Samora Machel Commemoration A5 Leaflet

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

SOUTH AFRICA AND MOZAMBIQUE TO COME TOGETHER TO COMMEMORATE THE LIFE OF THE LATE PRESIDENT SAMORA MACHEL The Government of South African and During his leadership, President Samora Mozambique will commemorate the 30th Machel supported and allowed revolutionar- Anniversary of President Samora Machel’s ies fighting the apartheid regime to operate tragic death, on Monday, 17 October 2016 within Mozambique. This included the ANC at the Samora Machel Museum in Mbuzini, military wing, uMkhonto weSizwe. This Nkomazi Municipality, Mpumalanga Prov- made the apartheid regime inimical to the ince. Frontline States, whom they sought to destabilise, at every turn. The late former President of Mozambique was killed in a tragic plane crash in Lebombo The present democratic government of Mountains in 1986 upon his return from an South Africa continues to enjoy a strong international meeting with African leaders. relationship with Mozambique based on There were suspicions that the crash was a historic ties and geographical proxim- deliberate act of sabotage masterminded ity, with Mozambique having played a key by the apartheid regime of South Africa. role during the liberation struggles against apartheid and colonial oppression. The In 1994, after the first democratically elected integration of the Southern African Devel- government in South Africa, an investiga- opment Community (SADC) remains criti- tion by the Truth and Reconciliation Com- cal for the economic development of the mission (TRC) found inconclusive evidence region. pointing at the apartheid government’s involvement in the crash. The 30th Anniversary of Samora Machel forms part of the Legacy Projects initiative Born in 1933 at Chilembene village, Gaza led by the Department of Arts and Culture province in Mozambique, after completing aimed at redressing and transforming the his fourth grade, Samora Machel worked heritage landscape to truly tell our libera- as a nurse in Maputo for ten years before tion journey from colonial times, during the joining Mozambique Liberation Front liberation struggle and the democratic era. (Frelimo). We call upon citizens of both countries to He then became the Mozambican revo- commemorate the 30th Anniversary of the lutionary leader and military commander passing of President Samora Machel and to who led the Mozambican people in their pay tribute to all those who lost their lives struggle for independence from Portugal on this tragic day in our history. Let there be and eventually became the country’s first continued peace and friendship between president in 1975 until 1986. the South African and Mozambican people. .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: a Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere
Mehari 1 Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: A Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere Krista Mehari Academic Director: Heran Sereke-Brhan Project Advisor: Bahru Zewde Hope College Psychology Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Ethiopia: Sacred Traditions and Visual Culture, SIT Study Abroad, Spring Semester 2007 Mehari 2 Table of Contents I. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..p. 3 II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………...p. 4 III. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………p. 5 IV. Throne Names…………………………………………………………………………..p. 7 V. Horse Names…………………………………………………………………………….p. 10 VI. Pen Names……………………………………………………………………………....p. 12 VII. Field Names……………………………………………………………………………p. 14 VIII. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….p. 19 IX. References………………………………………………………………………………p. 21 X. Primary Sources………………………………………………………………………….p. 21 XI. Appendices……………………………………………………………………………...p. 22 Mehari 3 Abstract This study examines the motivations for name changes and the purposes the chosen names accomplish, specifically relating to the Ethiopian political sphere. Throne names and horse names were used solely by the emperors and the ruling class. Those name changes exalted the bearer by either stating his authority or connecting him to divine power. Pen names and field names were used by people not in power to hide their identity from people with the power to harm them. Although the purpose of those name changes was to disguise, the names that
[Show full text]
Samora Moises Machel a Funeral Eulogy by Marcelino Dos Santos
VOICES FOR LIBERATION The Death of Samora Moises Machel A Funeral Eulogy by Marcelino dos Santos The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway ° New York, NY 10038 Voices for Liberation The Death of Samora Moises Machel The President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Samora Machel, was killed in a plane crash on October 19, 1986. A number of other prominent Mozambicans also died in that crash. There is substantial evidence suggesting that South Africa was directly involved in Machel's death, although the Mozambican government is awaiting the outcome of an official investigation before making any charges. After the crash, Mozambique declared a sixty-day period of mourning for its fallen leaders and a large state funeral was held in the capital city of Maputo. In early November, the former Foreign Minister, Joaquim Chissano, was elected the new president of the People's Republic of Mozambique. Machel's life, in many ways, embodied the struggle for liberation and justice of all the Mozambican people. His death has robbed the people of Mozambique, of Africa and indeed of the world of a great leader. Thousands of Mozambicans waited in the central square in downtown Maputo for days to pass by Machel's body as it lay in state at the city hall. Many African leaders and other international representatives flew to Maputo for the funeral. Nelson and Winnie Mandela sent a special message of condolence. Marcelino dos Santos, a longtime fellow fighter in the freedom struggle and a leading member of the Political Bureau of the ruling FRELIMO party, delivered a powerful eulogy at Machel's funeral on October 28.
