The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality �� 81

Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie

Sonderdruck

RGZM – Tagungen Band 27

Holger Baitinger (Hrsg.) Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa

Material Culture and Identity between the Mediterranean World and Central Europe

Akten der Internationalen Tagung am Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz, 22.-24. Oktober 2014 Abschlusstagung des DFG-Projekts »Metallfunde als Zeugnis für die Interaktion zwischen Griechen und Indigenen auf Sizilien zwischen dem 8. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.«

Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2016 Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft

Redaktion: Holger Baitinger, Claudia Nickel (RGZM) Satz: Claudia Nickel (RGZM) Umschlaggestaltung: Reinhard Köster (RGZM)

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie: Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

ISBN 978-3-88467-262-4 ISSN 1862-4812

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Herstellung: betz-druck GmbH, Darmstadt Printed in Germany. Inhalt

Holger Baitinger Vorwort �� VII

Hans-Joachim Gehrke Von der Materialität zur Identität. Methodologische Überlegungen zu einem zentralen Problemfeld der archäologisch-historischen Wissenschaften �� 1

Holger Baitinger · Tamar Hodos Greeks and Indigenous People in Archaic Sicily – Methodological Considerations of Material Culture and Identity �� 15

Holger Baitinger Metallfunde in sizilischen Kontexten des 8. bis 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.: Anzeiger von Identität oder »Internationalität«? �� 33

Chiara Tarditi The Metal Objects from the Sanctuary of Bitalemi and their Context �� 49

Stefano Vassallo Il contributo delle importazioni allo sviluppo e all’identità culturale di Himera �� 69

Erich Kistler · Martin Mohr The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality �� 81

Francesca Spatafora Insediamenti indigeni d’altura: relazioni interculturali nella Sicilia occidentale �� 99

Birgit Öhlinger Ritual and Religion in Archaic Sicily – Indigenous Material Cultures between Tradition and Innovation 107

Nadin Burkhardt Tradition in the Face of Death. Cultural Contacts and Burial in Sicily (7th-5th c. B.C.) �� 121

Kerstin P. Hofmann Funerärpraktiken = Identitätsdiskurse? Die Felskammergrab-Nekropolen von Morgantina und Monte Casasia im Vergleich �� 133

Raimon Graells i Fabregat Destruction of Votive Offerings in Greek Sanctuaries – The Case of the Cuirasses of Olympia �� 149

Hélène Aurigny Sicilian and Italic Votive Objects in the Panhellenic Sanctuary of Delphi �� 161

III Helga Donder Die Metallfunde vom Kalabaktepe in Milet – Siedlungsniederschlag oder thesauriertes Altmetall? �� 175

Svend Hansen A short History of Fragments in Hoards of the Bronze Age �� 185

Viktoria Fischer The Metal Abundance in Swiss Lakeshore Settlements – an Attempt to explain the Phenomenon �� 209

Christoph Huth Metallfunde in urnenfelderzeitlichen Höhensiedlungen Mitteleuropas �� 221

Claudio Giardino Evidence for foreign Contacts in Sicilian and Southern Italian Hoards of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age �� 239

Markus Egg Eisenzeitliche Depotfunde im mittleren Alpenraum �� 263

Andreas M. Murgan · Fleur Kemmers Temples, Hoards and Pre(?)monetary Practices – Case Studies from Mainland Italy and Sicily in the 1st Millennium B.C. �� 277

Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren �� 291

IV Vorwort

Vom 22. bis 24. Oktober 2014 fand am Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz die internationale Tagung »Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa« (»Material Culture and Identity between the Mediterranean World and Central Europe«) statt, in deren Rahmen 22 Referenten aus sechs Nationen fächerübergreifend die Bedeutung der materiellen Kultur für die Rekonstruktion von Identitäten diskutierten. Diese Tagung bildete zugleich den Abschluss des am RGZM angesiedelten Forschungsprojekts »Metallfunde als Zeugnis für die Interaktion zwischen Griechen und In- digenen auf Sizilien zwischen dem 8. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.« (»Metal Objects as Evidence for the Inter- action between Greeks and Indigenous People in Archaic Sicily [8th to 5th centuries B.C.]«), das über einen Zeitraum von drei Jahren hinweg von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft gefördert wurde 1. Ziel war es, die im Projekt erzielten Ergebnisse in einen größeren, überregionalen Zusammenhang zu stellen und mit Spezialisten aus anderen Ländern, aber auch aus anderen Fachdisziplinen zu diskutieren. Der geographische Rahmen der Vorträge reichte von Griechenland über Sizilien und Unteritalien bis nach Frankreich und Mit- teleuropa, versuchte also kulturvergleichend einen großen geographischen Raum in den Blick zu nehmen und Vertreter von Klassischer Archäologie, Alter Geschichte, Vor- und Frühgeschichte und Numismatik zu- sammenzuführen. Das RGZM besitzt eine sehr lange Forschungstradition in kulturvergleichenden Studien zwischen dem Mit- telmeerraum und Mitteleuropa, insbesondere in der späten Bronze- und der Eisenzeit. Bereits der Grün- dungsdirektor des Museums, Ludwig Lindenschmit d. Ä., setzte sich im 19. Jahrhundert mit griechischen und etruskischen Importgütern in frühlatènezeitlichen Prunkgräbern Süddeutschlands auseinander. Für Paul Reinecke – von 1897 bis 1907 Wissenschaftlicher Assistent am RGZM – lieferten mediterrane Importe unverzichtbare Fixpunkte für seine bahnbrechenden Studien zur Chronologie der Metallzeiten in der Zone nordwärts der Alpen. Später haben beispielsweise Friedrich-Wilhelm von Hase, Peter Schauer, Imma Kilian und Markus Egg diese Tradition fortgeführt und weiterentwickelt. Es ist kein Zufall, dass sich heute eines der »Forschungsfelder« des RGZM explizit dem Thema »Kulturkontakte« 2 widmet. Die Idee zu dieser Tagung entstand während der Bearbeitung von Metallobjekten aus griechischen und indigenen Fundstätten archaischer Zeit auf Sizilien, deren weit gestreute Herkunftsregionen und überwie- gend fragmentarischer Charakter wichtige Fragen nach der Funktion und Bedeutung der Fundstücke im jeweiligen Kontext aufwarfen. So waren bei den Ausgrabungen der Abteilung Rom des Deutschen Archäo- logischen Instituts auf der Agora der griechischen Koloniestadt Selinunt im Südwesten Siziliens zahlreiche Buntmetallgegenstände aus den unterschiedlichsten Regionen des Mittel- und Schwarzmeerraums zutage gekommen; sie fügten sich exakt in das Bild ein, das Stéphane Verger wenige Jahre zuvor für das Fundmate- rial aus dem Demeterheiligtum von Bitalemi bei Gela an der sizilischen Südküste gezeichnet hatte. Spiegeln sich in den Herkunftsregionen der Bronzen weit reichende Kontakte und Verbindungen der griechischen Apoikien Selinunt und Gela wider? Lassen sich die Objekte also tatsächlich als »Identitäts-Marker« und per- sönliche »Botschaften« ihrer Nutzer bzw. Träger verstehen, mit denen sich fromme Pilger in Bitalemi an die Göttin Demeter wandten? Oder verbergen sich hinter diesem Fundniederschlag doch ganz andere Ursachen und Hintergründe? Diese Fragen, die im Projekt »Metallfunde als Zeugnis für die Interaktion zwischen Griechen und Indigenen auf Sizilien zwischen dem 8. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.« analysiert wurden, reichen in ihrer Bedeutung über Sizilien hinaus und können letztlich nur in einer breiten, transdisziplinären Perspektive einer Lösung näher- gebracht werden. Ein Schwerpunkt der Tagung lag deshalb am ersten Tag auf Austausch- und Akkultura-

