete dynamics through which Afro-De- scendant trajectories have gone in the country.

Consequently, it is necessary to overcome a number of ideas expressed in the common sense, the media and in many academic publications and school books, in which the image of aracial geography linking populations and places as natural facts is being depicted (Wade 1997). This very same idea is the one that considers Afro-Descendant presence in concrete countries and regions that do not correspond to their imaginary (like thinking of the presence of Afro-descendant population in Bolivia, the Co-

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lombian mountains or in the urban contexts such as Bogotá or even Cartagena).

It is also necessary to review the predominant academic practices which sometimes contribute to the reduction of the phenomenon’s complexity to its local expressions. The majority of academic studies on the issue are reduced to a country and/ or region within a country, which hinders the construction of more integral approaches about the processes at continental level, or under the perspective of the African Diaspora in a wider way.5 It does not mean that those studies are irrelevant, it means it is still necessary to enrich their contributions with studies that -of fer a wider perspective in terms of time and space (long term and regional coverage).

In this sense, the Diaspora history should allow us making evident the phenomenon in two complementary directions. First, the recognition of the fact that Afro-Descendant trajectories have been marked by common circumstances, and second, that said trajectories have had different manifestations within each country and their regions. This way we may understand the plurality of historic experiences that the Diaspora has meant to the region, as well as its global articulations.

In Colombia, for example, the Afro-Descendant settlement processes in the republican period and after the legal abolition of slavery took place according to different patterns and more recently, black populations have participated in the urbanization processes that took place in the region as of the 40’s, reason why an important percentage of those populations is today in the cities. If we cross the history-related facts, referred to the colonization patterns and the type of socio-racial dynamics they promoted with the intra-regional dynamics of each country, the issue becomes even more revealing.

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Continuing with just the Colombian case, it must be considered that the forms that constituted the regional economies were not homogeneous and the participation of slaved labor was different in each one of them; In such way, that today the Afro-Descendant demographic presences are quite heterogenic, finding particular patterns for regions such as the Caribbean, the Pacific or inter- Andean Valleys. Also, the urbanization dynamics and the armed conflict, among other factors, have transformed that scenario even further.

In the case of México, Bolivia and Uruguay, just to call three examples, where it is possible to ignore the African American presence (see Hoffmann 2006, Angola 2007, Bucheli and Cabella. S.f., respectively). Also, we may find similar situations in countries such as Argentina, Costa Rica or Peru. About this situation, different authors have call for attention and have made efforts for reversing it. Regarding the Afro-Descendant presence in the An- des, the Journal of Iberoamerican and Caribbean Anthropology has recently published a special Dossier on the subject: Afro in Andean America (November 2007, Vol. 12, No. 1); also, UNESCO published in 2004 a collective book titled Afro-Andean (Finocchi- etti 2004).

Nevertheless, there are interesting exceptions. Recent work by Reid Andrews (2007) and Wade (2006b), are examples of that. In turn, UNICEF published in 2006 the Manual of Afro-Descendants of Latin America and the Caribbean, a tool especially useful for ignorant and experts on the matter (See Rodríguez 2006). On linguistic aspects of the native ‘Afro-Iberian’ languages, see Lip- ski (s.f); regarding different dimensions of the Diaspora in Latin America and the Caribbean, Yelvington (2001); for a partial revision of the available bibliography on the Afro-descendant presence in Latin America, see Barrenechea (s.f); regarding the history of Afro-Descendants (of the Americas) in America, Martínez (1992). 158 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

All that makes evident the need for a more integral analysis, including judicious history and the possibility to intensify the analysis of these phenomena’s articulations, at different levels (local/ regional/global). This way, understanding that the Diaspora was not an isolated event in each country or society in the region, but that it is rather part of a process with global implications, in which many of its current manifestations are shared, even though they have local expressions in each case.

What’s more, it must be emphasized that to understand the Diaspora, it is not sufficient to look back to the past, but we must rather look to a long term perspective, including its contemporary expressions, found today under different forms in everyday life in all Iberoamerican and Caribbean countries. Even, the idea is to think of Africa exactly as it is today in America, just as it is in the present time; or as it is stated by the Jamaican black intellectual Stuart Hall, carefully thinking on the Diaspora in the Caribbean: Africa is alive, sound and safe in the Diaspora. But this is not the Africa of the territories obscured by the colonial cartographer, from where so many slaves were pulled out, or today’s Africa, which is at least four or five continents comprised in one, with its survival forms destroyed and its people structurally adjusted in a devastating modern poverty. Africa is alive, sound and safe in this part of the world, it is what Africa has become in the New World (Hall 2003:491).

The complexity of the task that should be undertaken by the educational system while committing to the visibilization of the Diaspora’s trajectories in the region’s societies requires continuing thinking and building alternatives in the face of the meaning of assuming this goal integrally from an educational field.

Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship: Background and Legal Framework It has frequently been pointed out that one of the weaknesses of the Colombian educational system is having ignored the historic 159 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

presence and contributions of the different groups of population and cultural traditions that shape society, added to the fact of having been one of the main spheres in which racism was reproduced in conjunction with other forms of discrimination. This -ar gument has been an important departure point to evidence and highlight the urge for educational projects oriented as of ethics different from the ones recently used, and that perhaps up to the present time, have prevailed over the national educational system.

It is in this sense that Fellowship emerges, as a result of a political process in which the State and Afro Colombian population representatives, accompanied by some academics, arrived to some basic agreements for the design and implementation of an educational policy. Although it is true that such process was not exempt of conflicts and that not all participants had the same possibilities of influencing the final result, even today it is acknowledged that this educational Project represents an important opportunity to influence the type of education offered to Colombian society. Nevertheless, there are still some who see it as an imposed regulation in the educational system, a whim of the social organizations or an ‘invention’ of academics; which reflects some of the tensions it has been and will continue being object of.

As an educational policy, Fellowship presents among its- back ground some similar policies already existing in the country, particularly the educational policies for indigenous, whose history is prior to the Constitution of 1991 and which was known in public policy, and even today, as the ethno-educational policy.6 Never- theless, and as we will see later, the new educational policy for black, Afro-Colombian, raizales and palenqueras, populations comprise a series of new aspects, with no precedent in the policies existing before the constitutional change.

Ethno-education had been understood until the early nineties as an educational policy from and for ethnic groups; something 160 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

that has not substantially changed. For this reason, the Afro Co- lombian Studies Fellowship introduces a new unprecedented element: that of looking to affect the Colombian educational system integrally; this is to say, that of being a policy for the national society as a whole and not only a policy for an ethic group. In this sense, it responds to the demands of the black, Afro Colombian and ‘raizales’ populations to transform education, for the Colom- bian society, and specially its new generations, have a balanced version of their contributions to the country’s current history and reality. This may be one of the most significant contributions of the recognition processes of multi-culturality and particularly of the demands of Afro-Descendant organization of the country in the educational field.

The publication of general guidelines (curricular guidelines), as an institutional document of the Ministry of Education (MEN 2001), was posible after an agreement and collective production exercise in which different experts, the National Educational Com- mission of the Black Communities and the Ministry of National Education participated.

In the field of Educational practices, the guidelines took up again the richness of a set of experiences managed by social organizations, teachers and NGOs, at least since the 80’s. Additionally, they fed from developments in the academic and educational fields as well as Afro Colombian Studies.

Fellowship emerged in that particular historic moment in which the country was looking for the most appropriate mechanisms to concrete the constitutional principles related to its multi-cultural nature. There, its sense, the mechanisms for its application in the curricular design processes and its guiding dimensions were defined. Even though all this is an important advancement per se, its implementation is not guaranteed though, just as it is evident in the experiences we will see later. In general terms, ethno-education is the educational policy for ethnic groups, which 161 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

was regulated after the constitutional change by Law 115 of 1994 and Statutory Decree 804 of 1995. Nevertheless, before being included in Law 115, it had already been incorporated into the public educational policy since the 80’s; after the 1991 Constitu- tion, and particularly upon recognition as an ethnic group of the Afro-Descendant populations, ethno-education applies for these populations as well. However, in some particular aspects, the -ex isting legal regulations set forth differences between both groups of population.

The Pedagogic Commission is an Advising instance on educational policy for black communities, which includes representatives of the government and the populations. It was created by Decree 2249 of 1995

If the idea is drawing elements for an agenda of institutional policies, it is necessary to consider that the application of Fellow- ship is not resolved only in the educational field. Being a public policy, it should be thought through in all its complexity; it requires mechanisms which guarantee its fulfillment within the legal framework, political willingness, technical capacity from the institutions for its development, continuous and decided work from and with teachers in the country, the demands of social organizations regarding their rights fulfillment and academic developments in the educational field and in the field of Afro-Colom- bian studies, among others.

Throughout this document, I will insist on the need to consider the multiple facets of the problem, the actors involved and the purposes that are at stake, in order not to forget that we are dealing with a complex issue that will not be solved in a simple way or only by means good intentions. Current historic expressions and manifestations of the Diaspora non-visibility, racism and other forms of discrimination, as well as weighting of the Afro-Descendant legacies in society and the construction of new

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practices and ethics projects, are tasks for which the educational system and Colombian society are not yet prepared, or at least not sufficiently prepared; the object of this reflection is to continue inquiring about that possibility.

Regulatory Background The Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship is an educational proposal aimed at recognizing Afro-Descendant presence and contributions to Colombian society through education, with emphasis on primary and secondary education. I am summarizing the purposes as follows:

• Contributing to overcoming the different forms of historic non-visibility of Afro-Descendant presence in the country, particularly those promoted and/or legitimated by the educational system. • Advancing in the eradication of all forms of elimination and racism that have affected those populations. • Consolidating the Colombian educational system’s role, and consequently that of teachers and students in the construction of inter-cultural relationships and of a more democratic society.

Initially, Fellowship was conceived as a subject to be included in study plans of the country’s educational institutions as part of the social science area. This is the way in which it was stipulated in Article 39, Law 70 of 1993, that sets forth:

The State shall oversee that the national educational system knows and spreads the knowledge of cultural practices inherent to the black communities, their contribution to Colombian history and culture, in order to offer equal and formative information of these communities’ societies and culture. In the social areas of the different educational levels, the Afro Colombian studies fellowship shall be offered, according to the corresponding curricula.

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Just as they were stated in the curricular guidelines (MEN 2001), the number of objectives is larger and state specific aspects not comprised herein. If I state them this way, it is with the purpose of focusing reflection in a few gross lines that I consider essential.

In agreement with the Law, Statutory Decree1122 of 1998 sets forth some thematic, methodological and didactic related preci- sions:

Article 2º. The Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship shall comprise a set of subjects, issues and pedagogical activities related to the black communities’ culture, and it will be developed as an integral part of the curricular processes of the second Group of mandatory and fundamental areas set forth in Article 23 of Law 115 of 1994, corresponding to social sciences, history, geography, political constitution and democracy. It may also be carried out through pedagogical projects, which will allow co-relating and integrating cultural processes belonging to black communities with experiences, knowledge and attitudes generated by the -ar eas and subjects of the studies plan of the respective educational institution. Paragraph. In agreement with provisions in Article 43, Decree 1860 of 1994, the public educational institutions should consider the provisions in this Article, when selecting the texts and materials, to be used by the students. (Emphasis added)

What I want to highlight is that Fellowship was originally conceived as a subject within the social sciences area and in the regulation process, an opportunity was opened for its development through pedagogic projects co-related and integrated with the areas and subject of the study plan. This is to say, there was an attempt to give teachers a wider margin for its implementation not to be restricted to a single subject (the Fellowship) and the curriculum could therefore be more integrally affected.

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In the same direction, when bringing the proposal from the regulatory field to the curricular one, the objective was for it to acquire a transversal dimension in the study plans, releasing it from ist subject condition, as it is stated in chapter 6 of the curricular guidelines:

The Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship is a wide spectrum educational proposal to be placed, not only in the study plans, but also in the Institutional Educational Project as well as in all -cur ricular activities, and to impregnate the entire school life (MEN 2001:31).

Another aspect characteristic of this Fellowship and that I mentioned earlier, is that it is a project conceived to be implemented within the national educational system, and not to be an educational project for Afro-Descendant populations exclusively: its intention is affecting the formation processes of society as a whole. In that sense, it is a very powerful project in the construction of inter-cultural relationships.

These changes seem to obey several factors, among which there is the experience accumulated at a national level with similar experiences that aimed at making visible (visibility) the formation aspects of students through fellowships. There have been several experiences of fellowships in the Colombian educational system (understood as subjects), which did not obtain the best results; an example of this was the Political Constitution Fellow- ship, which had an ephemeral existence.

While ethnic-education is understood as education for ethnic groups, the Fellowship is a Project directed at the educational system as a whole that involves the entire. Even though both projects complement each other, each one of them has a specific pedagogical orientation and is directed at different sectors of the population. Nevertheless the Afro-Descendant population has the option of orienting its educational projects from either ap-

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proach; it can create ethnic-education or Afro Colombian Studies Fellowship.

Article 34 of Law 70 of 1993 enables us seeing the projects’ ethnic-educational approaches:Article 34.- Education for black communities should consider the environment, the productive- pro cess and the entire social and cultural life of these communities. Consequently, curricular programs shall ensure and reflect the respect and promotion of their economic, natural, cultural and social heritage, artistic values, expression means and religious beliefs. Curricula should be based on the black communities’ culture to develop the different activities and skills in individuals and in the Group, necessary to perform in their social environment.

More than focusing the discussion on the legal or technical sphere, the idea is to show that, according to the valid legislation, it is possible to understand the educational rights of the Afro- Descendant population in the two aforementioned spheres, each one with different scopes and limitations. In fact, educational- ex periences developed in the country and covered by this legislation do not stipulate a Sharp distinction between the Afro Colom- bian Studies Fellowship and ethnic-education, as the confluence of interests of both projects make they overlap each other very frequently.

Finally, it is necessary to state that the formalization of a set of rights in the legislation means a transcendental advancement, but does not constitute sufficient response. Colombian experience has demonstrated that many of the educational experiences existing in the country emerged before the constitutional change and of the legislations derived thereafter, meaning, among other things, that the regulating frameworks do not create the educational experiences per se, or the social processes in general. Nev- ertheless, this does not mean that the legislation is useless, as it has been a key factor for many teachers to support their innovat-

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ing decision in the educational institutions, besides having been a mechanism to promote experiences in different places.

A more precise definition of what is understood by ethnic-education within the regulating framework can be found in Law 115 of 1994, Article 55: “Definition of ethnic-education. It is understood by education for ethnic groups that education offered to groups or communities that integrate nationality and that possess their native culture, language and traditions with autochthonous characteristics. This education should be linked to the environment, the productive process, the social and cultural process, with due respect for their beliefs and traditions”.

What should be analyzed are the concrete possibilities of maintaining the validity of this project in the country, not so much in legal terms, but regarding educational policies and their institutional practices. While there is not a clear correspondence between the ‘special rights’ and the national educational policy, it will still be a marginal issue whose survival possibilities will correspond to the efforts of a few teachers committed to put it into practice.

Up to this point, it is a pending task. Even more, if we consider that the current national educational policy has not incorporated the Fellowship into its guidelines and programs.

Educational experiences of the Afro Colombian Studies Fel- lowship

Seeing the laws and decrees which define the field of the educational rights of Afro-Descendants, we can see a legislation which seems to have the possibilities for a radical transformation of the national educational system. Both regarding the possibility for black populations to design and implement educational projects governed from pedagogical conceptions chosen by themselves, as well as regarding the transformation of practices which re-

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produce racism and other forms of discrimination in educational institutions, either due to action or omission. Nevertheless, despite the existing legal support, the ongoing educational projects should face on a daily basis the demands of innovating in the educational field, the limitations frequently posed by inter-institutional cultures, the lack of material means for their work and the countless contradictions of the national educational system in its regulations.

In this part of the presentation we will provide a general glimpse of some of the most common tendencies in the application of this Fellowship in the country, with the purpose of highlighting new aspects of the experiences studied and to point out their potential for the construction of educational projects in which the visibility of Afro-Descendant trajectories is implemented.

