Samora Moises Machel a Funeral Eulogy by Marcelino Dos Santos
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What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa?
A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 46 • August 30, 1985 What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa? by Winrich KUhne Developments in southern Africa since early 1984 have ambivalence-was Moscow's subdued response to the raised a range of new questions about Soviet policy signing on March 16, 1984 of a "nonaggression and and Soviet relevance in this region of the continent. In good neighborliness" accord by the leaders of Mozam the military sphere, Soviet assistance has enabled bique and South Africa. Under the terms of the neither Mozambique nor Angola to quell or even Nkomati Accord, Mozambique undertook to curb substantially diminish domestic guerrilla challenges drastically the activities of the African National Con that have blocked economic growth. There have also gress (ANC), while South Africa promised to end been growing doubts about the effectiveness in prac assistance to the dissident Resistencia Nacional tical terms of orthodox state-centered Marxist-Leninist Mo5jambicana (known as Renamo or the MNR). models of development-especially in agriculture, the Although there is no doubt that Nkomati was seen most important socioeconomic sector of African states. by the Soviets as a negative development, Moscow did Meanwhile, an increasing number of Soviet analysts not retaliate by cutting aid to the government of Presi and strategists are questioning how 'much emphasis dent Samora Machel or recalling advisors. On can or should be placed on ideology in cultivating rela December 26, 1983, with Nkomati already an in tionships with Africa. -
Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: a Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere
Mehari 1 Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: A Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere Krista Mehari Academic Director: Heran Sereke-Brhan Project Advisor: Bahru Zewde Hope College Psychology Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Ethiopia: Sacred Traditions and Visual Culture, SIT Study Abroad, Spring Semester 2007 Mehari 2 Table of Contents I. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..p. 3 II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………...p. 4 III. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………p. 5 IV. Throne Names…………………………………………………………………………..p. 7 V. Horse Names…………………………………………………………………………….p. 10 VI. Pen Names……………………………………………………………………………....p. 12 VII. Field Names……………………………………………………………………………p. 14 VIII. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….p. 19 IX. References………………………………………………………………………………p. 21 X. Primary Sources………………………………………………………………………….p. 21 XI. Appendices……………………………………………………………………………...p. 22 Mehari 3 Abstract This study examines the motivations for name changes and the purposes the chosen names accomplish, specifically relating to the Ethiopian political sphere. Throne names and horse names were used solely by the emperors and the ruling class. Those name changes exalted the bearer by either stating his authority or connecting him to divine power. Pen names and field names were used by people not in power to hide their identity from people with the power to harm them. Although the purpose of those name changes was to disguise, the names that -
Human Capital, Household Welfare, and Children's Schooling In
CHAPTER 2 Background and Country Setting of Mozambique n 1975 Mozambique, located on the east coast of southern Africa, became one of the last sub-Saharan African countries to gain independence, following a prolonged war with Por- Ituguese colonizers that began in the mid-1960s. After independence, Mozambique’s first autonomous government, led by President Samora Machel, affirmed its commitment to de- veloping a Marxist–Leninist state. In recognition of the dearth of skilled Mozambicans, an am- bitious literacy campaign was among the government’s important early initiatives. However, the ruling Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) party’s leftward leanings and its logistical support for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) rebels fighting for majority rule in Rhodesia provoked the Rhodesian government into sponsoring the rebel group Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) to engage in sabotage and terror in Mozam- bique. After Zimbabwean independence in 1980, the apartheid South Africa government took up sponsorship of RENAMO, as it was equally angered by the support FRELIMO pro- vided to the African National Congress rebels. The war was most intense during the 1980s, especially in 1986 and 1987. Fighting was concentrated in the central and northern regions of the country and millions were forced to leave their land for urban centers and neighboring countries such as Malawi, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. The civil war ended in 1992 with the signing of a peace accord between FRELIMO and RENAMO in Rome; the country’s first multiparty elections were held in 1994. Mozambique’s 1997 census estimated the population at 16 million people, approximately 70 percent of whom lived in rural areas. -