[Show full text]
Human Capital, Household Welfare, and Children's Schooling In
CHAPTER 2 Background and Country Setting of Mozambique n 1975 Mozambique, located on the east coast of southern Africa, became one of the last sub-Saharan African countries to gain independence, following a prolonged war with Por- Ituguese colonizers that began in the mid-1960s. After independence, Mozambique’s first autonomous government, led by President Samora Machel, affirmed its commitment to de- veloping a Marxist–Leninist state. In recognition of the dearth of skilled Mozambicans, an am- bitious literacy campaign was among the government’s important early initiatives. However, the ruling Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) party’s leftward leanings and its logistical support for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) rebels fighting for majority rule in Rhodesia provoked the Rhodesian government into sponsoring the rebel group Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) to engage in sabotage and terror in Mozam- bique. After Zimbabwean independence in 1980, the apartheid South Africa government took up sponsorship of RENAMO, as it was equally angered by the support FRELIMO pro- vided to the African National Congress rebels. The war was most intense during the 1980s, especially in 1986 and 1987. Fighting was concentrated in the central and northern regions of the country and millions were forced to leave their land for urban centers and neighboring countries such as Malawi, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. The civil war ended in 1992 with the signing of a peace accord between FRELIMO and RENAMO in Rome; the country’s first multiparty elections were held in 1994. Mozambique’s 1997 census estimated the population at 16 million people, approximately 70 percent of whom lived in rural areas.
[Show full text]
1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2).
[Show full text]
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
WEAPONS AND REFUSE AS MEDIA: THE POTENT POLITICS OF RECYCLING IN CONTEMPORARY MOZAMBICAN URBAN ARTS By AMY SCHWARTZOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014 © 2014 Amy Schwartzott To Mom and Pop Thank you! ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many individuals and institutions have made this dissertation possible from my earliest fieldwork in Africa in 2007 to the completion of this document in 2013. First and foremost I thank my dissertation advisor, Victoria Rovine. Vicki has seen this project through since its nascency and has provided indefatigable support, necessary critical comments, and advice. Robin Poynor has been equally indispensible in his constant willingness to provide wisdom and astute commentary at all stages of my research and writing process. Many thanks also to my committee members Fiona McLaughlin and Guolang Lai, who offered support and guidance along the way. Fiona assisted my first African journey to Dakar, and through Guolong’s advisement I unexpectedly learned how contemporary Chinese art would make an impact on my understanding of African art. I am grateful for institutional support that has provided me with funding, allowing me to travel and complete fieldwork research in Dakar, South Africa, London, and Mozambique. The U.S. Department of Education provided funding for my lengthiest stay in Mozambique (2010- 2011) with a Fulbright-Hays DDRA Grant. The University of Florida has generously provided several travel grants that have facilitated research trips to Mozambique (2008-2010) through the Center of African Studies, where I received support and encouragement from Leo Villalón and Todd Leedy.