The Fellowship as a subject

Just as it was pointed out while referring to the legal framework, the term ‘Fellowship’ very frequently recalls the idea of subject or ‘matter’. That is the reason for the distrust on the impact and sustainability of the Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship to be centered on the ephemeral nature of other initiatives of the same type, which proved to be temporary and of which no one can recall. Those who criticize argue that assuming this type of projects as fellowships implies a series of difficulties for academic planning in the institutions, since it means opening space for a ‘new’ subject, designating a teacher to it, but even more, taking away a teacher from other areas often considered of greater importance. In time, and given the non-existence of means to guarantee its mandatory nature or since it does not ‘demonstrate’ its appropriateness, fellowships usually disappear almost unno- ticed. One of the reasons for not giving them any importance is that the competencies promoted therein are not incorporated into the evaluation systems or State Tests, or they do it margin-

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ally, which supports teachers in not finding any reason at all to continue carrying out a work that is not among the institutional priorities.

The characterization presented below is the result of there- search project mentioned earlier in the presentation. It is based on a series of workshops carried out in different places around the country, which teachers, students and parents attended, as well as some officers of territorial entities and other experts in the matter.

In addition to the workshops, visits were paid to educational institutions that work the Fellowship. Workshops and visits took place in the cities of Cali, Buenaventura, Quibdó, Popayán, Carta- gena, Medellín, Bogotá, San Andrés and Guapi. 74 experiences and more than 400 people participated.

By observing the Fellowship experiences in the country, we find that some of them develop their proposal as a subject. Most of them do it as part of the Social Sciences Area and in some cases, accompanied by complementary pedagogical projects. Work- ing the Fellowship this way guarantees the existence of a formal space to work subjects that otherwise would not be included in the pedagogical work. This way, the Fellowship becomes visible and should be included in the academic planning, assigning the task to a teacher and a time for it.

In the majority of cases, it was assigned as a weekly subject with duration of one or two hours. The experiences included in the research showed that it is basically worked in two ways: as a subject in the social sciences area and as an independent subject in the study plans, outside the mandatory and fundamental areas. In both cases, it is possible to organize it in thematic units, with contents, objectives and evaluation criteria. Sometimes, it is worked at the basic and secondary levels, in others only in one of them; there have been attempts to work it at transitional level.

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Probably, due to their link with the social sciences area, most experiences work over thematic areas related to history; even though sometimes it is worked over ancestral knowledge, artistic expressions (music, literature) or gastronomy, among others.

Finally, the potential of these types of experiences should be highlighted. When studying the work of an Afro-Colombian intellectual such as Manuel Zapata Olivella, or of men of letters such as Candelario Obeso, it is not just about studying ‘Afro-Colombi- an characters’, which could be understood as something ‘new’ or additional. The potential is rather in the way in which new approaches on the history of literature and intellectual production in the country and in the planet are built, to which Afro-Descen- dants have made fundamental contributions, even though they are barely known. The same happens with other areas of knowledge such as Natural Science or Mathematics.

Experience: Female Educational Institution of Secondary and Professional Teaching – IEFEM El Museo

At the Female Educational Institution of Secondary and Profes- sional Teaching in the municipality of Quibdo, province of Chocó, Social Sciences area teachers lead the Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship, being El Museo one of the key projects for its implementation. El Museo allows studying the history of Afro-Descen- dant populations, with the participation of the educational community.

This is a space in which objects talk about the Afro Colombian history, especially of Chocó’s. There are pictures of important figures in the areas of literature, scientific and technological knowledge, the struggles for the defense and dignifying of black populations, sports and music; also biographies, newspapers files, manuscripts, fossils of plants and maritime animals, handicrafts, typical garments, clothing, tools and ancestral work implements, a collection of coins and notes, paintings with writings on Afro 170 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Colombian history and a section with objects representative of different socio-cultural groups. Additionally, the students have written a text recording all the information about the museum.

The Museum is considered as an ethnic-educational laboratory around which students, parents and people from the community work towards its strengthening with contributions ranging from research on Afro Colombian history and culture to the acquisition of representative objects bearers of knowledge and ancestral nature.

This experience, due to the aforementioned characteristic, allows seeing the Afro-Descendant contributions to the building of the country in the science, economy, ecosystem transformation, culture and political fields. It becomes a pedagogical experience that allows working on the Diaspora phenomena.

As pointed out above, the Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship has been understood as a pedagogical Project that may work in two complementary directions. On the one hand, on the visibilization of Afro-Descendant trajectories, as a strategy directed at any type of population and on the other hand, in a sense of re-dignifying this historic experience, directed at the black, Afro Colombian and raizales communities. The different projects studied reveal the coexistence of both purposes.

Experience: Santa Rosa Educational Institution. Cali – Valle

This Institution has a student population identified by its teachers as diverse (coexistence of Afro-Colombians and white-mixed population), in which the implementation of the Afro-Colombi- an Studies Fellowship is ongoing with a strong axe on identity. The experience takes place in several areas in the basic primary grades, emphasizing the capabilities of black people in the fields of arts, academia and politics.

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The Project has been called “Aguablanca birthplace of your roots”, and its purpose to generate an attitude of recognition and respect for diversity in the case of the white-mixed population, as well as self knowledge and valuing of themselves in the Afro-Colombian case. As part of the process, celebrating or commemorating important dates such as the Afro Colombianess day in which different Afro-Descendant cultural expressions are celebrated, are taken into account.

The Fellowship as a crosscut project

An important group of the experiences analyzed develop the Fellowship following very closely the legislation and guidelines. These are Fellowship projects placed across the group of subjects in the social sciences area.

Institutions, at the beginning of the school year include in the academic planning a Fellowship Project developed from all the subjects in the area.

Thematics related to Afro-Descendant cultures are included, and in the curricular design they are articulated by axes and thematic units with their respective contents, objectives and evaluation forms. In most experiences, an important level of integration was evident, expressed in the easiness for unifying themes and their development.

Some other crossing the board proposals have been designed to affect several areas, in addition to Social sciences. We find proposals in areas so dissimilar as mathematics, natural science or Information Technology. In these cases one works on projects such as ethno-mathematics, research on medicinal plants and creation of web pages to promote and socialize pedagogical projects, in addition to activities linked to Afro-Descendant organizational traditions, such as the indigenous councils (“cabildos”)

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(from the Caribbean region), collective memory and/ or community’s outstanding members.

There are also experiences that include working on a framework project, sometimes framed within the Ethno-educational or In- stitutional project (PEI) that is developed in different knowledge areas with articulated themes, which allow integration of different areas through different strategies. For example, articulating history based on African stories which are related with the language area in the production of texts with geography as to space location, etc.

Another form is the driving theme project, which penetrates all areas of knowledge, but the pedagogical and research activities are performed in each one of these areas independently.

Among several strategies we found that some institutions work simultaneously with one subject in primary school and across the board in secondary school.

We also found the option of Fellowship as a subject and as crosscut strategy in all grades, which would represent the option with the widest presence in an educational project, even though this is not the most frequent one.

Experience: Manuela Vergara School, Curi

The Manuela Vergara School, Curi, in Cartagena, develops a Fel- lowship proposal in the form of a crosscutting strategy. The performed activities are included in the study plan and people work in a crosscutting fashion as of the life project guidelines called: self-recognition of the African American community, which works around integrating themes designed according to the needs, interests and hobbies identified in the student population.

In the experience, students are asked to perform visibility and recognition activities of those who have stood out in struggle for freedom and dignifying of Afro-Descendants. This work is carried 173 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

out from bulletin boards aimed at praising Benkos Biohó’s actions, the participation of black people in the communeros insurrection (‘insurrección de los comuneros’), and the organization of cultural activities to celebrate or commemorate the declaration of Cartagena as Historic and Cultural Heritage, the National day of Afro Colombian Nature (colombianess), Culture Day, Democ- racy Day, San Pedro Claver’s Day, folklore festival, day of the race, day of Colombian Youth, and the ‘Angels that We Are’ Day (ánge- les que somos).

In some cases, institutions prepare their curricular program indi- cating the themes by grades, objectives and achievements indicators. In general, we could say that crossing the board was more frequently seen in the Basic Secondary level, while in primary level work by subject was predominant.

Although in general strong levels of coordination in actions were found, there is not always integration. Teachers say that work requires joint planning, coordination and constant agreement, which is not always easy to achieve.

Experience: Antonio Villavicencio School. Work on narrative and oral history

At the Antonio Villavicencio School a crosscutting experience takes place in which all the primary education teachers participate and whose objective is implementing the Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship through the project ‘Language as a concrete set of experiences and realities’. The proposal permits working with the students on self-recognition and historic affirmation.

The project is developed through life stories, involving parents in the recognition and self-affirmation process of children os of questions about their origin and cultural identity. The parents, besides sharing their life stories in the school context, teach children traditional games, songs and riddles. This way, joint educational and exchange of knowledge are promoted with the par- 174 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

ticipation of people from the educational community. Children’s cultural identity is stated as the pedagogical axe of this project.

The information gathered during the activities serves to develop the diversity theme in relation with regions, costumes, language, tourist sites, archeological and ecological places, etc., compari- sons and valuations regarding each context’s economy and the reasons for families’ displacement into the city are determined. During the classes, children describe their region with the support of materials such as boards, photographs, maps and statistical charts. In this sense, the fellowship has served to study different cultures and regions of the country, as well as to analyze the causes of forced displacement, not only in relation to black people but with all people who experience similar situations in the country.

Finally, it is worth noting that the Fellowship’s work, in contexts where there is cultural diversity among the student population has been an important factor in the building of intercultural relationships. Mutual respect as well and the recognition of shared heritage are promoted.

Fellowship by projects and activities

This may be the most incipient way of doing Fellowship. In some schools, where Fellowship cannot have a formal place in the study plan, the fellowship is worked on as a set of activities developed with the purpose of showing cultural manifestations of black populations, both at local, regional and national level.

Projects can be found on artistic or gastronomic expressions, music festivals, works on local history through collective memory, among others. These projects promote research and seek to strengthen the feelings of dignity of Afro-Colombian students.

In some cases an active participation of parents is generated, incorporating them into the development of these activities.

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Some schools presented as a form of doing Fellowship, punctual activities that are part of their institutional calendar. Among them we have: celebration of special dates, Afro Colombianess Day and commemoration of important events in recognition of outstanding figures inside the black, Afro-Descendant, palenqueras and raizales populations. It includes the performance of artistic acts, cultural weeks, gastronomic festivals, handicraft fairs, etc.

Experience: Asnazú School

At Asnazú School, in the municipality of Suárez Northern part of the province of Cauca, teachers, students, parents and other inhabitants have organized for several years reflection days on the history of Afro Colombian populations’ rights, highlighting the role of social organizations and the Afro-Colombian social movement in the attainment of this recognition. These reflection days take place within the framework of Afro Colombianess day during the month of May. Students make boards and banners in which this information is spread, and participate with these materials in parades around the municipality. Additionally, leaders are invited to share their experiences on the organizational processes and they offer the community ideas to go ahead with these types of dynamics.

Reflections from educational experiences

As we have pointed out, in its initial conception, fellowship was not thought as an educational project mainly directed at Afro- Descendant populations; it is a project they can develop, but that pretended to affect primarily the national educational system as a whole. This is to say, the Fellowship projects beneficiaries should be all Colombian students. In spite of this, the majority of the student population that is being educated in the Fellowship projects is black, Afro Colombian, palenquera and/ or ‘raizal’.

This situation may indicate several things. On the one hand, it is possible that those who historically have suffered different forms 176 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

of discrimination are the most interested in resolving those issues, and that may be the reason why the majority of teachers involved with Fellowship projects are Afro-Colombians. It is also probable that Fellowship is still seen as a Project for black people, which should be managed, which is used as “justification” by those who do not include it in their educational projects.

Additionally, it is surprising that not just a few teachers ignore the Fellowship. In many places, when asked about the subject, many teachers told us they were not aware of it.

Some said they knew it existed but that it was not mandatory. Then, the question arises on how to promote its implementation as effectively as other curricular activities; most teachers doing Fellowship have adopted the standards, but just a minority of those working with standards have Fellowship.

The characterization carried permits us seeing the experiences’ advancements, which under different schemes have managed to bring fellowship into practice, innovating as to contents, planning schemes, methodological proposals and evaluation forms. We also find that there are difficulties regarding the availability of teaching materials, lack of educational text books that incorporate contents about the history and current realities of Afro Colombian populations and their contribution to the construction of the nation, as well as pedagogical proposals for the construction of intercultural relationships and the elimination of all the forms of racism or educational programs which contribute to drivingthese types of educational projects.

On the other hand, many teachers continue understanding fellowship as a subject, which generates the idea that the issues they want to address may be dealt with outside the teaching dynamics of the different fundamental and mandatory areas. This is to say, for example, that it would seem that the Afro-Colombians’ history is not a problem of the area of history, but an additional

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problem to be added to the study plans, and so for each one of the matters or issues addressed; assuming fellowship as a subject releases the different areas’ teachers from thinking of different possibilities to guide their classes. Finally, we cannot forget that they are not just some additional contents for which a space should be found within the study plans, or what’s more, in the curriculum. On the contrary, what the fellowship should make possible is new glance at the set of educational proposals of each school.

In this sense, the Fellowship should refrain itself from promoting the idea of being an addition to the school learning process and show itself as an opportunity to build enriched learning processes in the plurality of the cultural matrices which conform the nation. It is necessary to make an exception regarding those experiences working the Fellowship as a subject: The idea is not to disqualify its work, on the contrary, many of them show a transforming potential important for the ways to understand multi-culturality at schools, and in particular, the possibility of knowing and recognizing the Afro-Descendant trajectories in the country.

It is evident that fellowship is a project under construction which requires from teachers new ways of being teachers and new ways of making schools and that is not achieved from one day to the next. Recognizing the value of multi-culturality in educational practices means transforming from the inside of educational projects many of the conceptions and pedagogical practices, which has not been easy and has made that its application en- counters different obstacles and resistances at institutional level. We cannot forget either that this is a society which configured its identity around the idea of a homogeneous national identity.

A nodal aspect to operate the fellowship is about teachers´ training. Given its novelty and also the resistance from teachers, the

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fellowship has few experts and it does not always find teachers as its great promoters.

Besides, teachers usually argument their inappropriate or inexis- tent training to develop the Fellowship, which they see as a task for social sciences’ teachers or for those who are Afro-Colombi- ans.

The Fellowship still faces serious limitations to transform the ways of understanding and managing pedagogically and socially the cultural difference and in particular, with regards to Afro- Descendant populations. Recognition of the historic and current presence of Afro-Descendants should be a political commitment, since it involves a critical reflection about the reasons why this recognition was historically absent from the educational processes and from the conflicts that should be pedagogically addressed and managed to solve the important issues that have caused different forms of exclusion, both inside and outside schools.

An additional fundamental factor has to do with the historic trajectories of the disciplinary fields that correspond to the mandatory education areas that are part of the national educational system. Although it is true that the issue of teaching has not been solved in all of them, it is also true that the fellowship’s demands are still great, given its recent trajectory and the novelty it supposes as to the conventional perspectives to address subjects such as black, Afro Colombian and raizales populations’ history and their contributions to arts, science or politics. In this sense, its rate of success implies new looks and renewed strategies for thinking and designing curricular projects and teachers’ practices.

Despite the significance of these advancements, developments in this field are not yet sufficient, even more if we consider that legislation foresees its implementation in all educational institutions in the country. What these experiences do seem to show are some of the possible ways in case the possibility of making

179 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

the Diaspora’s contributions and trajectories visible, are to be strengthened from the education perspective.

Factors that limit the experience’s development

Several factors influence the advancement of the experiences. One of them appears to be especially determining: the institutional action of regional entities to promote the Fellowship, which is expressed in different ways. Maybe the one with the greatest effect is the promotion of educational programs for teachers.

However, the institutional action schemes are diverse and include educational programs for teachers, designing of didactic materials, publishing of curricular guidelines, and pedagogical guidance to experiences, exchange meetings and regional policy actions to comply with regulatory mandates.

The existence of these actions in the territorial entities has taken place in association with technical and university educational institutions, whose educational work has been crucial; it has also been developed in association with social organizations promoting the fellowship’s development. Despite these advancements, more than six years have passed after the publication of the Cur- ricular Guidelines for the Afro-Colombian Studies Fellowship and its development is quite diverse. On one hand, we find significant advancements led by a number of experiences located in different places of the country, which have achieved important developments regarding public policy, curricular design, didactic material and teachers’ education. On the other hand, multiple factors remain that hinder the consolidation of these advancements or actions to support new developments are still pending.

Although the operation of a public policy is closely linked to the existence of a legal framework common to its objectives, it has been proven that this does not guarantee its compliance.

