DOCSLIB.ORG

Escola De Humanidades Programa De Pós-Graduação Em História Mestrado Em História

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Escola De Humanidades Programa De Pós-Graduação Em História Mestrado Em História ESCOLA DE HUMANIDADES PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA MESTRADO EM HISTÓRIA PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Porto Alegre 2019 PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL ESCOLA DE HUMANIDADES PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM HISTÓRIA MESTRADO EM HISTÓRIA PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) PORTO ALEGRE 2019 PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da Escola de Humanidades da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História na área de concentração de Sociedade, Política e Relações Internacionais. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Marçal de Menezes Paredes PORTO ALEGRE 2019 PEDRO OLIVEIRA BARBOSA O MITO DO “HOMEM NOVO”: A IMAGEM DE SAMORA MACHEL NO CINEJORNAL KUXA KANEMA (1978-1981) Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da Escola de Humanidades da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de Mestre em História na área de concentração de Sociedade, Política e Relações Internacionais. Aprovada em: 27 de fevereiro de 2019. BANCA EXAMINADORA Prof. Dr. Marçal de Menezes Paredes – PUCRS (Orientador) Prof. Dr. Hector Rolando Guerra Hernandez – UFPR Prof. Dr. José Rivair Macedo – UFRGS PORTO ALEGRE 2019 AGRADECIMENTOS Agradeço, primeiramente, à Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS) e ao Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) por possibilitarem este trabalho. Através da pesquisa, que comecei ainda na Iniciação Científica, eu tive a oportunidade de descobrir a África e, através dela, me redescobrir. O conhecimento acadêmico não contribuiu apenas na minha formação como historiador, mas também no meu desenvolvimento como ser humano. A isso, serei eternamente grato. Obrigado, especialmente, aos professores, funcionários e colegas da PUCRS que participaram do dia a dia desse processo. A um professor, em particular, agradeço diretamente: Marçal, muito obrigado por esses anos nos quais fui orientado por ti. Teu apoio e companheirismo foram fundamentais para que eu pudesse me desenvolver como profissional e como pessoa. Hoje, tenho a honra de dizer que além de te ver como um exemplo de professor e orientador, também te considero um amigo. Muito obrigado também a todos os moçambicanos que me receberam tão bem em seu país, vocês foram responsáveis por enriquecer muito minha pesquisa. Nominalmente, agradeço ao professor Carlos Mussa, e também ao Manuel e ao Eduardo, que possibilitaram minha viagem. Espero ainda ter a oportunidade de recebê-los aqui tão bem quanto fui recebido em Moçambique. Ao longo do mestrado, foram incontáveis as horas de estudos, preocupações e inseguranças pelas quais passei. Os momentos de descontração foram então um contraponto essencial. Por esses momentos, agradeço aos meus amigos. As cervejas no Maza, os cafés na FAMECOS, as noites no Horst e as horas gastas assistindo a algum esporte foram fundamentais para mim. Muito obrigado por serem um alento durante as dificuldades. À minha companheira, Nathalia, agradeço pela parceria na vida. Tua resiliência, determinação e sensibilidade são exemplos para mim. Obrigado por me mostrar a importância da calmaria em meio à tempestade. Também sou grato pela tua família, que ao longo desses anos tornou-se minha. Por fim, agradeço aos meus pais, minha irmã e demais familiares. Na realidade desigual em que vivemos, sou extremamente privilegiado por ter tido acesso à educação de qualidade desde cedo, o que me proporcionou chegar até aqui. Vocês, sobretudo, souberam me mostrar que os privilégios não me tornam superior a ninguém. A humildade, o respeito ao próximo, a empatia e a capacidade de tratar o outro como eu gostaria de ser tratado, independente da titulação que tenha, são legados que busco fazer presentes em tudo aquilo que faço, inclusive nesta pesquisa. Espero poder honrar os valores que foram por vocês me ensinados não só agora, mas sempre. Em África tudo é outra coisa: a mansa crueldade do leopardo, a lenta fulminância da mamba, o eterno súbito poente [...]