[Show full text]
Amenaza De Intervención Imperialista En Uganda
s+ re,y¿t?f? Perspectiva mi Alundial • 1977 por Perspectiva Mundial Vol. 1. No. 4 7 de Marzo de 1977 50C Amenaza de Intervención Imperialista en Uganda • La Nómina Secreta de la CÍA • López Portillo Negocia Cuántos Mexicanos Serán Deportados • Carta 77: La Lucha por Derechos Democráticos en Checoeslovaquia -fl \ r ^felv • Linda Jenness .•*(,? s -.«feriS-i^ El Socialismo y la ^ >-,^' Lucha Feminista S IDI AMIN DADA Las Potencias Imperialistas Forman un Coro de Denuncias —PK OmirraaftüAmenaza de Intervención en Uganda Por Ernest Harsch Con el pretexto de defender los "derechos horas antes bajo la acusación de estar Primer Ministro James Callaghan dijo al humanos" y de proteger a los "rehenes" urdiendo un golpe de estado contra Amín, Parlamento el 22 de febrero que su gobier norteamericanos, el gobierno de Cárter ha murieron en un "accidente automovilísti no exigiría una investigación de las planteado la seria amenaza de una inter co" cuando eran transportadas a un sitio muertes por la Comisión de Derechos vención imperialista en Uganda. para ser interrogadas. Señalando los Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. El 25 de febrero, después de que el muchos asesinatos políticos que han ocu Esta "preocupación" repentina por ali Presidente de Uganda Idi Amín prohibió rrido en Uganda en los últimos años, varias viar la miseria de las masas ugandesas que salieran de ese país los norteamerica personalidades religiosas han sugerido que que se encuentran bajo la dominación de nos que se encuentran allí, y les pidió que es probable que los tres hayan sido asesi Amín amerita cuidadosa atención. se reunieran con él tres días después, la nados.
[Show full text]
North Korean Monuments in Southern Africa Legitimizing Party Rule Through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia
North Korean monuments in southern Africa Legitimizing party rule through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia Student: T.A. (Tycho) van der Hoog Supervisor: Prof.dr. J.B. (Jan-Bart) Gewald Second reader: Prof.dr. R.E. (Remco) Breuker Leiden University Master Political Culture and National Identities 1 July 2017 Contents Acknowledgments 3 Abbreviations 3 List of figures 3 Map of southern Africa 5 The heroes of history 6 Forgotten history 8 Liberating history 13 CHAPTER I: The National Heroes’ Acre in a broader context 18 Namibia 19 Zimbabwe 22 Pyongyang 23 CHAPTER II: Unravelling North Korea’s role in southern Africa 27 The historical context 27 Liberation movements 31 Hard foreign currency 38 CHAPTER III: Public history in a political culture of violence 44 Back to the beginning 44 Shared characteristics 47 The DPRK example 52 Between liberators and oppressors 54 Bibliography 56 Appendix: the National Heroes’ Acres in photos 59 2 Acknowledgments I am greatly indebted to Professor Jan-Bart Gewald for his mentorship. Similarly, I want to thank Professor Remco Breuker for his advice on the research design and argument. During the course of my fieldwork in Namibia and Zimbabwe, many people went to great lengths to help me settle and do proper research. I would like to thank all of them. Abbreviations ANC African National Congress DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea KOMID Korea Mining and Development Trading Cooperation MDC Movement for Democratic Change NAN National Archives of Namibia NHC National Heritage Council of
[Show full text]
Policy Brief
Policy Brief January 2013 03 A joint initiative between Africa Power and Politics (APPP) and Tracking Development The succession trap: high growth Africa and the pitfalls of leadership change Tim Kelsall1 ub-Saharan Africa is now the world’s fastest growing region, with predictions that in the next decade seven out of 10 of the world’s most expansionary economies will be African. This is not Sthe first time, however, that African economies have proved dynamic. They grew respectably between 1960 and 1974, and a handful posted extremely rapid growth rates. This growth was not sustained, however; a result, in part, of problems related to leadership succession.2 Since the succession issue is raising its head in several of today’s ‘lion’ economies, including Angola, Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh built a strong consensual party with a succession tradition; Uganda’s Museveni hasn’t. Photos: Public domain (l), Russell Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda, this policy brief Watkins/DFID (r) examines comparative evidence from two regions, sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, to answer drop, amid uncertainty over whether the new the question: ‘Under what conditions does high leadership will honour old commitments. economic growth survive leadership succession?’3 In 17th century England, such uncertainty was We find that countries that succeed in combining reduced when leaders accepted formal checks high growth with succession have one of two distinct on power that limited their ability to renege on characteristics: old commitments.4 That experience has inspired much current advice on strengthening legislatures ● a dominant political party with a consensual and legal systems in the developing world, not to decision-making tradition, or mention currently fashionable ideas about ‘inclusive ● an organic bureaucracy insulated from the institutions’ or a ‘golden thread linking the rule of political process.