180 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

The limitations for the advancement of some of the initiatives analyzed at the institutional level of the territorial entities are related to the lack of resources and personnel responsible for their development, which in turn affects the possibility of insti- tutionalizing the actions to give them continuity. Frequently, the initiatives depend more on the will of isolated officers than on institutional decisions of a permanent nature. On the other hand, the State decentralization scheme seems to negatively affect the possibility of guaranteeing that policies traced at a central level are applied at territorial entities. The Ministry of Education’s influence on the operation of regional education secretariats is limited and it is only achieved during periods of government or in the face of before actions rather than in a sustained way as an institutional policy. The problem seems bigger when it tries to affect those sectors of society where the the black population is minority and there is no one to demand the application of the policy. If it is considered important to affect the educational system as a whole, the educational policy should be oriented towards the entire population, rather than being assumed as a policy from or for the ethnic group. This is to say, if the policy has been conceived and regulated as a policy to affect the educational system of those sectors which historically discriminated and non visibility of the Afro-Descendant populations, and at the same time as a policy specific for the historically discriminated and non visibility sectors of the population, both characteristics should be reflected decisively on institutional actions.

Implementation of this policy requires for its operation investing in research resources, designing of curricular adaptation strategies, training of teachers and officers and producing of educational material, which offer effective application tools. All those accompanied by the institutional actions necessary for its regulation, spreading and follow up. In the research, we found limited educational processes for officers, production of didactic materi-

181 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

al, promotion of educational research, teachers’ educational programs and other actions, which would allow intensifying the fulfillment of the educational policy’s purposes for ethnic groups.

Despite the fact that multiple proposals have been developed for the implementation of the Fellowship, greater developments are still required in the research field both in the Afro-Colombian studies field as in the educational sphere’s specific fields, such as curricular design or didactic material. Lack of research makes our knowledge of educational practices and pedagogical developments still limited.

Up until today, the fellowship has had limited resources for its work at schools; research in the field of Afro-Colombian studies is still limited and in some cases they only report a set of problems and populations, but not of others.

Frequently, the black people’s visibility efforts in the educational system have privileged a glance at the traditional rural and the Pacific region. That is a significant advancement which hasal- lowed recognition of cultural expressions, territories, organization forms and contributions of this black populations’ sector. However, more integral and wider horizon perspectives are still required, allowing populations who are currently barely considered in general educational projects, such as Afro-Descendant populations of the continental Caribbean, raizal populations of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina, urban populations, both of large capitals as well as of those medium and small cities, as well as black populations of regions from the Andean interior, to be clearly included.

Finally, we cannot forget that we live in a society where forms of discrimination and racism still survive and which are expressed on a daily basis inside and outside schools, which makes us think that the possibilities to develop the Fellowship faced several cir-

182 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

cumstances and contexts, all of which should be considered when evaluating the advancements and proposing new alternatives.

Looking into the future: elements for an agenda

To finalize, I will point out schematically some elements that I consider may be relevant in the construction of an Afro-descendant Agenda, some of which already exist within the valid institutional policies. I will mention four fields of action:

1) Research: Strengthening research policies, prioritizing thematic lines and problems aimed at making visible the Afro- Descendant populations in the country and the regional context. In this sense, lines oriented to the following directions may be included: • Analysis the African Diaspora expressions in their regional dimension (Latin America and the Caribbean), including comparative analysis and joint research with teams from different countries • Contemporary expressions of the Diaspora • Intercultural relations in the African Diaspora • Afro-descendant participation in the construction of nationality. A propos of the bicentenary. • Afro-Colombian thinkers and thinking.

2) Strengthening actions and institutional coordination • Strengthening of existing institutions (Icanh, Center of Stud- ies and Documentation of African-Colombian Cultures) and inter-institutional actions strategies • Strategic alliances to define and support research lines (Col- ciencias, International cooperation) • Research scholarships that include prioritized research lines (Diaspora expressions, regional analysis, African-descendant thinkers and thoughts) • Educational action lines in coordination with the Ministry of Education, including the strengthening of academic commu- 183 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

nities through events and investigation networks. Also, creation and strengthening of libraries and documentation center programs with an emphasis on socialization of academic productions related to the Diaspora • Strengthening of alliances with universities to promote and research lines and editorial policies.

3) Publications. Publications’ promotion strategies of both- un published works and new research. Awareness rising strategies in mass media, both public and private, including problems such as racism and racial discrimination, as well as dissemination of numerous historic experiences and contemporary Diaspora expressions.

Bibliography

Angola Maconde, Juan. 2007. “Los afrodescendientes bolivianos”. Journal of Iberoamerican and Caribbean Anthropology. Dossier Actualidades: Lo Afro en América andina. Vol. 12, No. 1. Ver: http://www.anthrosource.net/doi/abs/10.1525/ jlat.2007.12.1.toc

Antón, Jhon y Fabiana Del Popolo. 2008. Visibilidad estadística de la población afrodescendiente de América Latina: aspectos conceptuales y metodológicos. Preliminary version (Pending final revision by author). Santiago de Chile: CEPAL-European Commis- sion project: “Valuing of regional cooperation programs of the European Union, aimed at strengthening social cohesion”. Febru- ary 2008. EN: http://www.segib.org/upload/File/doc_dis_1.pdf

Barrenechea, Paulina. sf. Bibliografía comentada para iniciar el estudio de la presencia negra en hispanoamérica y Chile. Prac- tical Guide. Santiago de Chile: Universidad de Concepción EN: www2.udec.cl/~docliter/mecesup/articulos/biblionegro.pdf

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Bello, Álvaro y Marta Rangel. 2000. Etnicidad, “raza” y equidad en América Latina y el Caribe.

CEPAL.EN: http://www.cepal.org/publicaciones/xml/4/6714/ Lcr_1967_rev.21.pdf.

(LC/R.1967/Rev.1. august 7 2000) Bucheli, Marisa y Wanda Ca- bella. S.f. El perfil demográfico y socioeconómico de la población uruguaya según su ascendencia racial. Encuesta Nacional de Hog- ares Ampliada 2006. Montevideo: UNFA, PNUD, INE. En: http:// www.ine.gub.uy/enha2006/informes%20tematicos.asp

Finocchietti, Susana (Coordinación y edición). 2004. Los afroan- dinos de los siglos XVI al XX. Lima: UNESCO. See: http://unesdoc. unesco.org/images/0014/001412/141269s.pdf

Flórez, Carmen Elisa, Carlos Medina y Fernando Urrea. 2001. «Understanding the cost of social exclusion due to race or ethnic background in Latin America and Caribbean countries. Washing- ton: Inter-American Development Bank (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo»). EN: http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/li- bros/colombia/cidse/art5.pdf

Hall, Stuart. 2003. “Pensando en la diáspora: en casa, desde el extranjero” (pp. 477- 500). On: Heterotropías: narrativas de iden- tidad y alteridad latinoamericana. Carlos Jauregui, Juan Pablo Dabove (editores). Pittsburgh: Instituto Internacional de Litera- tura Iberoamericana.

Hoffmann, Odile. 2006. Negros y afromestizos en México: viejas y nuevas lecturas de un mundo olvidado. Revista Mexicana de So- ciología 68, núm. 1 (January-March): 103-135. México, D. F: Uni- versidad Nacional Autónoma de México-Instituto de Investiga- ciones Sociales. On: http://www.ejournal.unam.mx/contenido. html?r=24&v=2006&n=001

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Hopenhayn, Martín. 2003. La pobreza en conceptos, realidades y políticas: una perspectiva regional con énfasis en minorías -ét nicas. División de Desarrollo Social CEPAL.EN:http://www.iidh. ed.cr/comunidades/diversidades/docs/div_enlinea/Pobreza%20 afros.pdf

Lipski, John M. (s.f) Las lenguas criollas (afro)ibéricas: estado de la cuestión. Universidad del Estado de Pennsylvania. En: www. csub.edu/~tfernandez_ulloa/HLE/LIPSKILENGUAS% 20CRIOL- LAS%20AFROIBERICAS.pdf

Martínez, Luz María. 1992. Negros en América. Madrid: Mapfre.

Ministerio de Educación Nacional. 2001. Cátedra de Estudios Af- rocolombianos. Lineamientos curriculares. Bogotá: MEN

Quijano, Aníbal. 2000a. Colonialidad del poder y clasificación social. Journal of World-System Research. (2): 342-386.

Quijano, Aníbal. 2000b. Colonialidad del poder, eurocentrismo y América Latina. Edgardo Lander (ed.), La Colonialidad del saber: Eurocentrismo y Ciencias Sociales. Perspectivas Latinoamerica- nas. pp. 201-245. Caracas: Clasco.

Rangel Martha. 2005. La población afrodescendiente en América Latina y los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. Un examen -ex ploratorio en países seleccionados utilizando información censal. CEPAL, Fondo Indígena, CEPED. Santiago, 27-29 de abril del 2005. EN: http://www.choike.org/documentos/afros_al_2005.pdf

Reid Andrews, George. 2007. Afro-Latinoamérica, 1800-2000. Madrid / Frankfurt: Iberoamericana.

Restrepo, Eduardo. 2004a. “Hacia los estudios de las Colombias negras”. En: Axel Alejandro Rojas (ed.), Estudios Afrocolombia- nos. Aportes para un estado del arte. pp. 19-58. Popayán: Edito- rial Universidad del Cauca.

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Rodríguez, Romero Jorge (coordinador). 2006. Manual de los afrodescendientes de las Américas y el Caribe. Ciudad de Panamá: Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe de UNICEF. Ver en: http://www.unicef.org/lac/manualafrodesc2006(2).pdf

Wade, Peter. 2006b. “Afro-Latin Studies. Reflections on the field”. Iberoamerican and Caribbean Ethnic Studies. Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 105–124

Wade, Peter. 1997. Gente negra, nación mestiza. Dinámicas de las identidades raciales en Colombia. Bogotá: Ediciones Uniandes.

Miguel Pereira Manager of Sponsorship and International Cooperation, Every Child, Peru

Profile

Member of the Standing Advisory Group of Afrodescendant Lead- ers of UNICEF Regional-TACRO in policies and actions targeted at Afrodescendant Children and Adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean and a member of the Advisory Group of the Youth Program Fund Youth driven by the IDB, and the Microsoft Foun- dation SES. Currently serves as Manager of Sponsorship and In- ternational Cooperation of the International Children EveryChild in Peru.

Lecture

In Latin America, 10% of the wealthiest people receive between 40% and 47% of the total income generated by the region, while the poorest 20% receives only between 2% and 4%. This is to say, richness is concentrated in just a few hands. These indicators transform this region in the most unequal of the world.

This is not new for young Afro-Descendants. It is enough to look around and with no much effort they have known for a long time that the difference between those who have a lot and those who

187 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

do not have anything at all, is quite big. This is stronger in some countries and not so much in other countries, but in all of them, poor people are the victims of a deep inequality.

Although this inequality may result evident, it is necessary to analyze the historic reasons, to find out how deep is the gap and to look for solutions to reduce it.

As stated before, inequality in Latin America has historic origins and goes well back to the region’s colonial past, where slavery left its footprints in what used to be, a priori, the relationship between European colonists and African slaves (currently whites and Afro-Descendants).

The greatest weight of slave trade fell upon young people due to their production capacity, but once the womb law (“Ley de Vien- tres) came into force in several countries, those who were born free were deprived of their rights until reaching their legal age (in some countries such as Paraguay, 25 year of age). This practice was later transformed into patronage (“padrinazgos”, “patrona- tos”) or any other legal figure or action covering a forced submission to others.

This way, new states are formed with a sector of the population that is part of the “black and young” labor force, with the early joining of women of the domestic service and odd jobs, and young men into non qualified works, both with limited education possibilities given the critical context in which these works were performed.

The States’ failure to take measures to revert this situation is translated into a single fact: “the absence of policies is a policy”. There were no actions directed at this sector of society because they all had been assigned a role. Therefore, we have to acknowledge that we are in front of populations and states that have developed under these principles and that have considered the

188 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

situation of these young men as “natural”. This deprivation of cultural, social and economic rights became a structural exclusion that still lasts today. Therefore, analyzing the Afro-Descendant young men’s exclusion requires considering a variety of factors.

In the last few years, there has been a lot of progress in the region, both political as well as economic; nevertheless, the bases of those institutions have lasted. Countries with the greatest indigenous population and/ or Afro-descendants are today the most unequal ones.

The situation is in some cases critical, as in Colombia, because the internal conflict, in Brazil due to the criminalization of Young black men or in Central America and the Caribbean with the added problem of HIV/AIDS.

Attending the problems of young Afro-Descendants requires specific measures, since they are victims of multiple discriminations (aggravated in the case of young women). These measures should comprise facilitating access to education, TIC’s, employment programs, crime prevention, and drug abuse and AIDS prevention, among others.

The Durban Declaration and Action Plan, Santiago de Chile, Young People Summit, Affirmative Actions’ Workshop, among others establish a framework to undertake actions in that direction.

General Information

As stated in the introduction, several factors play a role in young Afro-Descendants exclusion.

In Latin America, orientation changes have take place, where social policies play an outstanding role, however, at the time we analyzed their effects, we could see they have little effect on Afro-Descendant communities. This reality reaffirms the need of generating focalized policies or affirmative actions directed spe-

189 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

cifically towards the situation of Afro-Descendants and especially towards young people.

In the case of rural communities, youngsters are forced to migrate towards the cities, and even out of the country. There is constant overcrowding in deprived sectors of the cities, and they all have a common denominator, the presence of Afro-Descendants.

Access difficulties to education generate very little perspective for development, which in turn translates into a lack of incentives for insertion into other educational levels above the mandatory ones (when it is possible to access them).

Globalization and media contribute to the construction of a negative image of Afro-Descendant young people as they are permanently broadcasting images of young black in deprived situations. Within a hostile context, which systematically marginalize them, young people see their self-esteem undermined, generating a reaction against social insertion.

Revealing Data:

The absence of references that result excluding when designing focalized strategies towards the Afro-Descendant young people in Latin America and the Caribbean constitutes a limitation. This is not a coincidence. It must be understood as a direct consequence of the non-visibility that in many aspects is suffered by Afro-Descendant communities in general, and their young people in particular.

In this situation young people are part of especially vulnerable sectors due to the multiple cross the border problems. (Racial discrimination, poverty, gender, acculturation, HIV-AIDS, violence, forced migration, etc.)

The Document “Millennium Development Goals: A look from Latin America and the Caribbean” clearly reflects the region’s inequalities: 190 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

“In America Latina, Indigenous people—which represent more tan 25% of the population in Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala and Peru — and Afro-Descendants —that constitute more than one fourth of the population in Brazil, Nicaragua and Panamá — are, to a great extend, the poorest in the region, present the worst socio-economic indicators and have very little social recognition and access to decision making instances”.

This Document continues with the analysis and specifies the following, “Among their poverty situation’s factors, the progressive loss of land, community economies’ bankrupt, poor access to educational and health services and the structure and dynamics of social insertion are outstanding. Indigenous people and Afro-Descendants (of the Americas) — who are usually the victims for ethnic-racial prejudices — receive less remuneration for comparable work when compared to the rest of the population and have more probabilities of working in the primary sector of economy, in small companies or in the informal sector. Difficulties for access to credit and new technologies that may allow them to increase or to improve their production have also an influence”.

AMÉRICA LATINA (14 PAÍSES): INCIDENCIA DE LA EXTREMA POBREZA DE INDÍGENAS Y AFRODESCENDIENTE, COMO MÚLTIPLO DE LA INCIDENCIA EN EL RESTO DE LA POBLACIÓN (Línea de 1 dólar por día)

a 9,0 7,0 8,0

7,0

5,0 6,0

5,0

4,0 3,3 resto de la población 3,0 2,8 2,8 2,3 2,1 2,1 2,2 1,8 1,8 2,0 1,6 1,0 1,0 1,0

Incidencia extrema pobreza indígenas y afrodecendientes incidenci 0,0

Haiti (2001)

Perú (2001)

Chile (2000)

Brasil (2002)

Bolívia (2002)

México (2002)

Ecuador (1998)

Panamá (2002)

Colombia (1999)

Paraguay (2001)

Honduras (2003)

Nicaragua (2001)

Costa Rica (2001)

Guatemala (2002)

191 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

“As you can see in the chart, the incidence of extreme poverty among indigenous people and Afro-Descendants (of the Ameri- cas) between 1,6 (Colombia) and 7,9 times (Paraguay) the incidence in the rest of the population, excluding the cases of Costa Rica and Haití, where the ethnic condition seems not to have an influence on poverty levels”.