. Se o silencio é sempre um engano: o falso repetir do nada em lugar nenhum. Em África, tudo é sempre outra coisa. Mia Couto (2003) RESUMO Após dez anos de guerra contra o regime colonial português, em 25 de junho de 1975 aconteceu a descolonização de Moçambique, e a Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) tornou-se partido único do país. Samora Machel, uma figura carismática que liderava o movimento à época, tornou-se então o primeiro presidente moçambicano. As políticas implantadas estiveram de acordo com um projeto de construção nacional que buscava difundir um “Homem Novo” no país, que, para além da diversidade étnica, desvinculava-se de todo o passado tradicional e colonial em favor de valores modernos e socialistas. Entre essas políticas, esteve a criação do Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC), que nacionalizou toda a produção, exibição e distribuição de filmes, de modo que a indústria cinematográfica passou a existir conforme os objetivos traçados pelo partido. Entre suas produções esteve o cinejornal Kuxa Kanema. Entre 1978 e 1979, em sua primeira fase, esse cinejornal construiu uma narrativa que vinculava a imagem de Samora Machel à construção do socialismo no país e a uma grande cooperação “internacionalista”. Já em 1981, na segunda fase, quando Moçambique se viu em grande crise econômica, com uma guerra civil de proporções cada vez maiores, e percebeu que o apoio dos países socialistas era insuficiente para lidar com a situação, a narrativa construída passou a enfatizar os valores nacionalistas, o combate aos “indesejáveis” e a grande liderança de Samora Machel. Palavras-chave: Moçambique; Samora Machel; Homem Novo; Kuxa Kanema. ABSTRACT After ten years of war against the Portuguese colonial regime, on 25th June 1975 the decolonization of Mozambique took place, and the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) became the country's only party. Samora Machel, a charismatic man who led the movement at the time, became the first Mozambican president. The policies implemented were in line with a national construction project that sought to spread a "New Man" in the country, which, in contrast to ethnic diversity, get rid of all the traditional and colonial past in favor of moderns and socialists values. Among these policies was the creation of the National Film Institute, which nationalized the whole production, exhibition and distribution of films, so that the film industry came into existence according to the objectives outlined by the party. Among his productions was the newsreel Kuxa Kanema. Between 1978 and 1979, in its first phase, this newsreel constructed a narrative that linked the image of Samora Machel to the construction of socialism in the country and a great "internationalist" cooperation. Already in 1981, in the second phase, when Mozambique was in a big economic crisis, with a civil war of increasing proportions, and realized that the support of the socialist countries was insufficient to deal with the situation, the constructed narrative came to emphasize the nationalist values, the fight against the "undesirables" and the great leadership of Samora Machel. Key words: Mozambique; Samora Machel; New Man; Kuxa Kanema. LISTA DE FIGURAS Figura 1 - Mapa de Moçambique, com destaque aos seus países fronteiriços. ..................... 17 Figura 2 - Mapa étnico de Moçambique. ......................................................................... 18 Figura 3 - Samora Machel. ............................................................................................ 20 Figura 4 - Exército moçambicano alinhado na recepção a Pak Song-Chol em Moçambique. 60 Figura 5 - Samora Machel recebendo Pak Song-chol em Moçambique. ............................. 61 Figura 6 - Faixa com os dizeres “Viva o MPLA, Viva a FRELIMO”, durante a visita de Agostinho Neto a Moçambique. .................................................................................... 64 Figura 7 - Agostinho Neto e Samora Machel em um brinde em homenagem ao presidente angolano. .................................................................................................................... 66 Figura 8 - Crianças na recepção a Erich Honecker em Maputo. ......................................... 69 Figura 9 - Samora Machel e Erich Honecker, enquadrados ao lado de faixa com rostos de Lênin, Marx e Engels. ............................................................................................................ 70 Figura 10 - Samora Machel discursando ao lado de Tudor Jivkov. .................................... 71 Figura 11 - Trabalhadores da construção civil em Moçambique, em sintonia com o discurso de modernização. ............................................................................................................. 75 Figura 12 - Bandeiras tremulando durante o anúncio das nacionalizações. ......................... 79 Figura 13 - Samora Machel anunciando as nacionalizações em Moçambique. .................... 80 Figura 14 - Faixa com o rosto de Samora Machel durante a campanha pelas nacionalizações. .................................................................................................................................. 81 Figura
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: a Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere
    Mehari 1 Throne Names, Pen Names, Horse Names, and Field Names: A Look at the Significance of Name Change in the Ethiopian Political Sphere Krista Mehari Academic Director: Heran Sereke-Brhan Project Advisor: Bahru Zewde Hope College Psychology Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Ethiopia: Sacred Traditions and Visual Culture, SIT Study Abroad, Spring Semester 2007 Mehari 2 Table of Contents I. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..p. 3 II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………...p. 4 III. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………p. 5 IV. Throne Names…………………………………………………………………………..p. 7 V. Horse Names…………………………………………………………………………….p. 10 VI. Pen Names……………………………………………………………………………....p. 12 VII. Field Names……………………………………………………………………………p. 14 VIII. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….p. 19 IX. References………………………………………………………………………………p. 21 X. Primary Sources………………………………………………………………………….p. 21 XI. Appendices……………………………………………………………………………...p. 22 Mehari 3 Abstract This study examines the motivations for name changes and the purposes the chosen names accomplish, specifically relating to the Ethiopian political sphere. Throne names and horse names were used solely by the emperors and the ruling class. Those name changes exalted the bearer by either stating his authority or connecting him to divine power. Pen names and field names were used by people not in power to hide their identity from people with the power to harm them. Although the purpose of those name changes was to disguise, the names that
    [Show full text]
  • Samora Moises Machel a Funeral Eulogy by Marcelino Dos Santos
    VOICES FOR LIBERATION The Death of Samora Moises Machel A Funeral Eulogy by Marcelino dos Santos The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway ° New York, NY 10038 Voices for Liberation The Death of Samora Moises Machel The President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Samora Machel, was killed in a plane crash on October 19, 1986. A number of other prominent Mozambicans also died in that crash. There is substantial evidence suggesting that South Africa was directly involved in Machel's death, although the Mozambican government is awaiting the outcome of an official investigation before making any charges. After the crash, Mozambique declared a sixty-day period of mourning for its fallen leaders and a large state funeral was held in the capital city of Maputo. In early November, the former Foreign Minister, Joaquim Chissano, was elected the new president of the People's Republic of Mozambique. Machel's life, in many ways, embodied the struggle for liberation and justice of all the Mozambican people. His death has robbed the people of Mozambique, of Africa and indeed of the world of a great leader. Thousands of Mozambicans waited in the central square in downtown Maputo for days to pass by Machel's body as it lay in state at the city hall. Many African leaders and other international representatives flew to Maputo for the funeral. Nelson and Winnie Mandela sent a special message of condolence. Marcelino dos Santos, a longtime fellow fighter in the freedom struggle and a leading member of the Political Bureau of the ruling FRELIMO party, delivered a powerful eulogy at Machel's funeral on October 28.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Capital, Household Welfare, and Children's Schooling In
    CHAPTER 2 Background and Country Setting of Mozambique n 1975 Mozambique, located on the east coast of southern Africa, became one of the last sub-Saharan African countries to gain independence, following a prolonged war with Por- Ituguese colonizers that began in the mid-1960s. After independence, Mozambique’s first autonomous government, led by President Samora Machel, affirmed its commitment to de- veloping a Marxist–Leninist state. In recognition of the dearth of skilled Mozambicans, an am- bitious literacy campaign was among the government’s important early initiatives. However, the ruling Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) party’s leftward leanings and its logistical support for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) rebels fighting for majority rule in Rhodesia provoked the Rhodesian government into sponsoring the rebel group Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) to engage in sabotage and terror in Mozam- bique. After Zimbabwean independence in 1980, the apartheid South Africa government took up sponsorship of RENAMO, as it was equally angered by the support FRELIMO pro- vided to the African National Congress rebels. The war was most intense during the 1980s, especially in 1986 and 1987. Fighting was concentrated in the central and northern regions of the country and millions were forced to leave their land for urban centers and neighboring countries such as Malawi, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. The civil war ended in 1992 with the signing of a peace accord between FRELIMO and RENAMO in Rome; the country’s first multiparty elections were held in 1994. Mozambique’s 1997 census estimated the population at 16 million people, approximately 70 percent of whom lived in rural areas.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
    Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2).