1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2). -
The Work of Ruth First in the Centre of African Studies
' Review,VIII, 2, Fall 1984,159-172 The Work of Ruth First in the Centreof African Studies The DevelopmentCourse Aquino de Bragança and Bridget OLaughlin In March 1976,Ruth First wroteto Aquino de Bragançain Maputo:"Beside a revolution,doing a teachingjobis mediocre stuff." Shewas, at the time, teachingsociology at the univer- sity of Durham, and was thinking back on the visit shehad madeto Mozambiqueat the time of Independence. Ruth First and Aquino de Bragancahad come to know each other through their work as militant writers, each deeply involved in the strugglefor liberation in Africa. Aquino de Bragançawas living in north Africa, working as a journalist and doing specialjobs for the liberation movementsin the Portuguesecolonies of Africa. Ruth First wasiiving in political exile in London, after her releasefrom prison in South Africa. She was writing and lecturing on progressivestruggles in Africa and working for the African National congress. Ruth and Aquino irad common friends in the liberation movementsof Africa-Marcelino dos Santos,pio pinto, Ben Barka-and theycollaboratecJ in reportingon anti-imperialist Grl9l{4 [ìcsearch Foundarion ot SUNy 159 160 Aquino de Bragança& Bridget O'Laughlin strugglesand in analyzing the responsesof the imperialist powers.Both wereengaged in oneof the mostdifficult tasksof theliberation movements: simply getting the undistorted story into the media. As an editor of Afrique-Asie, Aquino had accessto a forum wherethe voicesof FRELIMO, PAIGC, MPLA, the ANC-voices unheardin the bourgeoispress- couldspeak. Ruth wasa frequentcontributor to AJrique-Asìe. With Independence,Aquino de Bragançacame home to Mozambique.Remembering the importanceof the Centrode Estudos Africanos (CEA) in Lisbon as a hearth for the developmentof nationalistthought in the Portuguesecolonies in the 1940'sand 1950's,FRELIMO leadershipwanted the CEA to existonce again, this time locatedwithin independent Mozambique and with a new focus on the liberation of southern Africa. -
3. Santos.Pmd 13 18/11/2011, 12:46 14 Como Fazer Ciências Sociais E Humanas Em África
3 Aquino de Bragança: criador de futuros, mestre de heterodoxias, pioneiro das epistemologias do Sul1 Boaventura de Sousa Santos O fazedor de laços e teias Começo com algumas citações sobre laços e teias.2 Cláudio Torres é um conhecido arqueólogo português e participou activamente na oposição à ditadura salazarista que durante quarenta e oito anos dominou Portugal. No início dos anos sessenta do século passado fugiu clandestinamente do país, depois de passar sete meses na PIDE.3 Ao chegar a Rabat, em Marrocos, sem grandes contactos, pretende o endereço do conhecido oposicionista português Manuel Sertório.4 Como obtê- lo? Em 19 de Novembro de 1961 escreve a Manuel Sertório: Sou filho do Dr. Flausino Torres, colaborador do Seara Nova. Fugi de Portugal junto com cinco amigos e minha mulher num pequeno barco com destino a Marrocos, onde agora temos autorização de permanência. O motivo imediato da nossa fuga foi a recusa em fazer parte das forças coloniais; eu e outro amigo seríamos chamados em 2 de Julho, os outros rapazes que vieram poderiam ser também incorporados pouco depois, e assim saímos em 24 de Junho do Porto e chegamos a Tânger em 10 de Julho. Aqui em Marrocos, dois separaram-se de nós por divergências ideológicas; foi um casal que agora há dias entrou na aventura do Galvão5, e que, como deve já saber, foi expulso daqui. Nós os cinco que continuamos juntos estivemos já todos nas prisões da Pide, uns 3 meses, outros um ano e eu saí agora em Janeiro último depois de 7 meses. O Aquino de Bragança deu-nos a sua direcção e viemos imediatamente ter consigo, principalmente para dizermos que também queremos trabalhar, fazer qualquer coisa que sirva à nossa finalidade comum. -
1 O Último Vôo Do Flamingo Numa Terra Sonâmbula: Um