While macroeconomic indicators give positive results, Afro-De- scendants (of the Americas) are still marginalized from development programs, which effectively consider their economic, social and cultural rights.

MERCOSUR Particulars

Brazil Data from Childhood and Youth

Black children and youngsters represent 23,6% of the country’s population, this is to say, 40,1 million people. Most of them live in urban areas, 77%.

Data about Brazilian childhood and youth are shown below, according to the demographic census of 200 – IBGE and the Minis- try of Health.

Exclusion in teaching:

During the last decades there was a marked increase in literacy in Brazil, nevertheless, there are still in Brazil 24 million Brazilians, around 16%, who do not have one of the basic conditions for the exercise of a full citizenship, literacy. Among the illiterate, black people are 22%, while White people are just 11%.

Of the total of white children from 7 to 14, 7,36% do not attend school, this is to say, some 507,603 thousand.

Of the total of black children from 7 to 14, 17,22% do not attend school, this is to say, some 926,353 thousand.

192 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Basic education:

Basic education demands a minimum of 11 years of permanence in school. Barely 18% of the population in Brazil has or had the years of study necessary for a basic education.

If the cut to analyze were the racial one, we would find a huge inequality between white and black people.

Upper Education: Access of youngsters into the University:

Looking at the chart we can see that among blacks, barely 5,7% are at the University.

In the white population this index goes up to 21,9%.

Of youngsters between 15 and 24 years of age accessing the country’s universities 81% are white.

Upper Education:

In courses such as medicine and dentistry, the index of 19% of blacks in the universities drops respectively to 0,7 and 1%.

In an initiative of the organized civil society the PVNC (Pré-Ves- tibular para Negros e Carentes) was created, preparatory course managed by volunteers and professors from the public network which trains students coming from poor communities for the entry test at the universities. In 5 years this innovative initiative spread all over Brazil.

In 2000, in Rio de Janeiro, Law 3524 was approved, which estab- lishes the creation of 20% quotas for the access of black students into the Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ). The polemic was able to beat the demands of the black movement and progressive sectors, establishing quotas for black people in 16 more universities in the country.

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Uruguay

According to the diagnosis of Black Woman (1998), the high participation in PEA of the youngest women (15 to 20 years of age) lets us suppose that black women enter the labor market very early, this is to say even before they are 15.

The same diagnosis demonstrates that while 8% of women aged between 15 and 19 stated having obtained their first job before the age of 15, in the case of Afro-Descendant women, it was 16%, this is to say twice as many.

41.5% of black women studied only primary education (complete or incomplete). This, added to a 6.9% who did not study any type of courses. Thus, almost half the population did not access to secondary or Upper Education.

While in the total population 12.1% went through Upper studies (teaching or university), among the women included in this study only 4.1 had access to these education levels.

COMPARATIVE DATA:

COMPARATIVE URUGUAY – BRAZIL

INCOME AVERAGE OF AFROS COMPARED TO WHITE RACE

BRAZIL URUGUAY

MEN: 63% 68% WOMEN: 68% 66%

AFRO WOMEN WITH DOMESTIC SERVICE EMPLOYMENT

BRAZIL URUGUAY 40 % 42.4 %

194 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

PROBABILITY FOR AFRO BOYS REACHING THE SECOND EDU- CATION CYCLE

BRAZIL URUGUAY 15 % 15 %

These indicators reflect reality in a regional context

Absence of a State policy

Non-visibility of Afro-Descendants (of the Americas) in Latin America was a constant in several countries. Concepts of “equity” along the region hid the discrimination problem which in 2000 alone (Santiago de Chile), starts being recognized in its real regional dimension. Absence of policies was in itself an exclusion policy in social development.

Until the process towards the III CMCR (Durban 2001), there were no regional strategies by the States or International Organi- zations, except from some very specific examples. Organizations such as the Interamerican Development Bank had until 1999, 29 projects filed for Afro-Descendants (of the Americas) against more than 300 for indigenous (approved and in process).

In the case of young Afro-Descendants (of the Americas), there are still few measures fostering their development, promoting their participation in decision-making spheres, among others. In the South Cone the situation is even worse. If we consider all the countries involved in MERCOSUR, with the exception of Brazil, there are no disaggregated data considering the Afro-De- scendants particulars. This leads to not counting with referential frames appropriate for the implementation of focalized policies. They may want to argue that the existence of policies aimed at youngsters involves, due to their character, Afro-Descendants (of the Americas). Facts demonstrate that mass policies perpetuate differentiating situations that go beyond the membership to an age group.

195 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Except from the process currently taking place in Brazil with quantification in universities, Afro-Descendant youngsters do not have educational programs, labor insertion programs or active participation involving them.

As result of the aforementioned we quote Congresswoman Epsy Cambell from Costa Rica “Structural adjustment or State Reform programs being executed in Latin America for almost two decades have a greater impact on populations than on Afro-Descendant women because they limit the scarce insertion of the State in public policies to which Afro-Descendants had access”.

Youth Race

We have demonstrated that the economic situation of Afro youngsters is characterized by exclusion and marginality.

Poverty is the norm and the most common characteristic in which they live and it has historic causes and contemporary explana- tions due to the dreadful distribution of richness in Latin America and the Caribbean and because States have nor fulfilled their responsibility of guaranteeing their welfare.

Construction of societies fragmented by the membership to a certain ethnic Group (indigenous or African American (of the Ameri- cas)), has led to the creation of social disadvantages, sharpened by the absence of state policies which may intervene to support the most underprivileged sectors and, in particular, of young Afro- Descendant men and women (of the Americas). Its main consequences are the existence of a wide sector of these unemployed populations expelled from the labor market, desertion from the educational cycle and the reproduction of the poverty cycle.

This reality is given by racist practices, many times covered that affect circumstances such as insertion into the labor market. The best known practice is the famous legend “Good Look”, that has evident discriminatory connotations and its constant practice has led many youngsters to excluding themselves from application 196 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas to the labor market. We must add to this the stereotypes made by sexuality of young Afro-Descendant women, men’s criminal- ity (Brazil: If you see a black man driving an important car he is either a football player or a drug dealer), and innumerable social practices which condition these young people’s insertion in an equity plane against their comments and the rest of society.

This exclusion from full participation in the investment in human capital and productive employment by their respective countries, as well as their structural limitations to access the productive resources makes them poverty reproduction agents.

Racism towarts young Afro-Descendants (of the Americas) also becomes violence, and there are many testimonies supporting this, here we transcribe the story of Denis Oñate Torres, 19, Afro- Ecuadorian “I heard a voice threatening me with a fire arm and that I had possibly been confused with a thief, (due to my color, as I am black). That voice told me: “FREEZE OR I WILL SHOOT YOU”, as I had not commited a crime against people or private property, I answered: “I HAVE NOT DONE ANYTHING WRONG, IF YOU WANT, SHOOT ME”!!!, a few seconds later I heard an explo- sion and fell down in great pain”

But if we look at the region, according to the violence map made by UNESCO, 7 of every 10 youngsters murdered in Brazil are Afro- Descendants (of the Americas).

Exterior problem:

Predominant economic models that characterize our world today, spattered with strong ideologies based on individuals’ com- petence, labor flexibilization (in the case of youngsters we may talk about the events in France), increasing consumerism and a relatively homogeneous constant technological insertion, do not constitute processes leading to the wonderful instrumental development meaning evident improvements for the population. On the contrary, among the social and cultural social processes

197 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

which characterize this era, it is important to point out national conflicts and broadcasting of “essentialist” postures, based on univocal identity ideologies which values negatively, separate and condition common life to the “others”, the “unwanted”, the different ones. This is a time in which old forms of stigmatization against certain collective identities have re-appeared together with the broadcasting of cultural discredit based on different types of stereotypes.

In the face of this new historic chapter, black communities are analyzing the dynamic generated by this reality, seeing the consequences of the new political order in the world, reflecting about its main components which have facilitated these changes:

• Rupture of bi-polarity and the formation of homogeneous economic regions (USA, Canada, Mexico, Europe, Japan, etc.) • Deep contradictions that generate economic, social and technologic differences between North and South. • Terrorism, drug trafficking and corruption. • Tensions between countries in the region. • Regional blocks (MERCOSUR, Andean Region, etc).

Analyzing these changes and acquire experience from these facts is the essential axe where these debates cross each other, as these new forms introduce aspects of racism applied to this new order.

Facing these challenges, that on one hand count with developed countries displaying the economic reconversion, the technological revolution and the economic inter-dependence, our countries struggle between the option of becoming marginal and backward areas or finding regional integration ways to get into dynamic forms of the global economy.

Within these options posed for Latin America, African American communities are looking for a theoretical, programmatic answer, 198 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

with the objective of combating racism, consecrating equality and economic development. This vital need is based on our historic heritage, its cultural richness and its experience, which gives the authority to offer, from our point of view, action programs as- sembled with the social cultural and economic set as a whole.

Hegemonic models are in a direct political and economic fight and peoples uth differentiated cultures in our region (indigenous and black) are their primary victims. To stop this, it is necessary to design strategies that can get over this model and stop this offensive. This, of course, identifying its components correctly, as it responds to a historic logic.

We must correctly determine the ambiguous effects of the ruling systems: on one side, the economic development, on the other side, crystallization of unemployment markets, informal, poor labor and the reproduction of new forms of racism. This

This mixture between progress and reversing obliges the afro community to make their own action plans, clearly determining that those policies locate us in the most degrading positions it develops. Our goal is to achieve the implementation of democratic in which the social and economic elements count with a strong presence of innovative mechanisms of democratic control and goes through the inclusion of the racial equity promotion. There- fore, this Project is supported on the promotion of ethnic plurality and on highlighting the multi-culturalism of our regions.

Recommendations:

• To articulate social policies regarding African American childhood, adolescence and youth.

• Support from the private sector to actions and affirmative measures for African American youth employment.

• Regulation of the legal system for adolescents, particularly African Americans. 199 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

• Enhancement of the concept of Ministry of Education of the countries to the dimension of multi-cultural education and ethnic-education • Create a base on disaggregated information regarding youth, childhood and women, in census, including the African Amer- ican ethnical perspective. • To include in census the ethnic-racial dimension of African Americans. • To promote instances of political and democratic participation for young African Americans. • To reaffirm the afro identity among children, adolescents and youngsters of the African American populations. • To introduce in the regional and local organizations for the youth specific units attending young African-Americans (of the Americas) • Demand from the states to make effective the commitments in different international spheres such as: III CMCR, Affirma- tive Actions’s Workshop, Americas Summit, DESC, etc. with an emphasis on young African-Americans (of the Americas). • To implement Action Plans within the framework of commitments assumed.

Introduction:

1. Acknowledging that in the caucus statement od young people of the Americas an equal selection of the young representatives, particularly of the African American peoples, indigenous, ethnias and discriminated groups is demanded for the participation in the Young People World Forum and in the World Conference Against Racism. 2. Recognizing that youth is determinating for the society’s future. 3. And it is a permanent victim of discrimination.

200 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

4. Knowing that it is an age intermediate between childhood and adulthood with no specifically directed programs. 5. And, that youngsters are constantly excluded from the forms of access to the social network. 6. We consider that the youngsters’ situation becomes worse, especially talking about Afro-Descendants people in Latin America and the Caribbean, wher we are in extreme poverty situations and we live a constant violation of our human rights. 7. Our exclusion is also linked to the access to education, health and employment, and regarding the situation with the authorities who identify us as potential criminals, subjects of all types of violence within the jail system. 8. Reconognizing that in the caucus statement of young people of the Americas the developed countries members of the United Nations’ states are demanded to provide financial resources for the participation in the World Youngsters Forum and in the World Conference Against Racism. 9. Considering that Afro-Descendant young people of South America have not been active participants within the demands and proposals posed by the African American people in the process of the Third World Conference. 10. We know that as the African American (of the Americas) people we lack a dignifying policy and health. We can see that there are race-tendency related illnesses such as the fal- ciform anemia. 11. Just as we also see the absence of prevention and assistance to juvenile sexuality as we are victims of the fast propagation of venereal diseases, such as HIV/ AIDS. 12. We affirm that Afro-Descendant young people are in an unequal situation in the educational system.

Educational programs are inefficient; exclude African American population from social climbing.

201 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Reaffirming the demands and action plans of the Statement of the African American People of the Americas towards the 3rd World Conference against Racism.

Statement:

We demand that the International Committee of Youth and the High Commissioner of the United Nations guarantee the equal participation of young Afro-Descendants of South America in the selection process for scholarships and financial support for the participation in the Youngster Forum and in therd 3 Conference against Racism.

We demand the introduction of the subject ‘Young Afro-Descen- dants (of the Americas) and other victims of racism’ as primary axes over which the development of the World Youngsters Forum is built.

We demand from the International Committee of Young People and from the High Commissioner to guarantee the presence of Afro-Descendant youngsters of South America in the Interna- tional youngsters’ network against racism to be installed after the World Youngsters Forum

Wer demand recognition and inclusion of the term Afro-Descen- dant Youngsters in the demands and action plans designed for the Afro-Descendant People in the process of the 3rd World Con- ference against racism, social discrimination, s (of the Americas) en el proceso de la III Conferencia Mundial contra el racism, discrimination racial, xenophobia and linked forms of intolerance.

We recommend to carry out a Worls Youth forum in five years as a follow up to the Youngster Forum and in the 3rd Conference and this consultation to be supported and financed by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and also to be part of the official instances and programs of the United Nations.

202 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

We recommend that the states members of the United Nations and especially the developed countries provide support and fi- nanciation to organized and without resources Afro-Descendant youngsters of the Southern Countries to attend the previous instances and the aforementioned world consultation.

We demand from the states members of the United Nations to integrate within their legal system laws to protect the physical and moral integrity of Afro-Descendant youngsters and to recognize them as international mechanisms for the protection of human rights.

We demand from the World Health Organization to integrate an integral and multi ethnic health conception in every level of complexity which establish attention policies specific in the young people’s area.

We demand that the states revise and re-do educational programs, including Afro-Descendants’s history and their contribution to the development of society. Also, we demand the training of teachers to implement the said programs.

We demand from the States to broadcast and promote the creation of spaces for the broadcasting and political-cultural information of the African Americans, providing support with the resources necessary for its implementation.

We demand from the states to recognize and value all ethnic- cultural manifestations, and especially artistic manifestations of African American young people. The society and the state dis- criminate African American young people because they are migrants, immigrants, from oppressed nations by the states, people with different capabilities, lesbians, homosexuals, trans-sexuals and people with HIV/AIDS. Therefore, we demand fom the states the promotion of dialogue and awareness actions in public and private instances.

203 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

We demand that states adopt effective measures to stop sexual trafficking and exploitation labor practices of young people,- par ticularly those suffered by African-American children and young people. Also, to investigate on the role and advancement of the globalization of the economy based on sexual trafficking and- ex ploitation labor practices of young people.

We demand from the states members of the United Nations to ratify the existence of African American poverty stricken and to create specific and effective policies to eliminate the causes and consequences of African American juvenile poverty.

We propose the promotion of the constitution of networks of African American Young people in South America to excert social surveillance over the actions of the states and the society as a whole regarding the agreements of the 3rd World Confer- ence against Racism. We demand the states’ support, the support of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner and of the African American organizations of South America for the strengthening of the said networks.

African American Young People’s Statement:

Youth, more than a stage in people’s lives becomes a very important determinant for the future of society, but in practice, this does not happen this way, on the contrary, we are permanent victims of age discrimination.

For those of us who are in this stage in lige, we do not see our needs reflected in any one of the programs directed to other ethnic groups. When we stop being children we loose the family and state protection, on the other hand, we are not cinidered adults, as supposedly we do not have experience in life. This makes us to be constantly excluded; for example, regarding the access to employment and to a good remuneration.

204 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

This situation is a lot more serious for the African American people in Latin America and the Caribbean, where we live in extreme poverty conditions in all the cities in the continent, reason for which we are more vulnerable than the rest of the population, we are constantly victims of violations of our human rights, especially regarding access to education, health, employment and to decision making. We are also victims of violations of our human rights by the authorities, who consider us to be potential criminals, which cause us to be unjustly imprisoned.