V Abb. 1 Der Generaldirektor des RGZM, Falko Daim, zwischen Elena Mango und Hans-Joachim Gehrke. – (Foto G. Rasbach). tionsprozessen zwischen griechischen Siedlern und Einheimischen auf Sizilien. Das Thema wurde sowohl in theoretisch-methodischer Reflektion (vgl. insbesondere die Beiträge von Hans-Joachim Gehrke, Holger Baitinger / Tamar Hodos, Erich Kistler / Martin Mohr und Kerstin P. Hofmann) als auch anhand konkreter Fall- beispiele – also griechischer und indigener Fundplätze Siziliens (Siedlungen und Heiligtümern) – besprochen und diskutiert (vgl. die Beiträge von Holger Baitinger, Chiara Tarditi, Stefano Vassallo, Erich Kistler / Martin Mohr, Francesca Spatafora, Birgit Öhlinger, Nadin Burkhardt und Kerstin P. Hofmann). In der Diskussion wurde man sich der Komplexität dieser Interaktionen bewusst, aber auch der methodischen Probleme einer Bewertung archäologischer Spuren und Hinterlassenschaften. Ein besonders wichtiger Aspekt, nämlich der starke Zufluss französischer Hallstattbronzen nach Sizilien im letzten Drittel des 7. und in der ersten Hälfte des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., wurde im Vortrag von Stéphane Verger beleuchtet; die früheisenzeitlichen Horte vom »Launac-Typ« im Languedoc bildeten quasi das Scharnier und die Brücke zu Brucherzdeponierungen der (späten) Bronzezeit in Mittel- und Südeuropa, die am zweiten Tag in den Fokus rückten. Fragmentierte, häufig intentional beschädigte und zerstörte Bronzegegenstände (»Brucherz«), wie sie auf Sizilien insbesondere die Komplexe aus Selinunt und Bitalemi kennzeichnen, spielten in Alteuropa in Hort- funden der späten Bronze- und frühen Eisenzeit eine wichtige Rolle. Die Interpretation solcher Niederlegun- gen hat eine sehr lange und bewegte Geschichte und changiert mit allen Facetten von einfachen Gießer depots und Versteckfunden bis hin zu sakralen Niederlegungen und Opfergaben (vgl. die Beiträge von Svend Hansen, Claudio Giardino und Markus Egg). Auffällig ist jedoch, dass in der »hortreichen« Spätbronzezeit Alteuropas auch die in anderen Epochen meist recht »metallarmen« Siedlungsplätze häufig auffallend viele Bronzeobjekte geliefert haben, ein Umstand, der sowohl für die Schweizerischen Seeufersiedlungen als auch für urnenfelderzeitliche Höhensiedlungen Mittel- und Osteuropas gilt, deren weitere Erforschung und präzisere Verortung innerhalb des Siedlungsgefüges der Spätbronzezeit ein wichtiges Desiderat darstellt (vgl. die Beiträge von Viktoria Fischer und Christoph Huth). In eine andere Richtung zielten die Vorträge des zweiten Tages, die sich mit Fundplätzen im ägäischen Raum auseinandersetzten. Das Auftreten sizilischer und unteritalischer Metallobjekte in bedeutenden Heiligtü- mern der Ägäis ist ein seit langem bekanntes Phänomen, das man als Beleg für mehr oder weniger enge Kontakte des betreffenden Heiligtums in den westlichen Mittelmeerraum, ja mitunter als Hinweis auf itali- sche Stifter oder Pilger deutet. Aber könnten diese häufig nur fragmentarisch erhaltenen Bronzeobjekte, die