    [Show full text]
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
    WEAPONS AND REFUSE AS MEDIA: THE POTENT POLITICS OF RECYCLING IN CONTEMPORARY MOZAMBICAN URBAN ARTS By AMY SCHWARTZOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014 © 2014 Amy Schwartzott To Mom and Pop Thank you! ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many individuals and institutions have made this dissertation possible from my earliest fieldwork in Africa in 2007 to the completion of this document in 2013. First and foremost I thank my dissertation advisor, Victoria Rovine. Vicki has seen this project through since its nascency and has provided indefatigable support, necessary critical comments, and advice. Robin Poynor has been equally indispensible in his constant willingness to provide wisdom and astute commentary at all stages of my research and writing process. Many thanks also to my committee members Fiona McLaughlin and Guolang Lai, who offered support and guidance along the way. Fiona assisted my first African journey to Dakar, and through Guolong’s advisement I unexpectedly learned how contemporary Chinese art would make an impact on my understanding of African art. I am grateful for institutional support that has provided me with funding, allowing me to travel and complete fieldwork research in Dakar, South Africa, London, and Mozambique. The U.S. Department of Education provided funding for my lengthiest stay in Mozambique (2010- 2011) with a Fulbright-Hays DDRA Grant. The University of Florida has generously provided several travel grants that have facilitated research trips to Mozambique (2008-2010) through the Center of African Studies, where I received support and encouragement from Leo Villalón and Todd Leedy.
    [Show full text]
  • Amenaza De Intervención Imperialista En Uganda
    s+ re,y¿t?f? Perspectiva mi Alundial • 1977 por Perspectiva Mundial Vol. 1. No. 4 7 de Marzo de 1977 50C Amenaza de Intervención Imperialista en Uganda • La Nómina Secreta de la CÍA • López Portillo Negocia Cuántos Mexicanos Serán Deportados • Carta 77: La Lucha por Derechos Democráticos en Checoeslovaquia -fl \ r ^felv • Linda Jenness .•*(,? s -.«feriS-i^ El Socialismo y la ^ >-,^' Lucha Feminista S IDI AMIN DADA Las Potencias Imperialistas Forman un Coro de Denuncias —PK OmirraaftüAmenaza de Intervención en Uganda Por Ernest Harsch Con el pretexto de defender los "derechos horas antes bajo la acusación de estar Primer Ministro James Callaghan dijo al humanos" y de proteger a los "rehenes" urdiendo un golpe de estado contra Amín, Parlamento el 22 de febrero que su gobier­ norteamericanos, el gobierno de Cárter ha murieron en un "accidente automovilísti­ no exigiría una investigación de las planteado la seria amenaza de una inter­ co" cuando eran transportadas a un sitio muertes por la Comisión de Derechos vención imperialista en Uganda. para ser interrogadas. Señalando los Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. El 25 de febrero, después de que el muchos asesinatos políticos que han ocu­ Esta "preocupación" repentina por ali­ Presidente de Uganda Idi Amín prohibió rrido en Uganda en los últimos años, varias viar la miseria de las masas ugandesas que salieran de ese país los norteamerica­ personalidades religiosas han sugerido que que se encuentran bajo la dominación de nos que se encuentran allí, y les pidió que es probable que los tres hayan sido asesi­ Amín amerita cuidadosa atención. se reunieran con él tres días después, la nados.