Regarding education, the African American people shows the worst escolarity levels, which is related to the lack of public education programs in agreement with the social, economic and cultural conditions of that population. Also we find that the young African American population is being excluded from the different national and international public instances of power, denying us the possibility to have an effect over the decisions in our countries.

In most countries in the continent young people are obliged to be part of the internal armed conflicts. First, through the armed forces as military service is mandatory. Second, because outlaw grups recruit youngsters, mainly from popular sectors that are mostly African American. This makes us the main victim of that type of violence. Additionally, it is in the urban centers with high concentration of African American population where the highest number of violent deaths occurs.

Recommendations:

Carry out joint actions between the national and international organizations to improve the life conditions of African American populations and to eradicate discrimination against youngsters from those communities

205 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Implement in all the states, policies for the access to education for young African Americans of Latin America and the Caribbean

Consider thier contribution to the social construction of the continent, as well as their cultural, social and political particularities. It is necessary to make curricular changes to achieve this goal.

It is necessary that the states prioritize and carry out development programs towards African American young people, which would allow us generate equity conditions, especially regarding income generation, health, educational strengthening , among others.

Obtain a permanent participation of African American young people in the public positions of the respective states.

Promote actions tending to consolidate the social development proposal of young African Americans with the participation of the different International Organizations.

Form a Juvenile Commission of Humanitarian Aid for African Americans in extreme poverty conditions and/ or at risk, which should be supported by the United Nations.

Create an International commission in charge of designing a treaty to promote the participation of young African Americans in the social, political and cultural life of their countries, as well as to offer guarantees for young people to have better development possibilities.

United Nations must urge the states to be in charge of guaranteeing the safety of children and youngster amidst the internal armed conflict.

We request from international organizations such as the UN and the OAS to create an organization specifically in charge of the subject of rights and development of African American young

206 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

people, with the faculty to exert surveillance and apply sanctions for the non-fulfillment of agreements.

To completely exclude the African American youth from the armed conflict, through measures such as the abolition of the mandatory military service.

We, young people, request from the International Organizations to give us the corresponding support to obtain from the Govern- ments of each country, the right we deserve regarding the active participation in the social, political, economic and cultural life of our countries.

When the barriers of hypocrisy and ignorance finally fall, there will be equity rights for all human beings.

The toughest subject right now, the toughest subject in history, for all what it means as an unfair and cruel matter is with no doubt, the one related to racism. This is not an issue of African Americans. We may only be a copy of the bloody racism of other parts in Latin America, but we have our part, and when we talk about singular racism, we are talking about the real danger of possessing a recist feeling, outrage and hate against others.

Racism, when is hidden and strengthend against something natural and known, and when its terminology does not concern those who teach and those who should learn, becomes a feeling. A feeling must be suffered and it is not so easy to eliminate from the impunity surrounding it.

Statement of the African Americans (of the Americas) at the Fo- rum of the Americas for diversity and Plurality

Quito, Ecuador 13th to 16th March 2001

Preamble

Considering the principles, regulations and rules of the international instruments regarding the promotion of human rights, and 207 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

particularly the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Dec- laration of Human Rights, the International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention about the Ellimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, reaffirming the commitment of peoples of the United Nations to highlight the fundamental rights of man, in the dignity and value of the human person and in the equality of rights for men and women, promoting social progress and improving the level of life of a wider concept of freedom;

Also considering that the General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolution 52/11 of 12th December 1997, in which the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Connected forms of Intolerance was called, it fixed as one of the primary objectives of the Conference the analysis of political, historic, economic, social, cultural factors leadin to racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and connected forms of intolerance;

Knowing that the World Conference should thoroughly examine the complex interaction existing between discrimination based on race and discrimination based on other reasons, as well as economic marginalization and social exclusion; demand at the UN, the OAS and the states in the region to recognize Afro-Descen- dant people and to develop legislation, policies and programs to protect and promote the civil and political rights of these peoples and within their respective states and to be included in all levels of the process of the World Conference.

We acknowledge that African American people are the survivors of the greatest holocaust in contemporary history, distributed as slaved beings, considered as non-human through the Ameri- cas, Europe, Asia and Africa. Slave trade, colonialism, segregation, other forms of contemporary racism, the traumatic effect of forced displacement, sexual exploitation, humiliation to human dignity, mutilate and kidnap the capabilities to reach their poten-

208 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

tialities as citizens of the world and condemns the attitudes and indifference of the international community who is still ignoring and deepening into the contemporary slavery practices.

Recognizing the results of the work and contribution made by American peoples during the preparatory process for the Confer- ence, ratified in the Statement and Action Plan of Santiago and, particularly, the thematic areas concerning the African American People.

Considering that the struggles and social, political and economic recognitions aim at the apology, still pending from the societies involved in slave trade.

Emphasizing that the different preparatory instances of this conference allowed identifying clearly that the African American people is a vulnerable group and that it is victim of racism and racial discrimination, without losing sight of the universal perspective of the subject, managing to articulate a specific vision over the sub- regional and national particularities in agreement with the central subjects proposed by the World Conference.

Highlighting that the links of the African American People with the slavery trade, as a labor force, contributed significantly to the development of the nations, it locates us as makers of a historic event that accelerated the direction of humanity and that therefore, constitutes us as subjects of a universal debt.

Recognizing too that the different preparatory instances of this Conference allowed identifying that there is a phenomenon called “racialization and ethnization of poverty” which, added to the already recognized feminization of poverty, should be faced with the incorporation of the ethnic racial perspective in all specific policies promoted to combat poverty of the African American peoples and especially of African American women and youngsters.

209 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Reaffirming the principles, regulations, guidelines and - interna tional instruments regarding the promotion of women’s rights, comprised in the international conventions, statements and agreements.

We state:

We demand recognition for the African American peoples as subjects of all human rights as we have been victims of racism, racial discrimination and slavery.

We affirm that we must be treated with equity and respect to dignity, that we must not suffer any type of discrimination due to origin, culture, skin color, religion, language, aggravated because of age, gender, sexual orientation, disability and social-economic position. Therefore, we have the right to our culture and to our own identity, to participate freely and in equal conditions in the political, social, economic and cultural life, to development within the framework of our own aspirations and costumes.

We demand being recognized as relevant political actors, subject to development and over whom States and international organizations have the political and economic responsibilities.

We denounce that the exclusion of the matter of the African American peoples (of the Americas) in the Agenda proposed by the High Commissioner of Human Rights to be considered at the Third World Conference on Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xeno- phobia and connected forms of Intolerance, constitutes a contradiction to the spirit and proposal of the World Conference.

We highlight that the situation of the African American People (of the Americas) constitutes a convincing example in the context of Racism and Racial Discrimination as we are part of a group that has been consistently violated in our human dignity.

We acknowledge the contribution of African American women in the construction of the societies and countries of America and 210 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

the Caribbean and that all forms in which racism, discrimination and xenophobia are manifested have particular connotations which are even more acute against African American Women.

We recognize the rights of the African American peoples and especially those of African American women to enjoy development, quality of life with work, education, health, recreation and a real participation policy.

Statement:

We demand from the States to affirm that one of the primary victims of racism in America is the African Americans (of the Ameri- cas).

We demand from the States to recognize and value the five hundred years of contributions of the African-Americans (of the Americas) to the economic, cultural, linguistic and artistic wealth and to the historic identity of the Americas.

We demand that slavery and servitude of the African American peoples whose sequels are still valid, covered by the racist and colonialist ideology constituted crimes against humanity. This Statement reminds us of the right of the peoples to redress and addresses the states to start the redress as a moral and ethical obligation which should orient national and international policies in their countries and to the international organizations as the ones called to manage and serve it. This shall require serious and deep discussions with Afro Americans in every country.

We demand from the states to show political will to terminate racism and the power and wealth imbalance in prejudice of African Americans, product of genocide, slavery, racism and other forms of exploitation. We urge the States to recognize that these acts have hindered the development of African American Peoples.

We request from the States that they reaffirm that African Ameri- cans have the right to their cultural identity and the legal recog- 211 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

nition of their identity as a fundamental right. This requires the adoption of measures to protect and promote the identities of Afro Americans.

We demand from the States to develop legislations, policies and programs to recognize the rights of the African American Peoples to their lands, ancestrally inhabited and to the territories and natural resources. We call the States to recognize the rights of the African Americans to the administration, control and usage of these natural resources through traditional practices.

We call the States to denounce and to put an end to the systematic pressure applied through administrative and legal methods to deprive African descendents of their lands, territories and natural resources. Such pressures covered by the States have resulted in internal displacement, migration, high levels of poverty and the destruction of families, cultures and ecosystems.

We call the States and the international community to recognize that African Americans are victims of police brutality and receive a seriously discriminatory treatment in the legal system.

We call the States to respect, protect and promote the religious identities of African Americans, to stop religious, social and economic persecution of groups such as the Rastafari or other expressions of African spirituality.

We also identify that the phenomenon of covered structural and systematic racism covered by state organizations, public policies, investment for development implemented by the States from the Non visibility and denial of the consequences of racism and discrimination practiced against African Americans, has deepened the inequality and the violation of fundamental economic, social and cultural rights.

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We demand from the mass media, the elimination of stereotypes, pejorative images, cultural and religious values of the Afri- can American persons and peoples.

We demand the development of curricular proposals in the training of teachers on the contribution of this people to the construction of our respective countries, contributing to the increase of racism, discrimination and xenophobia.

We demand the inclusion of African American peoples in the social, economic, cultural and educational development plans as an instrument to eliminate the poverty maps and the absence of research on the racial situation, racism and other forms of intolerance.

We alert about the environmental racism practice which becomes a form of contemporary racism that threatens the African American people’s lives.

We demand from the States the responsibility for implementing public policies of Affirmative Action in the short, mid and long term, for which state resources and resources from international institutions are required.

We demand from the States the adhesion to, respect for and fulfillment of Agreement 111 of the ILO that ensures the elimination of all forms of discrimination in the labor market.

We denounce the inhuman conditions of prisons which affect unevenly African Americans and demand the definitive abolish- ment of death penalty for going against all principles and instruments of human rights, and whose application is also biased by racist prejudices.

We demand the recognition that up to the present time states have not guaranteed the full enjoyment of sexual and reproductive rights and that rather, the African American women’s bodies

213 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

have served as experimental laboratories, denying them not only the right to information, but also the right to make decisions over their own bodies

We demand the incorporation of public policies on affirmative actions in favor of African American women, aimed at closing the gap existing between women and men, promoting the productive capabilities of African American women, as well as their successful insertion into the labor market though education and technical training in activities promoting gender equity and quality of life. Discussion and Conclusions:

Main Ideas

• Is it possible to visibilize the contributions of the Diaspora from education? Strategies should modify the traditional ethno-education schemes. The traditional ethic educational model was directed by and for the ethnic communities which allowed recovering traditional and linguistic practices. -Nev ertheless, educational proposals are supposed to be directed to the society as a whole, as it is there where discrimination practices are reproduced.

• Strategies should transform the educational system as a whole. If the system is not transformed as a whole, there is the risk of them being experiences isolated from other policies and sectors different from the educational one.

• Schools is a strategic scenario for the transformation of stereotypes and the images that folklorize the African American culture.

• There has been intense work from social organizations and educational institutions. Initiatives, mostly, are not the result of public policies. They are the result of the efforts of social organizations. 214 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Obstacles and challenges:

• In education, images and old stereotypes are reproduced, in which racism expressions prevail. These images distort the African culture, create and reproduce stereotypes through culture “Folklorization. Which are the images received from youngsters?

• There is an absence of state policies specifically aimed at the juvenile population. This is what generates the invisibility of African American communities.

• Exclusion from full participation changes African adolescents into poverty agents.

• Education may be an opportunity or a space for the reproduction of exclusion.

• African youngsters’ vulnerability, aggravation in young women. Specific measures are required.

• There is scarce access of African American youngsters into the formal educational system in basic, intermediate and Up- per Education, with prevalence of the lowest indexes of access and desertion.

• There are not appropriate figures for the generation of focalized policies.

• The escalation of violence is a matter of concern that falls on African American youngsters. They, and especially young women are very vulnerable to conflict situations and all forms of violence.

Proposals for policies and experiences that may be replicated:

Implement the advancements of the Durban conference on fighting against racism as an efficient instrument to be taken into the public agenda in the American States’ institutions.

215 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Mechanisms and cooperation schemes proposed

• Encourage social policies to promote children, adolescents and young persons’ development. Carry out, from the Min- istries of Culture mass campaigns to reaffirm the identity of the Africans and to create units specialized in the prevention promotion into the said population

• Support from the private sector to employment of youngsters.

• Transformation of the legal system for the attention to young persons. We propose substituting the legal punitive justice for a restorative legal justice.

• Multicultural and ethnic-educational inclusion into the census instruments for 2010.

• Verify the fulfillment of commitments acquired in previous international congresses (Durban Conference).

• Because of the vulnerability of young people, expressed through the appropriation of violence and victimization, we propose to, based on the notion of “audacity of hope”, for- mulate and strengthen local processes of artistic and cultural training. These areas stimulate the formation of identity and undertaking in African American children adolescents and young people. Arts and Culture have a preventive and thera- peutic function that allow the promotion of human rights, values and respect to the body as a peace territory.

• It is necessary to design and develop educational communication strategies. We propose the generation of an exchange of educational experiences with children.

• We find it necessary to strengthen social networks and programs implying the generation of material conditions to get over the socio-economic inequalities. 216 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Table III

Migration and ehnic and cultural diversity

In this table, the migratory phenomenon in Latin America and the Caribbean was analyzed to define possible strategies to channel- ize it efficiently and to lower the impact and affectation of African American population towards the preservation of their identity, diversity and culture.

Discussion axes:

• Transnational Migration

• Demographic Trends

• Economic inequalities between developed and underdeveloped countries.

• Internationalization of economy and globalization ofcom- merce

• Mobility of the labor force

• World communication networks

Table IV

Afrodescendant Culture Entrepreneurship

Some mechanisms and cooperation schemes between countries were analyzed and proposed for the development of promotion strategies and access to cultural undertakings as a dynamic economic line, income, employment and entrepreneurial strengthening generator in an enlarged and diverse free commerce market. Identify actions to boost the links and synergies specific to economy with African Americans.

217 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Discussion axes:

• Cultural industry options (music, dance, literature, audiovisual production, gastronomy, tourism and others)

• Culture as a development instrument for other economy sectors

• Access to tertiary education and professional training with technical and ethic conditions for the effective leadership and undertaking among young people.

Discussion y Conclusions Table V:

Main Ideas

Cultural events are the most expeditious route in the processes of inclusion.

We can not talk about entrepreneurship without undertaking a sustained process.

What is the role of culture as a mechanism to overcome poverty?

How Afrodescendant people will get visibility and recognition of products, such as art?

Culture is an inexhaustible source of resources; one has to think what they can do with the talent from the school.

Culture, science and education must be related to major construction projects for the Afrodescendant population for their development.

The strengthening of competitiveness is much more than selling; it is to anticipate, adapt and prepare for changes.

218 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Experiences and policy proposals that could be replicated

The State should establish policies for the cultural entrepreneurship.

Create tables for dialogue between artists and people interested in this matter.

Afrodescendants should go for self-determination, being autonomous.

The incorporation of the Afrodescendant story is the most expeditious way to the country’s body.

Perform a portfolio that allows us to know the offer.

What are the opportunities of the market of goods and services that can move and what are the channels of circulation.

Proposed schemes and mechanisms for cooperation

It should encourage strategic partnerships between Afrodescen- dant.

The calls in the framework of cooperation should be simple meth- odologically speaking.

Conduct an investigation about the Afrodescendant Market.

Construct more holistic indicators for evaluating projects that are more appropriate to show the impact of such programs in Afro- descendant communities.

Obstacles

Culture has been economized when the idea was to culturized the economy.

Folklorisation of Afrodescendants cultural events.

One should keep in mind that there are sectors, like the media, that invisibilizes the Afrodescendant population. 219 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Table VI

Political Representation

Know the achievements, opportunities and challenges and to define the critical elements of a common agenda for democratic representation and participation and the effective leadership of the African American population of the Americas in the political, economic and administrative power spheres.

Discussion axes:

• Status of the African American (of the Americas) political representation and its meaning for national history/ memory.

• Regulating aspects and constitutional and legal advancements related to ethbic diversity and African-American culture.

• Relationship between representation policy, electoral systems and the creation of institutions for the implementation of social inclusion policies for African American population.