1 O ÚLTIMO VÔO DO FLAMINGO NUMA TERRA SONÂMBULA: UM ESTUDO SOBRE A LITERATURA MOÇAMBICANA. Suzete de Mattos1 Andréia T. Couto2 Resumo: Este trabalho procura analisar algumas dominantes literárias feitas em Moçambique com a finalidade de refletir sobre a presença dos fatores históricos e sócio-culturais que influíram nos projetos literários de autores como José Craveirinha, Noémia de Sousa, Kalungano, Rui Nogar e Mia Couto. As predominâncias temáticas desenvolvidas pelos textos destes autores moçambicanos tendem a manifestar-se como conseqüências das alterações significativas ocorridas no país decorrentes do impacto da ocupação colonial e de suas imposições culturais, resultando em um domínio literário marcado pelo debate em torno de uma concepção de autenticidade cultural, pela negação à submissão ao qual o povo moçambicano foi exposto e pelo resgate da memória tradicional. Abstract: This essay tries to analyze some literary domains made in Mozambique aiming the reflection about the presence of historic and social-cultural factors that influenced the literary projects of authors, such as José Craveirinha, Noémia de Sousa, Kalungano, Rui Nogar, Mia Couto, among others that with be studied here. The thematic predominance developed by the texts of these Mozambican authors tend to manifest as consequences of the significant changes that happened in that country due to the colonial occupation impact and its cultural impositions, resulting in a literary domain characterized by the debate around a conception of cultural authenticity through the denial to the submission to which the Mozambican people was exposed and through the rescue of traditional memory. A partir de uma leitura atenta da literatura moçambicana notamos que parte desta desenvolveu-se no âmbito de situação colonial e outra no período pós-colonial 1 UNIP – Jundiaí. -
May 1976 ^ Table of Contents
A COMPARISON OF FRELIMO, THE MOZAMBICAN UNITED FRONT, WITH A PROTO-TYPE VANGUARD PARTY A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY EDGAR GARFIELD THOMAS, III DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ATLANTA, GEORGIA MAY 1976 ^ TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I. THE CONCEPT OF A VANGUARD PARTY .... k II. THE IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT OF FRELIMO . 17 III. THE STRUCTURE OF FRELIMO 26 IV. CONCLUSION *£> BIBLIOGRAPHY ^3 INTRODUCTION As a result of the Portuguese Coup on April 2k, 191k, the African Liberation Movements of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique transformed their organizations into ruling parties of independent states. This transformation was the period of the provisional government, however, the process of statehood began during the wars against Portuguese Colonialism. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the Mozatribican liberation movement, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO). The objective of the research is to determine whether the Mozambican United Front meets the requirements of the vanguard party type which represents a higher level in the development of African parties. FRELIMO was organized on June 25, 1962 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as a result of the merger of three nationalist organizations. The organi zations were UDENAMO (Uniao Nacional Democratica de Mocambique) formed in I960 in Salisbury, MANU (Mozambique African National Union) formed in 1961 in Tanzania and Kenya, and UNAMI (Uniao Africana de Mocambique Independente) formed in Malawi. The first president and vice-president of FRELIMO were Eduardo Mondlane and Uria Simango, respectively. The first congress was held on September 25, 1962, for the purpose of constructing the organization and preparing for armed struggle which began on September 25, 196U. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
WEAPONS AND REFUSE AS MEDIA: THE POTENT POLITICS OF RECYCLING IN CONTEMPORARY MOZAMBICAN URBAN ARTS By AMY SCHWARTZOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014 © 2014 Amy Schwartzott To Mom and Pop Thank you! ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many individuals and institutions have made this dissertation possible from my earliest fieldwork in Africa in 2007 to the completion of this document in 2013. First and foremost I thank my dissertation advisor, Victoria Rovine. Vicki has seen this project through since its nascency and has provided indefatigable support, necessary critical comments, and advice. Robin Poynor has been equally indispensible in his constant willingness to provide wisdom and astute commentary at all stages of my research and writing process. Many thanks also to my committee members Fiona McLaughlin and Guolang Lai, who offered support and guidance along the way. Fiona assisted my first African journey to Dakar, and through Guolong’s advisement I unexpectedly learned how contemporary Chinese art would make an impact on my understanding of African art. I am grateful for institutional support that has provided me with funding, allowing me to travel and complete fieldwork research in Dakar, South Africa, London, and Mozambique. The U.S. Department of Education provided funding for my lengthiest stay in Mozambique (2010- 2011) with a Fulbright-Hays DDRA Grant. The University of Florida has generously provided several travel grants that have facilitated research trips to Mozambique (2008-2010) through the Center of African Studies, where I received support and encouragement from Leo Villalón and Todd Leedy. -
PART I a TRADITION of CONFLICT 1: Marriage of Convenience
