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Wright, Miller Shores RICE UNIVERSITY The Development of Slaving Societies in the Americas: Marginal Native and Colonial Slavers in Sao Paulo and Carolina, 1614-1715 By Miller Shores Wright A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE '-laMeJJia'��tf Catni/4,uureir� D IM:: Camila Loureiro Dias (Aug 2021 08:16 ADT) James Sidbury (Aug 12, 20213:13 CDT) 13, James Sidbury (Co-Director) Camila Loureiro Dias {Co-Director) Andrew W. Mellon Distinguished Professora de Hist6ria, UNICAMP Professor of the Humanities (Jl)a!ta,( Fay Yarbrough (Aug 12, 2021 21:04 CDT) tltA Fay A. Yarbrough Alida C. Metcalf Professor of History Harris J. Masterson Jr, Professor of History helena michie (Aug 12, 2021 21:14 CDT) Helena Michie Agnes Cullen Arnold Professor in Humanities HOUSTON, TEXAS August 2021 The Development of Slaving Societies in the Americas: Marginal Native and Colonial Slavers in São Paulo and Carolina, 1614–1715 by Miller Shores Wright ABSTRACT The Development of Slaving Societies in the Americas is a comparative history of slaving, slavery, and ethnogenesis that focuses on changes in slaving practices in São Paulo and Carolina between 1614–1715. It illuminates how colonial slavers co-opted Native practices of slavery in Brazil in the late sixteenth century and in Carolina in the seventeenth century to create slave trades that trafficked in Native people. This dissertation reveals how Native and colonial figures used slaving as a profitable strategy to create wealth in people as dependents and as commodified, exchangeable trade goods, effectively transforming our understanding of Native peoples lived experiences as captors and captives in colonial borderlands. Through analyses of colonial council records, wills, inventories, and the correspondence of Jesuits, Franciscans, and colonial officials, this work follows those actors who benefitted from slaving and those commodified by it, demonstrating that slaving societies formed based on the slaving strategies employed by colonial and Native actors. As Native slave trades proved profitable and violence spread, Native and colonial slaving led to the coalescence of Native groups through incorporating refugee Natives fleeing slavers and Native slavers themselves. Building on studies of Native slavery in Latin America the project draws on insights from Africanists to move beyond Eurocentric colonial categories of enslavement—free versus unfree. Instead, the dissertation analyzes how the slaving strategies of colonists and Native groups in two borderlands created slaving societies who focused their socio-economic organization and production on the enslavement of Native peoples in the Americas. Through a comparison between the creation of Native and colonial slaving societies in São Paulo and Carolina, this dissertation makes two interventions: one historical, through identifying broader patterns of slaving strategies in the Americas, and another historiographical, by moving beyond nationalistic narratives of slavery, violence, and cross-cultural exchange. O desenvolvimento das sociedades de escravização nas Américas: Indígenas e colonos escravistas em São Paulo e na Carolina, entre 1614 e 1715 Miller Shores Wright Resumo O desenvolvimento das sociedades de escravização nas Américas é uma história comparativa da escravização, escravidão e etnogênese, cujo foco está nas mudanças e nas práticas escravistas em São Paulo e Carolina entre 1614 e 1715. O presente estudo investiga como os escravistas coloniais transformaram práticas indígenas de cativeiro no Brasil no final do século XVI e na Carolina no século XVII e criaram o comércio de escravos especializado na negociação de povos indígenas. Esta tese revela como os sujeitos indígenas e coloniais usaram a escravização como uma estratégia lucrativa para gerar riqueza nas pessoas como dependentes e como mercadorias comercializáveis mercantilizadas, transformando efetivamente nossa compreensão sobre as experiências vividas pelos povos indígenas não apenas como cativos, mas também como captores nas fronteiras coloniais. Por meio de análises de registros das câmaras coloniais, testamentos, inventários e correspondência de jesuítas, franciscanos, e funcionários coloniais, este trabalho segue os atores que se beneficiaram da escravidão e os mercantilizados por ela, demonstrando que as sociedades escravistas se formaram com base nas estratégias escravistas utilizadas por atores coloniais e indígenas. Como o comércio de escravos indígenas provou ser lucrativo e a violência se espalhou, a escravização indígena e colonial à coalescência de grupos indígenas ao incorporar indígenas refugiados que fugiram da escravidão e os próprios escravistas indígenas. Com base em estudos sobre a escravidão indígena na América