• Afro participation and representation policy within institution and processes of the private sector, the international community and their relationship with the support to recognition and exercise of ethnic and racial diversity.

• Critical aspects of an African American political leadership.

Giancarlo Salazar Caicedo. Historian

Profile: Historian from the Javeriana University. Candidate for Master in Political Studies, IEPRI National University of Colom- bia. Deputy Director of Analysis and Development of Historical Research and Documentation Center of Afro-Colombian Culture, Ministry of Culture - Technological University of Choco. He has

220 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

been Professor of International Politics in the African Internation- al Relations from the Jorge Tadeo Lozano University.

Intervention

National visibility of ethnic identities may depend on itsrel- evance in electoral terms. Specific communities have managed to achieve visibility in both importance to politicians and rulers. It is important to understand that the rulers (with a presidential election) are interested in communities that provide votes to their political ambitions. Doubling the black vote in Colombia can be a key strategy for leveling in social and economic rights. This paper discusses the possibility of double voting for Afro in the frameworks of political philosophy and theory of the state of John Rawls.

We don’t need to show the historical marginalization of black communities. It is enough to assume some social, economic and political unobjectionable realities such as: 1. statistics of quality of life make the predominantly black population municipalities at the end of the table; 2. statistics of entrepreneurship and economic development are at the bottom of Table 3. Political representation of Afro-Colombians in the political system is reduced to three seats wrongly appointed by the Ministry of the Interior.

Although the current system failed to consider the special district, this paper will not attempt to make a balance of this model of representation. This would deepen the crisis of representation of all democratic systems. This discussion will not be covered here. However, some assumptions must be made to sustain the failure of the system of representation, particularly in relation to the goals set at the time of institutionalization: 1. The objective of greater empowerment for communities through a representation in the House of Representatives, is diluted in the same representation marked by the popularity footballers, rather than responding to organized political process. 2. The validity of the

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Advisory Committee is zero. 3. The Office of Black Communities Affairs and the current Office of Ethnic Affairs has no budgets. 4. No development plan has been implemented for the Black Com- munity in the last three governments. 5. The National Education Commission has regulated only some curricular guidelines for the class of Afrocolombian Studies, which do not apply. The only significant advance is the recognized collective titling of lands in which they acknowledge some economic and cultural rights.

If it is accepted that political participation of Afrocolombians continues to be marginal, and that the system of representation by special district has not made a real empowerment of people, then we can come to discuss a proposal to be discussed with the arguments of the contemporary political theory. The sole- pur pose of this paper is to argue that since the concept of justice “rawlsian” it is possible to establish an unequal freedom in the electoral vote, without violating the fundamental principles of justice. This means to give a higher value of the black citizen voting: a two black vote. The establishment of a real empowerment of communities less privileged. Thus we must show consistency with the “rawlsians” arguments.

In this way the arguments of favorable ethnic politics must demonstrate that they are based on the most important natural duty: to encourage fair institutions. Therefore to argue that such inequality is to be a fair set of historical circumstances. In this sense the obligation of the argument must lead to recognition of the need to amend the rules of the system of popular election, and shore up a system where inter-ethnic political cooperation reach common benefits. It is necessary to make it clear of the useful- ness of the social norm by identifying shared interests.

Thus, to sustain itself, the proposal must identify some difficulties. The greatest difficulty would appear favorable for the reflection of this can be done in the original position. Several conditions of

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the original position will validate the adoption of a standard type of its kind in the original situation. For example, the veil of ignorance, equality, utility, and rational choice. Upon this difficulty it must be favorable to the proposal to locate better relevance in the process of applying the principles to the institutions. Those four steps outlined by Rawls (Original position, constituent congress, legislation, enforcement of particular rules) which gradually lifts the veil of ignorance and in the same way the historical and political sociology factors are taken into account.

Another major difficulty is faced in the limit of equality that requires the scheme of liberties. Recall that the latter did not give in to economic or social benefits. However there is a possibility that it could transfer if it is found that current regulations are in conflict with the rules of basic freedoms for blacks. In that sense, the argument seeks to demonstrate that it is possible to restrict basic freedoms of the rest of the Colombian population only for the same freedom, the one to vote of the elector,help tune the system better, as suggested by Rawls.

Here then the claim policies are in accordance with the Rawl principles of justice, mainly from the theoretical coupling to the proposal principle of participation. The latter is a major vein of the arguments raised for political favors. In this respect the limitations on the principle of participation help, partly, in sustain- ing the inequality of the vote, since the constitution “may enable political inequalities, particularly in economic differences that go against the principle of participation”. So then, it is possible to give up some freedom “to transform a less fortunate society in which all other basic freedoms can be fully exercised”, and exercised by all ethnic groups in addition to participating in a social contract.

In this way, we can consider the possibility of structuring arguments in favor of what Rawls calls political inequality, particu-

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larly in the context of a democratic society that believes the basic precept of the immutable principle of participation: voting by an elector.

Social and political cooperation

The neo-contractualism of Rawls considers a premise that we will use here: there are certain circumstances that require us to live together and cooperate. We signed agreements to the extent that we believe that prosperity becomes a cooperative effort. Maybe in the economics aspects it is more clearly seen how the problem is resolved. While in the political, viewing a political cooperation that goes beyond what would be a system of perfect procedural justice, which guarantees equal rights and freedoms, equal vote for all, is no less easy. To make it more legible to the terms of political cooperation we must assimilate a number of principles of economic cooperation: redistribution, efficiency, and length difference.

Cooperate politically represents the right to vote not only as a basic freedom, but as a primary good. Primary goods in a society as a whole sees the vote as a public benefit resulting from the cooperation and social policy throughout history. And as a basic freedom which guarantees the right to participate in public decisions. If it is recognized that blacks have contributed to the consolidation of democracy, then it is possible to recognize that society should ensure a more balanced result in the benefits of social cooperation. If the right to vote are met or is been consolidated with the participation of blacks, then you can consider a redistribution of profit achieved for the least advantaged.

This is not a procedure that tries to compensate and redistribute the benefits to vote or subtracting the same right to restrict other citizen. The objective is to find a system in which institutions are just. A system in which the principle of difference bonds with the

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efficiency one and leads to a fair distribution of political participation.

Then the redistribution of votes in favor of political marginality conditions seeks to balance the political participation of less politically advantaged people. Everything without diminishing other’s participation. It would be an efficient configuration of political participation to the extent that you may enjoy at least one person to change, “without at the same time damaging other people (at least)”. In the same sense, there is no configuration found that effectively improves the political conditions of the Afrodescen- dant communities, even though the opportunity of change is low and can be instituted.

Furthermore, writing of the vote is the issue of political participation. In Rawls it translates into a requirement that is expressed as follows: “this principle requires that all citizens have an equal right to participate and determine the outcome of the constitutional process established by law they must obey,” which means for voters to vote and equal access to political power according to abilities and talents.

Historical periods in these conditions have not been met for black communities. As mentioned above the law 70, it has tried since 1993 and in general since the 1991 constitution, to ensure equitable access to political power. This is the situation we face mainly with the principle of participation outlined above in Rawls. The window to address our goals is to open from the economic considerations, the extension of the principle of participation and the limits to freedom.

The economic differences

The hypothetical situations and theoretical abstractions ofthe author seem to deny his proposal in some kind of historical sociology or political situations. But John Rawls has not always closed

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the window to considerations of this kind. It is the first case of economic inequalities in relation to political participation. The author in his text is fully aware that the principle of equal liberty can be affected by circumstances that violate the principle of participation. His answer is that, in these vices, “political parties should be independent of private interests, giving them enough income to take part in the constitutional scheme.”

Limited in their formulation of the solution Rawls fails to specify a special situation of disadvantage politics, only makes it economic. Our adaptation of the exception that Rawls makes in political -par ticipation takes two elements: first, a warning to the possibility of exemptions from political equality, and second, the exception to political equality for economic reasons. In both circumstances, the proposal of favorability is compatible politically.

Extension of the principle of participation

Another filter through which the proposal can be reconciled with the Rawls theory is the extension of the principle of participation. The latter refers to “the degree to which the procedure is restricted to government by the majority of the constitutional mechanisms”.] In multicultural societies the idea of social unity is not sufficient to ensure the excesses of the policies of the majority. “A constitution that restricts the majority rule by traditional means poses a different” body of law more just.” Thus, increasing the value of participation by ethnic minorities, blacks in this case equals to establish a slow and meditated on the actions of Co- lombian mestizo majority. The proposal brought a constitutional arrangement which has to reflect a delay in the exercise of the will of the majority.

Limit the freedom

While freedom is a priority in every way, this does not mean it is absolute. Rawls’ arguments yield to historical possibilities de-

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fined and may change depending on circumstances not- favor able. Openly in Theory of Justice Rawls confirms the possibility of an uneven political freedom: “If some have more votes than others, political freedom is uneven, and the same is true if some votes are valued much more than others; or if a part of society has no political rights. In many historical situations a less political freedom can be justified”. Rawls has laid this proposal since the beginning of his Theory of Justice. It is not inconsistent because it says that the freedoms may be limited to transform a society not so fortunate, so that at any given time they can enjoy the full freedoms.

This suggests two ways to limit or requirements: first, the relative inequality of freedom of participation conditional historical defenses, and the second, time. In the first Rawls argument leave the historical circumstances may limit the participation. We assume that from historical arguments validated from a constitutional and consensual position. In the second point it specifies that an unequal liberty is tolerable only in two ways. Rawls explicitly proposed as an injustice is tolerable only to prevent a greater injustice. And as we infer from his implicit arguments: should be established as a measure of temporary and transitory, which ensures unhappy end. In these conditions freedom of participation could be increased in favor of an ethnic minority.

The norm

More often has John Rawls taken the liberty in relation to “constitutional and legal restrictions”. And more specifically: “Free- dom is a certain structure of institutions, a system of public rules defining rights and duties”. So our discussion should address the problem faced by law and institutionalization. Rawls meant by the institution of a public system of rules that define jobs and positions with their rights and duties, powers and immunities, and so on. These rules specify certain forms of action as permis-

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sible, others as prohibited, and establishing certain safeguards and penalties for violations to occur when the rules. Our proposal would be part of a set of rules that constitute a democratic and pluralist system embedded in a constitution adopted by recognizing, in the seventh article, its ethnic diversity.

It is located in the heart of the same idea of overlapping consensus as to sink roots in the Constitution; the proposal will institute a procedure of dealing with electoral political rivalries. From these, the way for a reformulation of the rules of black participation in power and politics has its way. Accordingly, a standard for political favorability should reflect ethnic requirements, procedure and institutionalization.

Agreement conditions

The first thing that has to reflect the proposal is the result of a political agreement between multicultural factions. In that case, the understanding behind the agreement is differentiated in rights claims not only from certain historical situations, but this text aims to support the theory. “This suggests that, if we defend the rights varying group, we should not rely solely on historic agreements.

Because the historic agreements should always be interpreted and inevitably updated and revised, we must be able to build the historic agreements on a theory of deeper justice.” Besides presenting historical and theoretical arguments, the terms of an agreement favorable policy must meet normal requirements of the concept of justice. The main restriction is that Rawls says that the rule should be guided by a comprehensive approach and avoid the particular thing. After, the public endorsed by all those involved in the agreement.

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Procedure

Ensuring fair implementation of a disparity in the principle of equal liberty lies in the result as in the procedure for its institutional formulation. Although not proved fully capable of ensuring a fair totally just, the process in formulating the agreement should provide a favorable policy that minimum guarantees en- shrined in the constitutional processes.

However, one can not escape considering the opposition of the agreement. People will bring the arguments and considered them as unfair. At first, it could be argued that from the two sources of injustice is not correct to qualify the agreement as unfair. Re- call that Rawls has two sources for the injustice which occurs: 1. agreements differ from public standards and 2. Although the rules adjust to the agreement is irrational. Thus, the procedure to adjust the proposed rule and the arguments would not be irrational, while demonstrating effective, consensual and cooperative.

In this way, “almost in a fair State, we have normally the duty to obey unjust laws by virtue of our duty to support a just constitution.” Finally, rather than an unjust law, the proposal can be viewed as a derogatory action. Primarily, because this is a com- promise on granting political disparity in favor of a person or a group of people.

Principal conclusion

A key finding is that the unequal bargaining freedom is not a zero sum game. It is this condition which makes much of the inequality. Note that the term refers to inequality and difference rather than a lesser or greater freedom. This means that rather than adding value to the citizen’s vote is subtracted black political participation to the rest of citizens eligible to vote. The proposal achieves the optimal efficiency with which Pareto would agree. So that it is not possible in the political participation of anyone,

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but if progress is made in the recognition and empowerment of a politically and economically less advantaged community.

As it became clear, the resolution and feasibility of the proposal has a close relationship with him when and where one should take an institution. In this case, the recurring references to the constitutional process that require thinking about space and time to agree on political inequality are the Constituent Congress. Within four stages raised by Rawls, the most relevant is the one mentioned, given the constraints presented by the Original Posi- tion. In that sense, it is possible to conclude that under conditions of total “Veil of Ignorance” is not an explanation of political inequality, because the social and historical arguments are relevant in the discussion.

If the objective of any proposed contract, and in particular the Rawls theory, is to achieve a minimum of well-ordered society, then the policy would be favorable according to the basic structure of that society. If a well-ordered society is to increase its membership in the property and the rate of welfare, in a tenu- ous theory of good, being related to the freedoms, opportunities, wealth, income, trust and respect, then the proposal based on historical and theoretical constructionists arguments, it points a well-ordered a pluralistic society.

On the other had, the tendency of stability of this society would be enhanced by our proposal. As the idea of an overlapping consensus it materializes what makes assortments of any imminent danger and dangerous ethnic conflicts. In this regard the proposal would agree with Rawls’ conception of justice that “it is more stable than another if the sense of justice which tends to generate is stronger and able to overcome the destructive tendencies” such as a radical ethnic separatist.

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Discussion y Conclusions

Table 6:

Main Ideas

There is a tension between the political approach and the concept of political participation, since it incorporates in its various design elements relating to the empowerment, organization, resources and representation in various fields and at different levels.

This topic emphasizes the recognition of our rights as Afrode- scendant communities, an issue that must be separated from the political parties in power, to generate space and to achieve a political impact in the formulation and implementation of public policies and institutional activities.

The issue relates more to the policy as a tool for advocacy and social mobilization, and not from representatively exclusively; it is about the implementation of policies.

Therefore to speak of political participation involves talking about representative democracy and participatory democracy.

The challenge is to include, in the agenda of political parties, issues related to the development of Afrodescendants, as well as the strengthening of political alliances with excluded groups and minorities.

Political representation affects our lives in many ways, for example, the decentralization has implied chances of an impact but not political representation and participation of our communities will not affect the decision making process is an opportunity Af- rodescendants should take advantage of.

The big challenge is how the Afrodescendant leaders build an agenda of policy and joint action to establish political relations with Latin American countries, with Europe and Africa. There-

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fore, it is about changing the way you see things and especially the practice of the policy, to understand holistically the processes of ethnic and racial globally.

Political participation and its representation are crucial for achieving the effect; it is necessary to have representation and advancing the empowerment of Afrodescendant as a social movement.

This is based on the minimum access of Afrodescendant to the popularly elected officials and decision. This is limiting the chances of being visible and is an expression of exclusion from the political system in which representative democracy prevail against the challenges and opportunities offered by a cultural participatory democracy, where ethnic and other minorities have a greater impact on policy decisions and programs that affect them.

Obstacles

The strengthening of Afrodescendants’ organizations and associations for the full exercise of rights and the impact on the design, implementation and decision-making process of public policy.

The empowerment of Afrodescendant communities for effective participation in decision-making processes at local, regional, national and international levels.

In this scenario, empowerment appears as a necessity to have a presence on instances, spaces and positions of political decision.

Experiences and policy proposals that could be replicated

Move forward in building a program policy agenda as a mechanism of action and work arising from movement of Afrodescen- dants in the Americas.

Develop a study for the purpose of obtaining information on the electoral behavior of Afrodescendants in the various countries of the region.

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Accountability as a requirement to be elected as representatives as they do not always respond to interest groups but to the interests of political parties, they do not assume the representative- ness of those who elected them.

Generate strategies from the Afrodescendant movement for the application and implementation of assessments at different places where Afrodescendant people that are at a disadvantage stage.

