Afro-Colombians from Slavery to Displacement
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Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of Religious Entities Vicente Prieto
BYU Law Review Volume 2011 | Issue 3 Article 6 9-1-2011 Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of religious Entities Vicente Prieto Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Vicente Prieto, Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of religious Entities, 2011 BYU L. Rev. 691 (2011). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2011/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DO NOT DELETE 1/31/2013 3:49 PM Law and Religion in Colombia: Legal Recognition of Religious Entities Vicente Prieto I. INTRODUCTION In 1810 there began in Colombia, as in most Latin American countries, the process leading to independence from Spain.1 Though this process necessarily and permanently altered relations between Spanish rulers and their former subjects in America, the separation did not bring immediate radical changes in relations between the Catholic Church and the emerging republics. Those changes came about gradually as a result of developments within Colombia in particular and throughout Latin America generally. Spain determined in the New World that the Catholic Church was the only recognized and established religion. With independence in the nineteenth century, the new authorities maintained the same state- religion model. -
The Mineral Industry of Colombia in 1998
THE MINERAL INDUSTRY OF COLOMBIA By David B. Doan Although its mineral sector was relatively modest by world foundation of the economic system of Colombia. The standards, Colombia’s mineral production was significant to its constitution guarantees that investment of foreign capital shall gross domestic product (GDP), which grew by 3.2% in 1997. have the same treatment that citizen investors have. The A part of this increase came from a 4.4% growth in the mining constitution grants the State ownership of the subsoil and and hydrocarbons sector.1 In 1998, however, Colombia ended nonrenewable resources with the obligation to preserve natural the year in recession with only 0.2% growth in GDP, down resources and protect the environment. The State performs about 5% from the year before, the result of low world oil supervision and planning functions and receives a royalty as prices, diminished demand for exports, terrorist activity, and a economic compensation for the exhaustion of nonrenewable decline in the investment stream. The 1998 GDP was about resources. The State believes in privatization as a matter of $255 billion in terms of purchasing power parity, or $6,600 per principle. The Colombian constitution permits the capita. Colombia has had positive growth of its GDP for more expropriation of assets without indemnification. than six decades and was the only Latin American country not The mining code (Decree 2655 of 1988) covers the to default on or restructure its foreign debt during the 1980's, prospecting, exploration, exploitation, development, probably owing in no small part to the conservative monetary beneficiation, transformation, transport, and marketing of policy conducted by an independent central bank. -
Indigenous Inclusion/Black Exclusion: Race, Ethnicity and Multicultural Citizenship in Latin America
J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 37, 285–310 f 2005 Cambridge University Press 285 doi:10.1017/S0022216X05009016 Printed in the United Kingdom Indigenous Inclusion/Black Exclusion: Race, Ethnicity and Multicultural Citizenship in Latin America JULIET HOOKER Abstract. This article analyses the causes of the disparity in collective rights gained by indigenous and Afro-Latin groups in recent rounds of multicultural citizenship re- form in Latin America. Instead of attributing the greater success of indians in win- ning collective rights to differences in population size, higher levels of indigenous group identity or higher levels of organisation of the indigenous movement, it is argued that the main cause of the disparity is the fact that collective rights are adjudicated on the basis of possessing a distinct group identity defined in cultural or ethnic terms. Indians are generally better positioned than most Afro-Latinos to claim ethnic group identities separate from the national culture and have therefore been more successful in winning collective rights. It is suggested that one of the potentially negative consequences of basing group rights on the assertion of cultural difference is that it might lead indigenous groups and Afro-Latinos to privilege issues of cultural recognition over questions of racial discrimination as bases for political mobilisation in the era of multicultural politics. Introduction Latin America as a region exhibits high degrees of racial inequality and dis- crimination against Afro-Latinos and indigenous populations. This is true despite constitutional and statutory measures prohibiting racial discrimi- nation in most Latin American countries. In addition to legal proscriptions of racism, in the 1980s and 1990s many Latin American states implemented multicultural citizenship reforms that established certain collective rights for indigenous groups. -
Crafting Colombianidad: Race, Citizenship and the Localization of Policy in Philadelphia