Latina, a tese baseia-se em percepções de africanistas para ir além das categorias coloniais eurocêntricos de escravidão – livre versus não livre. Em vez disso, a tese analisa como as estratégias escravistas de colonos e grupos indígenas em duas terras fronteiriças criaram sociedades escravistas que concentravam sua organização e produção socioeconômica na escravização dos povos indígenas nas Américas. Por meio de uma comparação entre a criação das sociedades de escravização indígenas e coloniais em São Paulo e Carolina, esta tese traz duas contribuições centrais: uma histórica, ao identificar padrões mais amplos de estratégias escravistas nas Américas, e outra historiográfica, indo além das narrativas nacionalistas da escravidão, violência e intercâmbio cultural. Acknowledgements Every person and project is the product of a village. I am fortunate enough that numerous people at both Rice University and UNICAMP continually go out of their way to foster a sense of community, which has been paramount to my progress as a scholar, a professional, and a person. My advancement is the product of untold hours and incalculable (to me, at least) financial investment. This project is the result of those who saw potential in myself and encouraged my success. For that I am eternally grateful. I want to thank Jim Sidbury for his mentorship, support, and friendship. I now believe that I am starting to possibly understand how his leading questions guided my research and writing. I want to thank Camila Loureiro Dias for her time, patience, and support in guiding me through the Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), the Portuguese language, and Brazilian historiography. I am grateful to Alida C. Metcalf for all of the time, energy, and support she invested in me. I am indebted to Fay Yarbrough for all of her help, encouragement, and advice in everything. Special thanks to Helena Michie for encouraging me to think about my writing as I never had before, and I hope I am a much better writer because of it. To my entire dissertation committee, thank you for helping me manage a project as unmanageable in scope as this one. I also want to express my gratitude to the Rice faculty and staff for their support. I want to give special thanks to Caleb McDaniel for all of the advice and time he invested in me. I will carry forward the lessons Caleb modeled as a great teacher. I want to thank the staff of the Journal of Southern History—Bethany Johnson, Suzanne Scott Gibbs, and Randal Hall—for teaching me the importance of details and the art of the JSH Style Guide. To Randal, thank you for all your advice and for your enthusiasm. I would like to express my gratitude to Alex Byrd, v Carl Caldwell, Nate Citino, Daniel Domingues, Sayuri Shimizu, Kerry Ward, Paula Sanders, Lora Wildenthal, Lan Li, Michael Mass, Allen Matusow, Moramay López Alonso, John B. Boles, and Edward Cox for their willingness to impart their knowledge and expertise. I am grateful for all of your help and kindness during my time at Rice. I would particularly like to thank Erin Baezner, Beverley Konzem, and Lydia Westbrook for helping me not fall flat on my face and for all their warmth in doing so. I owe a special thanks to Helena Michie, Brian Riedel, Susan Lurie, and Angela Wren Wall at the Center for the Study of Women, Gender, and Sexuality. Outside of Rice, I would also like to thank Alejandra Dubcovsky and Jeffrey Lesser for their support and advice. I could not have finished this project and others, without the support of mentors, colleagues, and friends at Rice University, in the dual degree program, and at UNICAMP. I am grateful for the emotional and academic support of the members of the Southern Outrages Workshop: Lauren Brand, D. Andrew Johnson II, S. Wright Kennedy, Keith McCall, Maria Montalvo, David Ponton III, Whitney Stewart, Ben Wright, and Eddie Valentin Jr. They have honorably suffered through numerous drafts with the utmost patience, support, and gracious charm—for this I am forever grateful. I would like to thank my friends in the history department—Maki Kodama, Arang Ha, Carrie Anne DeLoach, Kimberly Jones, Cynthia Martinez, Christina Regelski, Samuel Abramson, Cyma Farah, Will Jones, Rachael Pasierowska, John Crum, James Myers, Bruno Buccalon, Lívia Tiede, Rebecca Earles, Bryson Kisner, and Andrew W. Sanders—for their guidance, help, and support. I would like to thank Thomas Blake Earle for encouraging me to find work/life balance. The dual degree program between Rice University, UNICAMP, and Instituto de Mora made this comparative project possible. I am grateful to everyone involved in the program and vi especially to Alida for encouraging me throughout it. To the faculty at UNICAMP—Ricardo Pirola, Silvia Lara, Fernando
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