Notes PART I A TRADITION OF CONFLICT 1: Marriage of Convenience 1 Diogo Freitas do Amaral, Uma SolucËaÄo para Portugal (Lisbon: PublicacËoÄes Europa-AmeÂrica, 1985), p. 37. 2 AntoÂnio de SpõÂnola, PaõÂs Sem Rumo ± Contributo para a HistoÂria de uma Revo- lucËaÄo (Lisbon: Editorial SCIRE, 1978), pp. 41±2. 3 `Mozambique Parties Answer Osagyefo's ``Close Ranks Call'' ', Evening News, Accra, 6 June 1962, pp. 1,2. 4 `Memorandum of Conversation' between William L. Wight, Jr, deputy dir- ector, Office of East African Affairs, and Eduardo Mondlane at the State Department, Washington, DC on 16 May 1961. This and other State Depart- ment documents released at author's request under the Freedom of Informa- tion Act, Request No. 9101351 (hereinafter FOIA:). 5Eduardo Mondlane, `Present Conditions in Mozambique', 1 May 1961, pp. 10a, 12 from the Immanuel Wallerstein Collection of Political Ephemera, Reel Number 4, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University. 6 FOIA: Under Secretary of State Chester Bowles to National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy, 23 May 1961. 7 FOIA: `Memorandum of Conversation', 16 May 1961, op. cit. 8 FOIA: `Memorandum of Conversation' at the State Department on 8 February 1962. Participants: Robert Stephens, Office of Cultural Affairs; Charles W. Grover, Office of East African Affairs; and Eduardo Mon- dlane. 9 TelevisaÄo de MocËambique, 20 September 1997. 10 Francisco Ferreira, interview with author in Lisbon, 23±24 November 1988. Ferreira was an exiled Portuguese Communist Party member during Santos' visit to Moscow in 1957. 11 Udenamo and MANU statement, Dar es Salaam, 25May 1962. 12 Evening News, op. cit. 13 FOIA: `Memorandum of Conversation', 8 February 1962, op. -
Amenaza De Intervención Imperialista En Uganda
s+ re,y¿t?f? Perspectiva mi Alundial • 1977 por Perspectiva Mundial Vol. 1. No. 4 7 de Marzo de 1977 50C Amenaza de Intervención Imperialista en Uganda • La Nómina Secreta de la CÍA • López Portillo Negocia Cuántos Mexicanos Serán Deportados • Carta 77: La Lucha por Derechos Democráticos en Checoeslovaquia -fl \ r ^felv • Linda Jenness .•*(,? s -.«feriS-i^ El Socialismo y la ^ >-,^' Lucha Feminista S IDI AMIN DADA Las Potencias Imperialistas Forman un Coro de Denuncias —PK OmirraaftüAmenaza de Intervención en Uganda Por Ernest Harsch Con el pretexto de defender los "derechos horas antes bajo la acusación de estar Primer Ministro James Callaghan dijo al humanos" y de proteger a los "rehenes" urdiendo un golpe de estado contra Amín, Parlamento el 22 de febrero que su gobier norteamericanos, el gobierno de Cárter ha murieron en un "accidente automovilísti no exigiría una investigación de las planteado la seria amenaza de una inter co" cuando eran transportadas a un sitio muertes por la Comisión de Derechos vención imperialista en Uganda. para ser interrogadas. Señalando los Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. El 25 de febrero, después de que el muchos asesinatos políticos que han ocu Esta "preocupación" repentina por ali Presidente de Uganda Idi Amín prohibió rrido en Uganda en los últimos años, varias viar la miseria de las masas ugandesas que salieran de ese país los norteamerica personalidades religiosas han sugerido que que se encuentran bajo la dominación de nos que se encuentran allí, y les pidió que es probable que los tres hayan sido asesi Amín amerita cuidadosa atención. se reunieran con él tres días después, la nados. -
North Korean Monuments in Southern Africa Legitimizing Party Rule Through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia
North Korean monuments in southern Africa Legitimizing party rule through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia Student: T.A. (Tycho) van der Hoog Supervisor: Prof.dr. J.B. (Jan-Bart) Gewald Second reader: Prof.dr. R.E. (Remco) Breuker Leiden University Master Political Culture and National Identities 1 July 2017 Contents Acknowledgments 3 Abbreviations 3 List of figures 3 Map of southern Africa 5 The heroes of history 6 Forgotten history 8 Liberating history 13 CHAPTER I: The National Heroes’ Acre in a broader context 18 Namibia 19 Zimbabwe 22 Pyongyang 23 CHAPTER II: Unravelling North Korea’s role in southern Africa 27 The historical context 27 Liberation movements 31 Hard foreign currency 38 CHAPTER III: Public history in a political culture of violence 44 Back to the beginning 44 Shared characteristics 47 The DPRK example 52 Between liberators and oppressors 54 Bibliography 56 Appendix: the National Heroes’ Acres in photos 59 2 Acknowledgments I am greatly indebted to Professor Jan-Bart Gewald for his mentorship. Similarly, I want to thank Professor Remco Breuker for his advice on the research design and argument. During the course of my fieldwork in Namibia and Zimbabwe, many people went to great lengths to help me settle and do proper research. I would like to thank all of them. Abbreviations ANC African National Congress DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea KOMID Korea Mining and Development Trading Cooperation MDC Movement for Democratic Change NAN National Archives of Namibia NHC National Heritage Council of