CRAFTING COLOMBIANIDAD: RACE, CITIZENSHIP AND THE LOCALIZATION OF POLICY IN PHILADELPHIA A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Diane R. Garbow July 2016 Examining Committee Members: Judith Goode, Advisory Chair, Department of Anthropology Naomi Schiller, Department of Anthropology Melissa Gilbert, Department of Geography and Urban Studies Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas, External Member, City University of New York © Copyright 2016 by Diane R. Garbow All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT In contrast to the municipalities across the United States that restrict migration and criminalize the presence of immigrants, Philadelphia is actively seeking to attract immigrants as a strategy to reverse the city’s limited economic and political importance caused by decades of deindustrialization and population loss. In 2010, the population of Philadelphia increased for the first time in six decades. This achievement, widely celebrated by the local government and in the press, was only made possible through increased immigration. This dissertation examines how efforts to attract migrants, through the creation of localized policy and institutions that facilitate incorporation, transform assertions of citizenship and the dynamics of race for Colombian migrants. The purpose of this research is to analyze how Colombians’ articulations of citizenship, and the ways they extend beyond juridical and legal rights, are enabled and constrained under new regimes of localized policy. In the dissertation, I examine citizenship as a set of performances and practices that occur in quotidian tasks that seek to establish a sense of belonging. Without a complex understanding of the effects of local migration policy, and how they differ from the effects of federal policy, we fail to grasp how Philadelphia’s promotion of migration has unstable and unequal effects for differentially situated actors. -
Inter-American Court on Human Rights
INTER-AMERICAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS ADVISORY OPINION OC-23/17 OF NOVEMBER 15, 2017 REQUESTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA THE ENVIRONMENT AND HUMAN RIGHTS (STATE OBLIGATIONS IN RELATION TO THE ENVIRONMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PROTECTION AND GUARANTEE OF THE RIGHTS TO LIFE AND TO PERSONAL INTEGRITY: INTERPRETATION AND SCOPE OF ARTICLES 4(1) AND 5(1) IN RELATION TO ARTICLES 1(1) AND 2 OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS) the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (hereinafter “the Inter-American Court” or “the Court”), composed of the following judges: Roberto F. Caldas, President Eduardo Ferrer Mac-Gregor Poisot, Vice President Eduardo Vio Grossi, Judge Humberto Antonio Sierra Porto Judge Elizabeth Odio Benito, Judge Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, Judge, and L. Patricio Pazmiño Freire, Judge also present, Pablo Saavedra Alessandri, Secretary, and Emilia Segares Rodríguez, Deputy Secretary, pursuant to Article 64(1) of the American Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter “the American Convention” or “the Convention”) and Articles 70 to 75 of the Rules of Procedure of the Court (hereinafter “the Rules of Procedure”), issues the following advisory opinion, structured as follows: - 2 - TABLE OF CONTENTS I. PRESENTATION OF THE REQUEST ........................................................................................ 4 II. PROCEEDING BEFORE THE COURT ...................................................................................... 6 III. JURISDICTION AND ADMISSIBILITY ............................................................................. -
The Negritude Movements in Colombia
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations Dissertations and Theses October 2018 THE NEGRITUDE MOVEMENTS IN COLOMBIA Carlos Valderrama University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_2 Part of the Folklore Commons, Other Political Science Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Valderrama, Carlos, "THE NEGRITUDE MOVEMENTS IN COLOMBIA" (2018). Doctoral Dissertations. 1408. https://doi.org/10.7275/11944316.0 https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_2/1408 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEGRITUDE MOVEMENTS IN COLOMBIA A Dissertation Presented by CARLOS ALBERTO VALDERRAMA RENTERÍA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts-Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SEPTEMBER 2018 Sociology © Copyright by Carlos Alberto Valderrama Rentería 2018 All Rights Reserved THE NEGRITUDE MOVEMENTS IN COLOMBIA A Dissertation Presented by CARLOS ALBERTO VALDERRAMA RENTERÍA Approved as to style and content by __________________________________________ Agustin Laó-Móntes, Chair __________________________________________ Enobong Hannah Branch, Member __________________________________________ Millie Thayer, Member _________________________________ John Bracey Jr., outside Member ______________________________ Anthony Paik, Department Head Department of Sociology DEDICATION To my wife, son (R.I.P), mother and siblings ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I could not have finished this dissertation without the guidance and help of so many people. My mentor and friend Agustin Lao Montes. My beloved committee members, Millie Thayer, Enobong Hannah Branch and John Bracey. -