[Show full text]
Escola De Humanidades Programa De Pós-Graduação Em História Mestrado Em História
ESCOLA DE HUMANIDADES PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA MESTRADO EM HISTÓRIA PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Porto Alegre 2019 PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL ESCOLA DE HUMANIDADES PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA MESTRADO EM HISTÓRIA PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) PORTO ALEGRE 2019 PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da Escola de Humanidades da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História na área de concentração de Sociedade, Política e Relações Internacionais. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Marçal de Menezes Paredes PORTO ALEGRE 2019 PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da Escola de Humanidades da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História na área de concentração de Sociedade, Política e Relações Internacionais. Aprovada em: 27 de fevereiro de 2019. BANCA EXAMINADORA Prof. Dr. Marçal de Menezes Paredes – PUCRS (Orientador) Prof. Dr. Hector Rolando Guerra Hernandez – UFPR Prof. Dr. José Rivair Macedo – UFRGS PORTO ALEGRE 2019 AGRADECIMENTOS Agradeço, primeiramente, à Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS) e ao Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) por possibilitarem este trabalho.
[Show full text]
Samora Machel in Beira, June 19751
Political Rhetoric in the Transition to Mozambican Independence: Samora Machel in Beira, June 19751 COLIN DARCH Democratic Governance and Rights Unit, University of Cape Town DAVID HEDGES Departamento de História, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane In late May 1975, Samora Machel crossed the Tanzanian border and began a month- long ‘Triumphal Journey’ down the whole length of Mozambique from north to south, finishing in Lourenço Marques (now Maputo). During the journey, he addressed crowds in the former liberated zones, as well as in urban centres such as Nampula, Quelimane and Beira, where Frelimo had had no public presence during the libera- tion struggle. A few days before national independence he made a lengthy speech in Portuguese to a large crowd in a football stadium in an outlying black suburb of Beira, Mozambique’s second city. This speech ranged widely over such topics as colo- nial racism, economic exploitation, and the tasks of reconstruction that lay ahead. It was the first time that the population of Beira had seen the Frelimo leader, soon to be the country’s first president. With no television stations, censored radio broadcasting, and only a few Portuguese-language newspapers with limited circulation, Frelimo needed to rely heavily on mass meetings and speeches to get its message across. This article breaks new ground in Mozambican studies by combining historical and socio- linguistic techniques to analyse an accurately reconstructed text of this particular speech, a recording of which is available online. It focuses on the historical context of Beira as a centre of colonial and settler resistance to FRELIMO’s struggle, as well as the speech’s content, its linguistic register and the rhetorical devices used to compel agreement and to persuade listeners of the correctness of Frelimo’s political line.
[Show full text]
Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Lorch, Jasmin; Bunk, Bettina Working Paper Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique GIGA Working Papers, No. 292 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Lorch, Jasmin; Bunk, Bettina (2016) : Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique, GIGA Working Papers, No. 292, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/147547 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue.
[Show full text]
The Anti-Imperialism of Women's Activism(S)
Global histories a student journal East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War: The Anti- Imperialism of Women’s Activism(s) Clara Fechtner DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17169/GHSJ.2021.359 Source: Global Histories, Vol. 6, No. 2 (January 2021), pp. 46-70. ISSN: 2366-780X Copyright © 2021 Clara Fechtner License URL: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Publisher information: ‘Global Histories: A Student Journal’ is an open-access bi-annual journal founded in 2015 by students of the M.A. program Global History at Freie Universität Berlin and Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. ‘Global Histories’ is published by an editorial board of Global History students in association with the Freie Universität Berlin. Freie Universität Berlin Global Histories: A Student Journal Friedrich-Meinecke-Institut Koserstraße 20 14195 Berlin Contact information: For more information, please consult our website www.globalhistories.com or contact the editor at: [email protected]. East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War: The Anti-Imperialism of Women’s Activism(s) by CLARA FECHTNER 46 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 2 - 2020 Clara Fechtner | East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War 47 VI - 2 - 2020 | ABOUT THE AUTHOR Cold War and decolonization processes. Cold War Clara Fechtner holds a Bachelor’s degree in Political degree in Political Clara Fechtner holds a Bachelor’s Studies from Leipzig University and Ghent University in from Leipzig Studies Science from the Philipps-University of Marburg. In 2019, Science from the Philipps-University of Marburg.
[Show full text]