VI insbesondere in Olympia und Delphi in größerer Zahl entdeckt wurden (vgl. den Beitrag von Hélène Au- rigny), nicht auch auf Brucherzweihungen aus dem Umfeld westgriechischer Koloniestädte hinweisen, auf die Stiftung thesaurierten »Altmetalls«? Zerstö- rungen an Votivgaben in griechischen Heiligtümern sind bekanntlich ein geläufiges Phänomen, doch was lässt sich über den Zeitpunkt sagen, zu dem sie den Objekten zugefügt wurden? Raimon Graells i Fabregat behandelt dieses Thema exemplarisch anhand der bronzenen Brustpanzer aus Olympia, die er derzeit in einem von der Deutschen Forschungs- gemeinschaft geförderten Projekt am RGZM bear- beitet. Angesichts der zahlreichen Metallfunde, die bei den Grabungen in Selinunt zutage kamen, stellte sich auch die Frage, ob andere griechische Städte archaischer Zeit ähnliche Fundhäufungen zeigen oder nicht. Angesichts der nach wie vor geringen Zahl moderner Untersuchungen in archaischen Städten der griechischen Welt kommt dem Fundbestand vom Kalabaktepe in Milet, den Helga Donder in ih- Abb. 2 Den öffentlichen Festvortrag hielt der ehemalige Präsident rem Artikel behandelt, große Bedeutung zu, zumal des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Hans-Joachim Gehrke. – sich hier recht deutliche und schwerlich zufällige Un- (Foto G. Rasbach). terschiede zum Selinuntiner Bestand offenbaren. Eine weitere wichtige Frage betrifft die mögliche (prä-?)monetäre Funktion von Rohmetall und »Brucherz« im westlichen Mittelmeerraum in archaischer Zeit; sie wird von Andreas M. Murgan und Fleur Kemmers in ihrem gemeinsamen Beitrag aus Sicht der Numismatik beleuchtet, wodurch deutlich wird, welches Potenti- al die Zusammenarbeit verschiedener wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen besitzt, um Interpretationsmodelle für großräumig auftretende Phänomene wie der Thesaurierung von »Brucherz« zu erarbeiten. Es ist mir eine angenehme Pflicht, an dieser Stelle all denjenigen zu danken, die zum Gelingen der Tagung und zur zeitnahen Publikation der Tagungsakten beigetragen haben, allen voran natürlich den Referenten, die in so großer Zahl der Einladung nach Mainz gefolgt sind und trotz anderweitiger Verpflichtungen ihre Beiträge für diesen Tagungsband schriftlich ausgearbeitet haben. Ein besonderer Dank für vielfältigen Rat und Unterstützung bei der Planung und Vorbereitung der Tagung geht an Markus Egg und Hans-Joachim Gehrke; bei der Organisation und praktischen Durchführung halfen mir insbesondere Patrick Zuccaro, Re- gina Molitor, Constanze Berbüsse und Giacomo Bardelli – auch ihnen danke ich dafür ganz herzlich. Clive Bridger-Kraus unterstütze mich tatkräftig bei der Redaktion der englischsprachigen Artikel dieses Bandes und übersetzte die Zusammenfassungen, Giacomo Bardelli las die italienischen Beiträge. Schließlich sorgte Claudia Nickel vom Verlag des RGZM in bewährter Weise dafür, dass der Band eine so ansprechende Form gefunden hat; auch dafür mein herzlicher Dank! Ein abschließendes Dankeschön geht für die drei Jahre wäh- rende finanzielle Förderung des Projekts »Metallfunde als Zeugnis für die Interaktion zwischen Griechen und Indigenen auf Sizilien zwischen dem 8. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.« an die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, insbesondere an den Programmdirektor der Gruppe Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften Hans-Dieter Bienert.

Holger Baitinger Mainz, im Januar 2016

VII Anmerkungen

1) GZ EG 64/3-1 (1.1.2012-31.12.2014). 2) http://web.rgzm.de/forschung/forschungsfelder/a/article/ kulturkontakte.html (26.8.2015).