190205 USAID Colombia Brief Final to Joslin
COUNTRY BRIEF I. FRAGILITY AND CLIMATE RISKS II.COLOMBIA III. OVERVIEW Colombia experiences very high climate exposure concentrated in small portions of the country and high fragility stemming largely from persistent insecurity related to both longstanding and new sources of violence. Colombia’s effective political institutions, well- developed social service delivery systems and strong regulatory foundation for economic policy position the state to continue making important progress. Yet, at present, high climate risks in pockets across the country and government mismanagement of those risks have converged to increase Colombians’ vulnerability to humanitarian emergencies. Despite the state’s commitment to address climate risks, the country’s historically high level of violence has strained state capacity to manage those risks, while also contributing directly to people’s vulnerability to climate risks where people displaced by conflict have resettled in high-exposure areas. This is seen in high-exposure rural areas like Mocoa where the population’s vulnerability to local flooding risks is increased by the influx of displaced Colombians, lack of government regulation to prevent settlement in flood-prone areas and deforestation that has Source: USAID Colombia removed natural barriers to flash flooding and mudslides. This is also seen in high-exposure urban areas like Barranquilla, where substantial risks from storm surge and riverine flooding are made worse by limited government planning and responses to address these risks, resulting in extensive economic losses and infrastructure damage each year due to fairly predictable climate risks. This brief summarizes findings from a broader USAID case study of fragility and climate risks in Colombia (Moran et al. -
United States of America
United States of America Submission to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review Ninth Session of the Working Group on the UPR Human Rights Council 1-12 November 2010 THE NEGATIVE IMPACT OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN COLOMBIA, HAITI AND PUERTO RICO Submitted by: International Committee of National Lawyers Guild, Proceso de Comunidades Negras de Colombia, AFRODES USA, Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, and RightRespect Endorsed by: Organizations: American Association of Jurists; Colegio de Abogados (Puerto Rico); Human Rights Advocates; Human Rights Caucus of Northeastern University School of Law; Latin American and Caribbean Community Center; MADRE; Metro Atlanta Task Force for the Homeless; National Conference of Black Lawyers/Chicago; Public Interest Projects; Three Treaties Task Force of the Social Justice Center of Marin; You.Me.We. Individuals: Joyce Carruth; Andrea Hornbein (MassDecarcerate); Amol Mehra (RightRespect); Ramona Ortega (Cidadao Global); Ute Ritz-Deutch, Ph.D. (Tompkins County Immigrant Rights Coalition); Nicole Skibola (RightRespect); Standish E. Willis (NCBL) 1 Executive Summary U.S. foreign policy relationships and assistance to Colombia, Haiti and Puerto Rico have resulted in human rights violations in those countries. For 10 years, Plan Colombia, a U.S. aid program to the Colombian government, has been in effect. Until 2007, 80 % of the $6.7 billion has been spent on the military. This has resulted in massive loss of life, internal displacement, a food crisis and economic instability, particularly in indigenous and communities of Afro-descendents. We oppose the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and urge U.S. legislators to cease further military and fumigations operations and refuse to certify Colombia as being in compliance with human rights standards. -
Draft First Regional Report on the Implementation of the Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development
Draft first regional report on the implementation of the Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development Third session of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean Lima, 7-9 August 2018 Thank you for your interest in this ECLAC publication ECLAC Publications Please register if you would like to receive information on our editorial products and activities. When you register, you may specify your particular areas of interest and you will gain access to our products in other formats. www.cepal.org/en/suscripciones Draft first regional report on the implementation of the Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development Summary Draft first regional report on the implementation of the Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development Third session of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean Lima, 7-9 August 2018 1 Alicia Bárcena Executive Secretary Mario Cimoli Deputy Executive Secretary a.i. Raúl García-Buchaca Deputy Executive Secretary for Management and Programme Analysis Paulo Saad Chief, Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE)-Population Division of ECLAC Ricardo Pérez Chief, Publications and Web Services Division This document was prepared by the Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE)-Population Division of ECLAC, in its capacity as technical secretariat for the third session of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, to be held in Lima from 7 to 9 August 2018. The technical secretariat was assisted by the Division for Gender Affairs of ECLAC and received support and assistance from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) for the preparation of the document. -