    [Show full text]
  • North Korean Monuments in Southern Africa Legitimizing Party Rule Through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia
    North Korean monuments in southern Africa Legitimizing party rule through the National Heroes’ Acres in Zimbabwe and Namibia Student: T.A. (Tycho) van der Hoog Supervisor: Prof.dr. J.B. (Jan-Bart) Gewald Second reader: Prof.dr. R.E. (Remco) Breuker Leiden University Master Political Culture and National Identities 1 July 2017 Contents Acknowledgments 3 Abbreviations 3 List of figures 3 Map of southern Africa 5 The heroes of history 6 Forgotten history 8 Liberating history 13 CHAPTER I: The National Heroes’ Acre in a broader context 18 Namibia 19 Zimbabwe 22 Pyongyang 23 CHAPTER II: Unravelling North Korea’s role in southern Africa 27 The historical context 27 Liberation movements 31 Hard foreign currency 38 CHAPTER III: Public history in a political culture of violence 44 Back to the beginning 44 Shared characteristics 47 The DPRK example 52 Between liberators and oppressors 54 Bibliography 56 Appendix: the National Heroes’ Acres in photos 59 2 Acknowledgments I am greatly indebted to Professor Jan-Bart Gewald for his mentorship. Similarly, I want to thank Professor Remco Breuker for his advice on the research design and argument. During the course of my fieldwork in Namibia and Zimbabwe, many people went to great lengths to help me settle and do proper research. I would like to thank all of them. Abbreviations ANC African National Congress DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea KOMID Korea Mining and Development Trading Cooperation MDC Movement for Democratic Change NAN National Archives of Namibia NHC National Heritage Council of
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Brief
    Policy Brief January 2013 03 A joint initiative between Africa Power and Politics (APPP) and Tracking Development The succession trap: high growth Africa and the pitfalls of leadership change Tim Kelsall1 ub-Saharan Africa is now the world’s fastest growing region, with predictions that in the next decade seven out of 10 of the world’s most expansionary economies will be African. This is not Sthe first time, however, that African economies have proved dynamic. They grew respectably between 1960 and 1974, and a handful posted extremely rapid growth rates. This growth was not sustained, however; a result, in part, of problems related to leadership succession.2 Since the succession issue is raising its head in several of today’s ‘lion’ economies, including Angola, Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh built a strong consensual party with a succession tradition; Uganda’s Museveni hasn’t. Photos: Public domain (l), Russell Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda, this policy brief Watkins/DFID (r) examines comparative evidence from two regions, sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, to answer drop, amid uncertainty over whether the new the question: ‘Under what conditions does high leadership will honour old commitments. economic growth survive leadership succession?’3 In 17th century England, such uncertainty was We find that countries that succeed in combining reduced when leaders accepted formal checks high growth with succession have one of two distinct on power that limited their ability to renege on characteristics: old commitments.4 That experience has inspired much current advice on strengthening legislatures ● a dominant political party with a consensual and legal systems in the developing world, not to decision-making tradition, or mention currently fashionable ideas about ‘inclusive ● an organic bureaucracy insulated from the institutions’ or a ‘golden thread linking the rule of political process.
    [Show full text]
  • Samora Machel in Beira, June 19751
    Political Rhetoric in the Transition to Mozambican Independence: Samora Machel in Beira, June 19751 COLIN DARCH Democratic Governance and Rights Unit, University of Cape Town DAVID HEDGES Departamento de História, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane In late May 1975, Samora Machel crossed the Tanzanian border and began a month- long ‘Triumphal Journey’ down the whole length of Mozambique from north to south, finishing in Lourenço Marques (now Maputo). During the journey, he addressed crowds in the former liberated zones, as well as in urban centres such as Nampula, Quelimane and Beira, where Frelimo had had no public presence during the libera- tion struggle. A few days before national independence he made a lengthy speech in Portuguese to a large crowd in a football stadium in an outlying black suburb of Beira, Mozambique’s second city. This speech ranged widely over such topics as colo- nial racism, economic exploitation, and the tasks of reconstruction that lay ahead. It was the first time that the population of Beira had seen the Frelimo leader, soon to be the country’s first president. With no television stations, censored radio broadcasting, and only a few Portuguese-language newspapers with limited circulation, Frelimo needed to rely heavily on mass meetings and speeches to get its message across. This article breaks new ground in Mozambican studies by combining historical and socio- linguistic techniques to analyse an accurately reconstructed text of this particular speech, a recording of which is available online. It focuses on the historical context of Beira as a centre of colonial and settler resistance to FRELIMO’s struggle, as well as the speech’s content, its linguistic register and the rhetorical devices used to compel agreement and to persuade listeners of the correctness of Frelimo’s political line.