Preserve and strengthen the alliance policy of the Afrodescen- dant movement with the human rights of social movements (indigenous, migrants, women, etc..) as a need to create a platform for action to combat racism and racial discrimination in the Americas.

Proposed mechanisms and patterns of cooperation

Create development programs in the respective government ministries and portfolios for Afrodescendant people and communities with an affirmative action or positive discrimination.

Share experiences of advocacy, representation and political representation with the English spoken Caribbean countries.

Table 6

The power of the media and positioning of diversity.

This table generated recommendations to strengthen the role of the media in reaffirming the cultural identity and collective imaginaries of the African American population in Latin America and the Caribbean and the overcoming of discrimination.

Discussion axes:

• Influence of communication media over the construction of the African American social imaginary in Latin America.

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• Need for the revision of contents in the media and reconsid- eration of access. • Promotion of the cultural diversity in the media, including advertising. • Analysis of the contradictory contributions of the communication media and revision of formats, genres and styles. • Legislation in the media (sustainable development of our societies and protection of the cultural diversity). • African-Americans (of the Americas) as contents producers in the media.

Emma Kamau. Journalist

Profile

She is from Kenya with a degree in Journalism and an MA in Infor- mation Science from the University of Navarra (Pamplona, Spain. She has developed her experience in international organizations, private sector and various mass media. She has lived in Colombia since the end of 2005. In November 2005, she began to work on the International Organization for Migrations (IOM), as a Special- ist of National Minorities and Reports Officer until March, 2008. One of her achievements during this period was to support and coordinate the First National Conference of Afro Journalists in Colombia. She also developed the strategy Differential Approach to Ethnic Minorities of the organization in Colombia.

Lecture

Culture and Cultural Diversity

It is necessary to keep revising and going deeper into the in- terpretation of the cultural diversity concept, from a pedagogical and democratic perspective, within the framework of global political and economic junctures, and facing the conflicts posed

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by current societies. Otherwise, the debate on cultural diversity could become a way of masking reality.

The defense and promotion of cultural diversity goes through the analysis of realities, both global as well as local. Diversity is, on one side, a matter with a global character which implies the coexistence of different cultural expressions that should learn to face their differences and conflicts from dialogue and democratic participation. On the other side, it is a local matter that tends to reproduce the same inequalities and exclusions, but it does it from the inside of the States-Nation. Nevertheless, the capacity to manage the differences inside States, regions or locations requires avoiding that global cultural patterns void the minority or local cultural expressions, vulnerable per se.

Additionally, it is essential to distinguish between the perception of the governments and the civil society’s everyday reality. Adop- tion of a promotion policy of cultural diversity is in essence, a matter of governability, but it has a huge transcendence for citizens. Therefore, adopting appropriate public policies on the matter implies necessarily a previous active participation of the civil society.

Cultural diversity should be interpreted as the peoples’ final expression of the material and immaterial social heritage. Societies need this heritage to recreate their past, interpret their present and Project their future towards a world with a higher interrelation and tolerance towards each other. It is therefore crucial to promote and adopt policies and actions necessary for the preservation of cultures, but also to promote their ‘evolution in difference’, this is to say, in a global framework which requires respect and tolerance from the existing diversity.

So, it is evident that there is a need to restore credibility and le- gitimacy –finally, the prestige - of the cultural policies required to regulate balance between different cultures. Therefore it is

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imperative to strengthen public debate, the active promotion of citizens’ participation and review of the existing inequalities, including the communication media

Communication and Cultural Diversity

The link between communication and cultural diversity stood out in the Civil Society Statement in the World Summit of the Infor- mation Society celebrated by the United Nations in 2003:

“Cultural and linguistic diversity constitutes a crucial facet of the information and communication societies focused on people. Each culture has a dignity and a value to be respected and protected. Cultural and linguistic diversity are based, among other things, on the freedom for information and expression and in the freedom everyone has to freely participate in the community’s cultural life, at the local, national and international level. This participation embraces activities carried out both as users as well as producers of cultural content. Information and communication technologies, included traditional communication media have the especially important task of maintaining and promoting the world’s cultures and languages”.

It is indispensable to consider communication as a key sphere in cultural policies. Today, communication media operate as global instruments. Therefore, a deep revision of the public communication media is essential, especially considering their entering into the digital era. Communication media have the responsibility of working actively on the suppression of the existing barriers that hinder the cultural diversity promotion, even more in an increasingly interconnected world. Current changes in the media and communication technologies constitute an opportunity for transformation to be fostered. Thus, opportunities are created for the media to develop new forms of communication, the application of new management, participation and representation practices from plurality. 236 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

In sum, communication media are required to, within their production processes, face the challenge of approaching the complexity implied by diversity, essential condition to appropriately managing information, avoiding the trivialization of cultural diversity..

This request also constitutes a challenge for legislators, professionals and academics to contribute to the debate for the reformulation of public policies regarding it, from the responsibility that implies approaching social needs from a differential focus. In view of the risk that unique thinking supposes, which tends to associate discrepancy with threat, this space should promote a debate which constitutes an active contribution to the adoption of democratic communication policies and a culture which favors the elimination of barriers and multiply accesses for cultural diversity into communication media.

Cultural Diversity: Education and Communication

The elimination of barriers to cultural diversity is in itself a challenge for education policies. In this sense, it is required to involve communication academics and professionals into joint educational programs such as the inclusion of educational contents in the media, as well as initiatives oriented to critically analyze the role and performance of communication media.

Universities and research centers have the duty of promoting critical investigation on cultural diversity and connected matters. Having reliable, rigorous and contrasted information and making diagnosis contributes to mitigate the conflicts and stereotypes with which different and diversity are associated. At the same time, it allows building alternatives for a plural world including and respecting differences.

It is necessary that academic institutions act decidedly in the updating and promotion of studies related to Information and

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Communication Sciences, promoting social-cultural and interdis- ciplinary approaches, getting through the current phase, essentially descriptive and insufficiently sensitive to diversity in the use of communication.

Additionally, it is recommended to foster comparative studies between countries in Latin America, communities and research groups which allow contrasting the different existing realities and supporting each other in learning processes which might become models for the promotion of diversity in the communication -me dia and even have an effect on public policy.

In this sense, it is crucial to count with the authorities’ commitment to favor and support initiatives that allow the development of research and the broadcasting of the investigator’s critical analysis in public opinion spaces, this, within a framework of continuous dialogue between governments, cultural industries, media professionals and the academic world.

Access and management of communication media for communities

One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of inter-culu- rality is communication. The first and inalienable condition of cultural diversity in the media is freedom of speech. In comparison, the media within communities are crucial to promote intercultural dialogue. Recognition of cultural diversity demands the existence of the communities and groups “own” media. The generalized tendency to excessively rule and to make it difficult for smaller media to exist and favoring the expansion of the biggest ones must be avoided. Communication policies must offer an answer to these needs.

In this sense, it is deemed necessary to establish legal frames that facilitate the use of media by cultural creating communities, including African Americans and other ethnic minorities.

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States should exercise their regulating role for communication media and for the use of official times of the public media to promote cultural diversity expressions.

Additionally, it is the States’ responsibility to promote and spread education on the usage of new technologies in order to strengthen communication capabilities, management of knowledge, -or ganization and social participation.

New communication technologies should be adapted and aimed at facilitating new participation schemes and to serve the needs of expression of our societies’ huge cultural diversity.

The digital gap is one more manifestation of underdevelopment which difficult the appreciation of the existing diversity. This gap is evident in the fact that the required technologies are highly concentrated in large urban areas, while they are hardly available in rural media serving local communities.

Communitarian Media

Communitarian communication media are aimed at carrying out a work of democratizing society; they are largely committed to the defense of the civil society’s rights, starting with the right to think and speak freely.

Communication is a fundamental element in social processes and in the construction of peace. Spreading proposals arising in base social processes is essential to create real scenarios of pacific conflict solution. In this sense, communication taken as a social relation and expressions of human ideas and feelings mechanism becomes an extremely useful tool. It transmits knowledge acquired through individual and collective experiences that may be useful to others or as a reference to making decisions.

Communitarian media become channels of expression for the communities’ social and political subjects. These may be very

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valuable if they propitiate spaces for the exercise of freedom of speech and expression and generate new options of communitarian organization.

These media arise from communities when they feel the urge to stop being passive information consumers and become leading characters, generators and carriers of their cultures. In many communities, these media are the only voices they have to demand better life conditions. With the increasingly growing tendency of creating international networks, these voices may be significantly enhanced.

The media, as well as other social and economic sectors, have been gradually concentrating into the hands of just a few ones. This tendency affects negatively their opportunity to act as social and cultural development tools, to become functional structures subject to consumerism and to the promotion of a single vision of the world. In this sense, communitarian media represent an alternative to the impositions of global market due to their marked vocation of social justice and defense of diversity.

Communitarian media offer a service essential for society. Nev- ertheless, their development (particularly communitarian radio and television) depend on the access to certain resources that have not been ensured. The capability to access radio frequencies as well as the appropriation of technical standards is crucial for the evolution of these media. Therefore, both governments as well as intergovernmental organizations must facilitate the access and the distribution of frequencies, as well as the development of appropriate technical standards.

Unfortunately, the view is far from being encouraging. Even though there are international guidelines that promote the development of communitarian media, often national legislation and policies in the different countries tend to hinder this development. Nevertheless, the situation may significantly change 240 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

from country to country. In general obstacles faced by communitarian media go from restricted concessions or inappropriate radio frequencies, in favor of private communication companies, to legal limitations to access financial resources and even threats and persecution against communitarian communicators.

Afro-Colombians and Communication

Historically, Afro-Colombian communities have suffered the harshness of exclusion and marginality. Despite their huge human potentiality, this collective has not found the space necessary to significantly contribute to the nation’s development. This situation of marginality has deepened some much into the Afro- Colombian mentality, that most of them their misery as something normal and look into their future with resignation.

African descending population in Colombia has suffered a racism expressed by an extreme contempt towards their traditions and realities. The subtlety with which this discrimination is exerted against African Americans makes it almost imperceptible in some cases, especially for those who do not want to see in racism, a reality in the country, a social, economic and cultural issue which calls for an immediate solution.

Afro-Colombians still suffer backwardness in comparison to the rest of the population in Colombia, with figures beyond an 80% of the basic needs unsatisfied and 76% of extreme poverty, against the national average which does not reach a 38%.

One of the greatest obstacles in the Afro-Colombian communities’ development processes is directly related to the general invisibility applied to minorities in the country. This lack of recognition prevents its contribution to Colombia’s progress, their wealth, their cultural heritage and the Afro-Colombian environment’s potential from being known.

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Mass media play a crucial role in this situation. Matters related to the Afro-Colombian population are systematically ignored, despite the possibilities set forth in 1991 Political Constitution.

This lack of recognition and visibilization becomes even more serious when Afro-Colombians, due to different reasons, ignore their own history; their rights, being even ashamed of their values, traditions and even their racial condition.

Mass media transmits messages in which African Americans appear in humiliating situations, never as models of behavior or positive references developing an image different from the tradi- tionally pejorative one that most of the population have regarding them.

Communication media lacks information to make Afro-Colombi- ans proud, information that may build models for the new generations, separated from preconceived concepts which play against their possibilities.

Watching the communication media dynamics (written, radio, television, electronic), we may state that Afro-Colombian journalists have also suffered the harshness generated by this junc- ture by excluding and invisibilize them.

Contrasts with the aforementioned the increasing trend -of Af ro-Colombians enrolled in social communication and journalism faculties in different universities of the country. This phenomenon becomes a real opportunity to become more visible, for the country to know their reality and for their own people to know their reality.

In regards to the media in the Afro-Colombian settling geographic areas, even though there are a few ones, they are used as political booster, with no journalistic rigor and lacking commitment to their community’s development. Additionally, they are isolated

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efforts in their purpose of making their own journalistic undertaking and they often die within a year after they are created.

Afro-Colombians need to develop their own media (mass, communitarian, civil, alternative) to take care of broadcasting the other vision of their reality, of their history, to contribute jointly to the initiative of multiple organizations of building a new Afro- Colombian leadership.

This collective need to potentialize all the Afro-Colombian Orga- nizations’ communication strategies, because their efforts, even though increasing, are still being carried out in an isolated manner, preventing significant achievements.

Nevertheless, different efforts are being carried out in the country by communities, in mostly African Colombian regions, to achieve an appropriate and effective communication for Afro-Colombi- ans, which allow facing the serious problems through which they go and looking for the solutions necessary to show a multiethnic and pluri-cultural country.

In this sense, communication media have been being developed, or there has been participation in mass and commercial media, but showing the particulars of the Afro-Colombian identities in the different areas. In their own way and in their context, journalism professionals have developed formats, programs and themes to access the information itself, as the exercising of a right provided by 1991 constitution and explicitly in Law 70 of 1993, among others.

Different Afro-Colombian communication experiences have -ap peared in magazines, newspapers, bulletins, radio programs, web pages and television programs for the regional channels in which their own things are seen from other point of view. Values, contributions and initiatives are shown, trying to change the negative image reinforced for years by mass media into the collective imaginary and ideary. 243 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Even though these efforts are important, a qualitative lea is necessary to allow a greater impact on the generation of opinion both in the regions as well as at a national and international level. . Bogotá, as capital city, has set the example to the country by is- suing the African Bogotan Public Policy as a space for affirmative action in which the right for a differentiated communication is included.

Advancements: Afro-Colombian Journalists Association, (APA)

The Afro-Colombian Journalists Association, APA, gives its first steps in 2000, as a space for permanent dialogue between journalists from the black community to define strategies aimed at promoting, from journalism, the construction of democracy and development. The APA was legally established on the 12th July 2007 and looks to consolidate as a reflection forum with the capability of affecting the communication media and to look for spaces for decision making among them.

Also, it works in awareness creation within the Communication Faculties in the universities to have an ethnic perspective included into their contents and looks for spaces of permanent training and reflection in order to find ways of incidence into national reality.

The APA is a social organization promoting the honorable and effective exercise of journalism, while tightening union ties between its members and between them and other organizations with similar objectives. As a center for thinking and research, it also looks to contribute to the consolidation of democracy, equality and inclusion, to the strengthening of the Afro Colom- bian population and to the country’s development.

One of the main actions has been the organization of the First National Encounter of Afro-Colombian Journalists, carried out in Cali, Valle del Cauca, on the 4th and 5th October 2007, in which

244 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

more than 120 Afro-Colombian journalists as well as international guests and representatives of unions, the academy and the Na- tional Government met to discuss the reality of the exercise of Afro Colombian journalism and inter-cultural communication.

This Encounter, which had the presence, among other person- alities, of the Minister of Communications, María del Rosario Guerra, was supported by the International Organization for Mi- grations (OIM) with resources of the United States Agency for In- ternational Development (USAID), the Ministry of Interior, Com- fenalco Valle and the University Santiago de Cali.

Proposal about Communication Strategies for the African Diaspora in the Americas:

During the “First National Encounter of Afro-Colombian Journal- ists”, organized by the Afro-Colombian Journalists Association (APA) in October 2007, different work tables were organized to discuss about “Afro-Colombians and Communication.”

Among others, the following subjects were treated:

• Ethnicity and communication in Universities. • Afro-Colombians the mass media. • Afro-Colombians and their own communication media. • Journalists and Afro-Colombian communicators. The following are the recommendations generated on these subjects that may be applied to the communication proposal for the African Diaspora in the Americas:

Ethnicity and communication in universities.

• Carry out a state of the art on the existing legislation and communication policies of Afro descendents in the different Iberoamerican countries. • Establish alliances with different universities in each one of the countries to carry out a study on the way in which com-

245 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

munication media Project Afro descendents and other ethnic minorities through, for example, the observatories of the media in journalism faculties. • To produce a manual on the journalistic coverage responsible for the ethnic issues in mass media. • To develop subjects of Intercultural Communication. • To promote intercultural communication studies with the support of universities with journalism and ethnic studies faculties. • To carry out agreements with universities for diplomacies in research and communication of the Afro descendents. In Co- lombia, indigenous have the support of the Universidad Pon- tificia Javeriana in Cali to obtain the title of the “Diplomacy in Indigenous Research and Communication.” Afro descendents and the Mass Media

• To promote the access of Afro descendents and other ethnic groups into the mass media.

• To promote the social role of mass communication media in the ethnic issue.

• To develop training strategies for journalists and communicators from mass media on the rights of Afro descendents and other ethnic groups.