VIII Erich Kistler · Martin Mohr

The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality *

As has happened in various places in the hinterland of colonial contact zones, life on Archaic Monte Iato in the mountainous interior of Western Sicily (fig. 1) shifted between coloniality and locality. In the building structures on the southern edge of the later Agora and in the Archaic cult places in and around the Temple of Aphrodite, for the most recent research provides an opportunity for the first time to track systematically this dialectical dynamic between coloniality and locality within one and the same society (fig. 2) 1. In this

Fig. 1 Monte Iato and the topography of Western Sicily. – (Google Earth & Institute of Archaeologies, University of Innsbruck).

Fig. 2 Monte Iato, schematic settlement plan. – (Zürcher Ietas-Grabung).

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 81 respect, the collection of finds beneath and within the Archaic Agora houses reflects the material and behavioural result of colonial contacts in the everyday lives of a Western Sicilian elite. The Temple of Aphrodite and surrounding buildings, conversely, embody the social pattern of extra-ordinary festivals and inter-elite networking 2. Significantly, it is not in fact at the level of an elite household in the Sicilian interior, but at that of a nodal point of interregional politics of feasting and networking, that the counter-cultural interplay between coloniality and locality has had the most lasting effects in terms of consumption and, thus, of archaeological visibility 3. To shine a more detailed light upon this, the aim of the following contribution is in the first place to intro- duce briefly the concept of reciprocal coloniality / locality as a possible new theoretical and analytical framework. The second stage will be the concrete application of this concept to the Archaic finds on the southern edge of the Agora and to those inside and just outside the Late Archaic house. Based on the resultant findings, as a third stage an attempt will be made at a conclusion that, from the point of view of indigenous Iato, should provide an answer to the core question of the conference: »What significance can be ascribed to the material culture in the identification of identities in the Sicilian dynamic [...] and what methodological questions need to be taken into account here [...]?« 4.

Material record, consumption and the concept of coloniality / locality

Material culture shapes the lives of people, mediates between them and their environment and habitualises behavioural and perceptual patterns – it thus gives substance to cognitive processes. It follows that objects are not passive, timeless containers of specific cultures or of times gone by, but alongside their everyday practical functions things are also conveyors of values and identity whose significances generally also change when the user’s environment is altered. Consumption behaviour in relation to such objects, in ordinary as well as extra-ordinary events, therefore points to significant forms of materialisation in the cultural horizons of human coexistence 5. It is precisely this that should be revealed in the Archaic strata of the Mediterranean area, for the latter to make it possible to draw conclusions about the »registers of consumption« applying at a given time and place that prefigure the »consumptionscapes« 6; in this way they afford insights into the situational discourses of values and power in the early Mediterranean 7. Thus, assemblages of archaeological findings can be analysed as materialised interfaces of human behaviour at which the local circumstances of coexistence intersect with trans-Mediterranean forces 8. From the point of view of such a local community, what is interesting is primarily how it can contrive its social reproduction under the prevailing local conditions. What is the local role of colonial contacts and the appropriation of alien ideas, technologies or goods? How can the embedding of the colonial into local society, here described from the point of view of a native resident community as coloniality, trigger the internal processes that bring about the alienation of that which is »indigenous«? To what extent can this be counteracted when the community re-adopts the supposedly local as the authentic legacy of an ancestral, pre-colonial world? From this internal perspective and that of the local groups settling there, the mass westward movement of the Phoenicians and Greeks in the 9th to 7th centuries B.C. was not the first encounter with coloniality. As a social phenomenon, coloniality began with the very first colonial contacts that made it possible to accu- mulate social advancement and respect in local hierarchies. Coloniality is therefore highly attractive to those who aspire to power locally; for it helps provide them with the power to determine who should participate permanently in the social exclusivity of the colonial situation, who should do so only sporadically and who should be completely excluded from it. It follows that coloniality is a central tool of power-building and the retention of power in the hinterland of colonial contact zones 9 .

82 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Fig. 3 archaic settlement on the southern edge of the Hellenistic Agora. Plan of the first (around 550 B.C., above) and the second (around 500 B.C., below) Archaic phase. – (Zürcher Ietas-Grabung).