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Lorch, Jasmin; Bunk, Bettina Working Paper Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique GIGA Working Papers, No. 292 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Lorch, Jasmin; Bunk, Bettina (2016) : Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique, GIGA Working Papers, No. 292, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/147547 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Imperialism of Women's Activism(S)
    Global histories a student journal East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War: The Anti- Imperialism of Women’s Activism(s) Clara Fechtner DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17169/GHSJ.2021.359 Source: Global Histories, Vol. 6, No. 2 (January 2021), pp. 46-70. ISSN: 2366-780X Copyright © 2021 Clara Fechtner License URL: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Publisher information: ‘Global Histories: A Student Journal’ is an open-access bi-annual journal founded in 2015 by students of the M.A. program Global History at Freie Universität Berlin and Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. ‘Global Histories’ is published by an editorial board of Global History students in association with the Freie Universität Berlin. Freie Universität Berlin Global Histories: A Student Journal Friedrich-Meinecke-Institut Koserstraße 20 14195 Berlin Contact information: For more information, please consult our website www.globalhistories.com or contact the editor at: [email protected]. East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War: The Anti-Imperialism of Women’s Activism(s) by CLARA FECHTNER 46 Global Histories: a student journal | VI - 2 - 2020 Clara Fechtner | East-South Women’s Encounters in the Global History of the Cold War 47 VI - 2 - 2020 | ABOUT THE AUTHOR Cold War and decolonization processes. Cold War Clara Fechtner holds a Bachelor’s degree in Political degree in Political Clara Fechtner holds a Bachelor’s Studies from Leipzig University and Ghent University in from Leipzig Studies Science from the Philipps-University of Marburg. In 2019, Science from the Philipps-University of Marburg.
    [Show full text]
  • Uganda United Arab Emirates United States of America
    UGANDA Bada Education Centre – Uganda Office No. AP 34, Level 7 Plot 47 Kampala Road Uganda T: +256 776 279 472 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.badaedu.com UNITED ARAB EMIRATES IDP Education - Abu Dhabi Office 1802 Union National Bank Building Airport Road (Corniche Side) P.O.Box 32919 Abu Dhabi T: +971 2 622 8367; +971 2 622 8368 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.idp.com IDP Education - Dubai Office Office No.104, Century Plaza Building Jumeirah 1 P.O.Box 50085 Dubai T: +971 4 344 6814 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.idp.com UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Asia-Europe Company 9571 Castine Drive Huntington Beach CA 92646 T: +007 714 7636219 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.duhocaau.vn Bada Education Centre – USA FloridaOffice 5445 Murrell Rd 102-175 Vierra FL USA 32955 T: + 321 252 8575 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.badaedu.com iae Global – Los Angeles T: +1 213 482 4855 Email: [email protected] Website: https://www.iaeglobal.co iae Global – New York T: +1 204 408 8783; +1 201 966 4652 Email: [email protected] Website: https://www.iaeglobal.co IDP Education – Philadelphia Office Suite 1105 1818 Market Street Philadelphia T: +1-215-282-1880 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.idp.com StudyLink – California Office 1100 Town & Country Road Suite 1250 Orange CA 92868 T: +1 657 900 7554 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.studylink.org/ StudyLink – Massachusetts Office 485 MA Ave, Suite 300 Cambridge MC 02139 T: +1 617 631 4260 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.studylink.org/ UNITED KINGDOM iae Global - LONDON 29-30 Windmill Street London W1T 2JL United Kingdom T: +44 20 7462 6488; +44 20 7462 6489 Email: [email protected] Website: https://www.iaeglobal.co IDP Education – Cardiff Office Sophia House 28 Cathedral Road Cardiff T: +44 (0)2920 660 105 Email: [email protected] URUGUAY Latino Australia Education - Uruguay Office Luis A de Herrera 1379 Apt.
    [Show full text]