• To carry out agreements with the mass media allowing the training of communicators and journalists from the African Diaspora and other ethnic minorities.

• To promote mass media offering internships to African Diaspora students and other ethnic groups coursing communication studies within their social responsibility strategy.

• To promote affirmative actions from the mass media to- of fer employment opportunities to Afro descendent journalists and from other ethnic groups

246 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

• Afro descendents and their own communication media

• To carry out the documentation on the advancements and challenges within the existing legislation and communication policies of Afro descendents and other ethnic minorities in the different countries in the Americas.

• To establish the advancements and challenges posed by the creation of their own media for Afro descendents and other ethnic groups and the public and private sector’s role, including a rural and urban approach.

• To promote the creation and sustainability of Afro descendants’ communication media networks and other ethnic groups (alternative journalism, independent journalism and community journalism, among others).

• To promote the creation of communitarian and citizen radio networks of Afro descendents and other ethnic minorities, in order to define joint proposals, exchange and replicate successful experiences.

• To strengthen the use, management and control of communication media and of new information technologies by Afro descendent journalists and communicators, as well as from and other ethnic groups.

• Implementation, by the Iberoamerican Countries’ Ministries of Communication, of a systematization of the different- ex periences carried out in radio, film industry, television or In- ternet about Afro descendents and other ethnic minorities, to have an inventory of material to be used or re-used in productions and programs and to be commercialized and broad- casted by the media.

• To support the production, broadcasting and commercializa- tion of products made by Afro descendents and other ethnic groups.

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• Strategy with Journalists and Communicators

• To analyze and to redefine the role of Afro descendent communicators in the social change and progress to contribute to the strengthening of the defense of life and of their communities.

• To promote spaces and communication and coordination mechanisms between their own communicators and local corresponsals to carry out an efficient and articulated work.

• To identify the journalistic specialized training required by Afro descendant journalists and other ethnic minorities to offer permanent training for the optimal development of the journalistic tasks.

• To promote protection mechanisms for the free exercise of journalism.

• To promote and support the constitution and structuring of Afro American journalists and communicators networks in the different countries in Latin America.

• To promote and support the creation of alliances with communicators of other ethnic groups and journalists associations and communication media from Africa and from other places in the world.

Finally, support the institutionalization of an Award for the mass media and journalist promoting policies to respect cultural diversity. The proposal of the Afro Colombian Journalists Association (APA) is to create an award called Manuel Zapata Olivella.

Final Recommendations

It is necessary to adopt a clear and defined strategy to promote diversity and to help the media facing the challenge of improving

248 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

their diversity levels, both in contents as well as in media institutions and audiovisual industry;

Considering the critical analysis presented by some Afro descendant communicators and journalists and from other ethnic minorities on the treatment of the “other” in mass media, we request from academic institutions, professional organizations and regulatory entities to maintain a critical attitude regarding discriminatory, excluding, deforming or simply simplifying treatment of those images;

The inter-cultural dialogue should be reinforced through new initiatives increasing awareness about the existence of minorities and different cultural identities among professionals in the communication media. Also, dialogue should be promoted between the media and these communities’ representatives;

To recognize the need for a mediatic literacy and to promote the development of programs to improve understanding among people, as citizens, and to teach how the information may have an effect on their own lives;

To support scientific research and monitoring in media-related issues, such as concentration and pluralism of the media, and to extend those issues’ public debate, including the contribution of communication media to human rights, freedom, tolerance and inter-cultural dialogue;

We propose the Ministries of Culture to create and broadcast a source of resources to collect the media and technology most successful experiences regarding cultural diversity. With that initiative we want to foster the broadcasting of these experiences and to constitute an international exchange network aimed at facilitating cooperation;

To make of equality between men and women without concern for race and religion a reality in the media in the Iberoamerican

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countries, and to renew efforts to eradicate all discrimination forms.

Pedro Viveros

Profile: He has a master studies in Public Policies Analysis of the Université Laval, Canadá. Social Communicator and Journalist, University of La Sabana. Currently, consultant at Dattis Consul- tores en Comunicaciones and partner of the company Agenda, Gestión Institucional. Professor of the Javeriana, Rosario and Central Universities. He has carried out different cinsultancies both in the public as well as in the private sector, in companies such as EPM, Chamber of Commerce of Bogotá, Banco de Co- lombia, World Bank, BID, Uban Development Institute, Bogotá, Regional Port Society of Buenaventura, among others, and he was Deputy Representative of Colombia at the Organization of American States, OAS, in Washington, DC.

Lecture

Authenticity: Politically Correct?

To analyze the culture of a society, it is necessary to consider several aspects: symbols, language, values, regulations and material objects. We could add to this range of elements the verbal and non verbal languages, commercial patterns, religion, values and attitudes, manners, aesthetics and social institutions. For others, the essence of a culture is to know what is called the National Soul, or as they would say in Italy, the Genius Loci of a population. When that is clear, ¡abracadabra there we have the culture!

I do not want to be simplistic; neither to appear as an erudite in such an important issue and value for modern societies. There- fore, I would like to rescue a few words from the aforementioned ones which will make of this lecture an approach, very personal, of communication and diversity.

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Let’s start saying that in a book on Inter-culturality and Negotia- tion, written by a fine friend of mine*, from which I extracted a huge amount of information for this lecture, I found the following historic data that made me curious: in 2004 died the last woman who knew how to speak mushu, the only language, out of the variety existing in China, used by women for more than 400 years to communicate among themselves so men could not know about their conversations.

In the early 90’s, for every person who spoke English, 2 people spoke Mandarin. In 2050 Spanish will be spoken by a 6% of the world’s population, while English will drop from the current 9% to a 5%. But, I am sorry to inform Spanish speaking people attending this encounter that Spanish will be exceeded by Arab, Hindi and Urdu- the last two languages, from India-.

Language is one of the words that invite to communicate the most. It is the essence of the interrelation of living beings on Earth. With the word, base of language, men and women in Shanghai may express that if they do not speak Mandarin they are not modern. Countries such as Canada, Peru and Paraguay would not be able to show respect to the diversity of languages surviving in these nations. In Philippines, despite the strong American influence, tagalo or chabacano would not survive. Language allows expressing ideas without ideological borders, race or religion.

Verbal language of non-verbal language (with gestures) invites to know entire societies. The thumb and the index closed in a circle are the representation for success in America, while in Brazil it is considered a vulgar act. Arriving late in England may jeopardize a business, while in some countries in South America is barely the beginning of a good friendship and maybe of a business.

The need for communication makes every generation to transmit the next one its essential values. Islamism, individualism, social

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classes, state-nation, equality, personal success, freedom, com- fort, democracy, capitalism (so stunned nowadays), racism, and so many tutelary principles of societies that lead them to say what is good, bad, beautiful or ugly for their collective interests. This also communicates.

Every country has its special brand stuck into its own culture and born from its values. This makes them unique and different. This makes it to be through their languages that they can transmit their values. The next step to potentialize communication in a society is to symbolize what it has as essence.

In Singapore green is the color for death. In México, every year the day of the death is celebrated; it’s a time in which Mexicans decorate their homes to share food, music and even tequila with their dead loved ones. In Bolivia, the coca leave originated indigenous movements for the defense of this vegetable. Carrying the Star of David in a Muslim country may be offensive. All social symbols allow the representation of a regional or national culture. In Colombia, for example, we live with many cultures under the same clothing of a three colored flag. Each department, of the 32 that we have, has its own world. We are a sum of languages, values and symbols that allow us, thanks to this sample of multiculturality, tell the world that we exist. All people are alike, their costumes is what make them different, stated Confucius the great Chinese Philosopher.

“In un palacete de La Mancha of wich nombre no quiero remem- berarme, vivía not so long ago uno de esos gentleman who always tienen una lanza in the rack, una buckler antigua, a skinny caballo and un grayhound para la chase” was the way in which the Mexican Ilán Stavans translated his Quijote. Is this a cult to the Cervantes’s work? A mockry? None of them. As I see it, it is the natural intention of a man from a country with Spanish ancestors

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but very closet o the United States to appropriate El Quijote and that allowed him communicating the way in which he cultivates Cervantes, with his sole and happy tool: Spanglish.

Imagining is one of the things that make us different. Thinking differently makes us unique in a world society increasingly globalized and full of paradigms. Now, another one of the words I wanted to talk about appears: diversity.

If we have a language, values, symbols and we are different (authentic is the word I prefer) we may enter the club of diversity. I looked up synonyms in my computer’s dictionary and found, to my satisfaction, the following ones: immensurable, unlimited, huge, incomparable, infinite, diverse.

Being infinite means having multiple options. Being diverse is then translated into being infinite in choices. In other words, diversity has with itself immensurable options for transmitting what you are or what you want to be as an integral part of each city, department or nation. It has no limits.

Being authentic is not being different. Being unique is incarnating a language and language that certainly amalgamate us the soul of a society. The evolution of word in a society is nothing but the incoming of new elements that will enrich it, they will not delay it, they will make it advance because there are new facts that always enter everyday life to develop nations and never to stop the evolutive coexistence of human beings.

Nowadays, diversity expressions that spread its authenticity in the media do it, apart from deserving it due to legal rights genu- inely earned and granted, because they have earned the right to enter a bidirectional relationship between the one who has the characteristics to feel part of a community through the social diversity to which he belongs and those who would like to know or to reaffirm about that cultural richness represented by one or other social sector. 253 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

In most modern democratic countries the government grants part of its electromagnetic space for ethnic, political and religious minorities, to be able to express their ideas through public radio and television.

The previous democratic advancement, recognized and valued by us all, gave way to the modern qualitative qualifier from which the most heterogeneous composition of a collectivity qualifies or disqualifies a good or bad mediatic option: Rating.

This technologic element, in conjunction with the Internet and modern telecommunication devises, makes that every day those who want to increase their religious, political or racial adepts, consider that their expression is being permanently valued and evaluated by audiences looking for authenticity within diversity, that generates an empathy that is, finally, an affirmation of their individuality, guaranteeing therefore their permanence in the modern electronic media.

In other words, without the value that implies being authentic, it would have been impossible for such a daring Project as Black En- tertainment Television (BET) gathering the most valuable expressions of Afro American culture in the United States of America.

In Chocó, department of the Colombian Pacific, where poverty indexes are the highest ones in the country, where entering by ground is one of the greatest odysseys in the history of world transportation, a few years ago a musical Group was born, that mixed rural rhythms of that region with hip hop, reaching a perfect mixture of what we know today as fusion music: Chocquib- town.

This fact, authentically Chocoan, generated an epidemic of new interpreters, composers and musicians all around the pacific coast region, provoking a direct relationship among a new artistic

254 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

genre and the consequent recovery of self esteem of an Afro- Colombian community. Nowadays their songs are not only in the first places of Colombian and in the Word Bill Boards, but also their members are a life example with thousands of fans.

Chinese people locate the future in the back because that is the unknown, what they cannot see; the past and the present are instead seen in the front, because that is what they can analyze. For westerns, the past is behind us, as if the experiences from what has happened were forgotten and we locate the future in front of our eyes because, according to us, it is what is coming. As if uncertainty could be controlled by just imagining it.

But the simple fact of being Afro American, indigenous, homosex- ual, environmentalist, enologist, sportsman, or having different interests in societies is not a guarantee for claiming a presential space in the media. Give me the facts and I will give you the rights Says a legal axiom. To be in the media agenda, it is important to go beyond the law. In English, news means new. Whatever is new is news. What lets you be different within the wide spectrum of diversity, as we understand it today is authenticity. Therefore I dare to say that the right to being authentic is what allows the different cultural, racial or religious expressions to have a presence in the media.

Yesterday, what called for the reflection of media and diversity was the struggle for the democratic right of accessing the communication media. Today, this struggle has been concret- ed. We face an authentic opportunity to gain audience in the media by being unique and unrepeatable. Learning this is politically correct.

* Interculturalidad and Negociación. Ricardo Eastman de la Cues- ta. Universidad Sergio Arboleda, Bogotá, D.C, Colombia, 2008

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Discussion y Conclusions Table VI:

Principal Ideas

Logical implication recognizes the power of the media. We need to work with them without sacrificing the goals of the Afrode- scendant agenda, according to the type of media.

The media caricatured image. A more active approach to the problem is to work with people to generate self-representations, to expand the grassroots participation. Networks, Afrodescen- dant networks can be made throughout the continent and Af- rica.

Experiences and policy proposals that could be replicated

Design strategies for different needs: there are different levels of communication: mass media and intra needs.

Diffusion of government policies and their results for Afrodescen- dant community, to society, and diffusion of the policy results, and strengthening research in the field.

The use of the media may serve to uncover subliminal racism. We must emphasize the link between the school (played as an inside play that discrimination, but also transforms) and the mass media (also interpreted as a transformer). School site is of strategic change. It is essential that the school changes.

We need to create empowerment, which social actors make their communication. Enhance the agenda.

We need to standardize communication and, above all, to define the scope that the Ministries of Culture have. How far can they go on the definition of political communication?

256 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

It is necessary to consider differences among countries: challenges and common elements.

Formation of citizens with the right to communicate and to produce of cultural content.

Influencing in the imaginary that media promote. Awareness campaigns (persuasion) should have a high quality. The design of these must be cautious in the language: it is necessary to devise creative strategies.

The work must be inter-institutional. Outreach of the Ministries of Culture.

The methodology of NGO gives the teacher tools to understand the situation and begin to transform. The strategy is that the communication was not aggressive, use of humor and irony. It is essential that the strategies for awareness have high quality.

Obstacles

Operational strategies, concrete actions.

Attitude towards the mass media, differentiating the media and media types.

Define the Ministries role.

Coercive regulation of the media.

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Firma Declaración en San Basilio de Palenque.

Kei Kawabata(Japón), Maguemati Wabgou(Kenia), Doudou Diene(Senegal)

258 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Edouard Matoko(Congo), Paula Marcela Moreno Z.(Colombia), Dudou Diene, Juca Ferreira(Brasil)

Antonio Monteiro(Angola),Paula Marcela Moreno ,Simao Sounindola, Ana Monteiro(Angola)

259 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Silvia Olveira(México),Paula Marcela Moreno, Edouard Matoko, Yuri Buenaven- tura (Colombia)

Larry Palmer (Estados Unidos), Tianna Paschel (Estados Unidos) con algunos re- latores del Encuentro

Paula Marcela Moreno, Ministra de Cultura de Colombia; Alvaro Marchesi, Sec- retario General Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos. 260 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Zulu Araujo, Director Fundación Palmares; Paula Marcela Moreno, Ministra de Cultura de Colombia; Ndioro Ndiaye, Directora Adjunta de la Organización Inter- nacional para las Migraciones.

Zulu Araujo, Director Fundación Palmares; Howard Dodson, Director Schomburg Center; Juca Ferreira, Ministro de Cultura de Brasil; Paula Marcela Moreno, Min- istra de Cultura de Colombia.

Juca Ferreira, Ministro de Cultura de Brasil; Paula Marcela Moreno, Ministra de Cultura de Colombia; Jeronimo Lancerio, Ministro de Cultura de Guatemala; Ma- teo Morrinson; Viceministro de Cultura de República Dominicana. 261 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

Agrupación Tambores de Cabildo en el Claustro de Santo Domingo de Cartagena de Indias.

Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Americas, Centro de Convenciones Julio Cesar Turbay Ayala, Cartagena de Indias.

Paula Marcela Moreno, Ministra de Cultura de Colombia y Ndioro Ndiaye, Direc- tora Adjunta de la OIM.

262 Encuentro Iberoamericano Agenda Afrodescendiente en las Américas

San Basilio de Palenque, Firma de la Declaración de Cartagena. Ana Monteiro, Jefe de Gabinete de la Primera Dama de Angola; Roberto Zurbano, Casa de las Americas; David Soto, Programa Acua; Ju- dith Morrison, Fundación Interamericana; Julio Saldaña, Viceministro de Cultura de Paraguay; Ndioro Ndiaye, Directora Adjunta OIM; Mateo Morrinson, Viceministro de Cultura de República Dominicana; Silvia Olvera, Delegada de CONACULTA México; Sydney Bartley, Director de Cultura de Jamaica; Paula Marcela Moreno, Ministra de Cultura de Colombia; Jeronimo Lancerio, Ministro de Cultura de Guate- mala; Juca Ferreria, Ministro de Cultura de Brasil; Charles Maynard, Ministro de Cultura de Bahamas.

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264