The reverse side of coloniality is the imposed recollection of an (imagined) time before the first overseas, often colonial contacts. With the aid of »antiques«, heirlooms, tombs and artificially aged props embedded in the local cultural memory as an expression of the »pre-colonial past« 10, festivals themselves involve ritual performance of the location’s »pre-colonial« authenticity and identity. This staged »locality« is, therefore, no more a spatially determined location, then is »coloniality«, but is rather a locus of identity in which the aspiration for an authentic native world, without colonial asymmetries, is aroused and nurtured 11. In this respect, this ritualised recollection of the (imagined) local condition is repeatedly linked with the drive to return to this »past« 12. Locality and coloniality are thus two counter-cultural situations or strategies of the discourse of power within indigenous local groups in colonial contact zones. The intensity of this discourse, like the dominance of one or the other strategy, is thus totally dependent on the figuration of the relevant social fields which, in the environment of a local community, define the various scenes in which identitary negotiation processes and consumption behaviours are played out 13. Such divergent consumptionscapes in the interplay between locality and coloniality ultimately left behind significant material evidences on Archaic Iato, which it is now worth examining and comparing more closely 14.

Cases studies

On the southern edge of the Agora: The social situation of local elites between coloniality and locality

In the southern part of the Agora, beneath the raised area of the paved Hellenistic open square, the remains of Archaic houses have been preserved whose initial phase dates back to ca. 550 B.C. (fig. 3) 15. The origins of this settlement, however, go right back to the first half of the th6 century B.C., as is shown by a stratified fill formed by de-contextualised Archaic anthropogenic layers 16. In these settlement strata, indigenous

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 83 Fig. 4 Ceramic fingerprint of the stratified fill on the southern edge of the Agora (600-550 B.C.). Categories and spread sheet. – (E. Kist- ler, M. Mohr). ceramics dominate and among these in turn, matt-painted vessels already hugely outnumber those with incised or stamped decoration 17. Nonetheless, imports from Corinth, colonial coastal cities and Etruria are also to be found. Following the premise that »form follows function« 18, sherds that can be identified by the type of vessel indicate specific activities that would once have been practised with the aid of these ceramics. These activities can be grouped into different activity types such as long-term storage and long-distance transportation, preparation, short-term storage and local transportation, and the serving and consumption of foods, drinks and perfumes 1 9 . Lastly, the storage of wares other than food and drink should not be for- gotten (fig. 4). By calculating the percentage share of the total of identifiable fragments represented by the different shapes and functions of individual ceramics, we obtain the bar charts that we have already described elsewhere as the ceramic fingerprint of a situationally dominant consumptionscape (fig. 5). Due to interference from various factors, however, these ceramic fingerprints can never amount to precise repre- sentations of quantities then available for consumption. Rather, they merely reflect consumption tendencies that can still be archaeologically identified, facilitating comparisons between converging and diverging consumptionscapes both within a settlement and between settlements 20.

84 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Fig. 5 Ceramic fingerprint of the stratified fill on the southern edge of the Agora (600-550 B.C.). Bar chart. – (E. Kistler, M. Mohr).

Fig. 6 Ceramic fingerprint of the debris of Agora House I, 470/460 B.C. Bar chart. – (E. Kist- ler, M. Mohr).

Accordingly, a comparison is to be drawn between the ceramic fingerprint of the settlement horizons in the first half of the th6 century B.C. on the southern edge of the Agora with the fingerprint, 100 years later, from the debris of Agora house I (fig. 6). Before doing so, however, a few comments are necessary regarding these house remains. Of the two excavated buildings, House I (located immediately to the east of the building known as the »Agora oikos« 21) was already a two-roomed house during its first phase (fig. 3) 22. Whilst the northern room was used continuously into the second phase of the Late Archaic period, on the basis of finds from the area adjoining the southern wall of the northern room, it appears that the southern room was abandoned in the late 6th century B.C. 23. During the construction of the »Agora oikos« around 500 B.C. 24, a more comprehensive redevelopment of the mid-Archaic dwelling, involving terracing and construction, turned it into at least two houses, each with two rooms 25. These may have formed two separate complexes of a single household. House I had a door on the northern side of the west room opening to the »Agora oikos« (fig. 3). In the demolition layer that was found on the internal floor of this roughly rectangular 6.8 m × 4 m room were numerous fragments of clay vessels that had been used for the storage and preparation of food and drink 26. The room adjoining it to the