Tourism Planning, Afro-Colombian Society and Community in Barú, Colombia
humanities Article Hidden in Plain Sight: Tourism Planning, Afro-Colombian Society and Community in Barú, Colombia Evan Ward Department of History, Brigham Young University, Provo, UT 84602, USA; [email protected] Received: 17 September 2018; Accepted: 24 January 2019; Published: 30 January 2019 Abstract: This article builds upon the scholarship of Alina Helg and other historians working on questions of racial identity in Colombia, and the Caribbean section of that country more specifically. Colombia is unique in that its identity is indigenous, African, as well as European. Its Afro-Colombian elements are often overlooked by virtue of the mestizo identity that has dominated settlement of its Andean highlands around the capital, Bogota. Using technical and social reports from tourism development on Barù Island, near Cartagena, this article explores the Afro-Colombian communities that established themselves on the island in the wake of emancipation in the mid-19th century, as well as the efforts of these communities to protect their rights. I also examine recent Constitutional Court decisions supporting the rights of Afro-Colombian communities like those on Barù against the developmental ambitions of governmental and private tourism developers who were intent on transforming the island into a mass tourism destination. The article concludes that recent legal shifts towards protecting Afro-Colombian rights secured a recent victory in favor of the islanders vis-à-vis designs of the state to impose its vision of global tourism development there. Keywords: tourism; Colombia; Afro-Colombian “Undoubtedly, the two-century-old tradition of presenting Colombia as a mestizo nation has greatly contributed to black Colombians’ invisibility.” (Helg 2004, p. -
Racist Discourse in Social Media Facebook, a Case
RACIST DISCOURSE IN SOCIAL MEDIA: FACEBOOK, A CASE ANALYSIS OF ROBERTO LOZANO’S “SOLDADO MICOLTA” Kenya Ruiz Hurtado & Álvaro Andrés Gaviria Espitia Trabajo de grado orientado por Troy Najeeb Salems Universidad Santiago de Cali Faculty of Education Program of Bachelor of Foreign language English -French Santiago de Cali 2019 No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite. Nelson Mandela Abstract This research project seeks to bring to light the problem of racism on social media in Colombia by means of the propagation of inappropriate language. This language has been used to denigrate the Afro-Colombian community in the most offensive way imaginable. The primary focus of this investigation was to analyze the discourse that emerged from social networks, in particular on Facebook, concerning the Soldado Micolta show´s censorship; and, to determine which discourse may be considered racist based on the categorization of the different types of racism, and organized by identifying key patterns present in the comments published by the users of that social network. It was found that a significant number of negative and derisive comments were found within the corpus of discourse pertaining to the show’s censorship, which was due to the different racist manifestations contained in it. The results obtained in this study indicated a significant presence of racist material on the social media platform Facebook, from which discourses were taken and analyzed. -
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
United Nations CERD/C/COL/Q/15-16 International Convention on Distr.: General 12 June 2015 the Elimination of All Forms English of Racial Discrimination Original: Spanish English, French and Spanish only Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Eighty-seventh session 3–28 August 2015 Item 4 of the provisional agenda Consideration of reports, comments and information submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention List of themes in relation to the combined fifteenth and sixteenth periodic reports of Colombia (CERD/C/COL/15-16) Note by the Country Rapporteur The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination decided at its seventy-sixth session (A/65/18, para. 85) that the Country Rapporteur would send the State party concerned a short list of themes with a view to guiding and focusing the dialogue between the State party’s delegation and the Committee during the consideration of the State party’s report. A non- exhaustive list of such themes is given in this document, and other issues may be raised in the course of the dialogue. No written replies are required. 1. Lack of information on the demographic composition of the population Updated statistical data on the demographic composition of the population of Colombia, particularly with respect to the Afro-Colombian, Black, Palenquero and Raizal populations (CERD/C/COL/15-16, paras. 11 and 12). Information on the measures adopted to improve census methodology with a view to improving and promoting the self-identification of persons belonging to ethnic or indigenous groups (CERD/C/COL/CO/14, para.