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 85 Fig. 7 Vessels from the eastern room of Agora house I on the Agora. – (Zürcher Ietas-Grabung). east is significantly larger and somewhat less regular in its ground-plan, being slightly trapezoidal, no doubt due to its structural connection via the terrace lying to the south of the east and west rooms. In the interior of the east room, sherds were brought to light of well-preserved vessels used for serving, pouring and consuming food and drink 27 (fig. 7). These were once displayed on the stone bench that was constructed from the incorporated remains of an early Archaic wall. In two pits hewn from the rock forming the floor, on the other hand, there had stood a large pithos with decorative stripes 28 and the large pithos-like vessel with three corded lugs 2 9 , in which provisions would no doubt once have been stored. The preservation and location of the ceramic finds make it probable that House Complex I was abandoned quite suddenly 30: it can be assumed, therefore, that this is a »primary deposition« 31. Consequently, the set of pottery finds in the east and west rooms of House I results from them being in use until shortly before the building was abandoned. This in turn yields a ceramic fingerprint that can be directly compared with that from the stratified fill dating from the first half of theth 6 century B.C. (fig. 5-6). This comparison now provides evidence of a radical change in activity in relation to the serving and consumption of drinks, such as that in the household, sometime around 470/460 B.C., when the previous predominance of dipinta ceramics in the fingerprint from the first half of theth 6 century gave way to the exclusive use of Greek imports. A comparison with ceramic fingerprints from settlement and grave finds elsewhere in the Sicilian interior shows that this change in drinking behaviour is typical of the situation relat- ing to local elites across the area. In all such finds, the same penetration of Greek imports can be observed in the area of drinking, whilst, where the serving and consumption of food is concerned, dipinta ceramics and monochrome ware proceed to predominate. Activities concerning the storage and preparation of food and drink continue to be undertaken almost exclusively using only local and regional ceramics 32. The dominance, emphasised above, of Greek ceramics in the area of drinking activity appears to be linked ultimately to the social field of local elites, since the fingerprints that suggest such precise use of colonial wares are all obtained from examination of sets of finds from richly furnished graves and homes in the interior. This goes together with the more powerful appropriation of Greek pottery technology and architecture, culminating in the construction of an oikos with prostyle Doric columns 33 in about 480 B.C. Taken all together, it becomes apparent that there is on Late Archaic Iato an elite household that makes conscious use of Greek expertise and cultural assets in the fields of architecture, handcraft and in its prestigious drink-

86 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Fig. 8 cult precinct south of Peristyle House I, 500-460 B.C. (A Aphrodite-Temple, B Late Archaic House, sacred buildings L-K) and deposit (C). – (Institute of Archaeologies, University of Innsbruck). ing activities. By contrast, in the fields of food and drink preparation, it remains traditional and impervious to Greek influence (fig. 6) 34.

The Late Archaic house: the social field of interregional festivals in the context of very high levels of coloniality

The Late Archaic house at the Temple of Aphrodite, constructed shortly before 500 B.C., is indicative of a very different social ambience from that of Agora house I (fig. 8). With its walls constructed entirely of stone and moulded bricks, its multiple storeys, its tiled roof and its red and white painted floors and walls, it was the embodiment of a high-tech architecture that was otherwise to be found only in urban and religious centres of the Archaic period in the Mediterranean area (fig. 9) 35. In addition, the banqueting rooms on the upper floor, which were furnished with couches, were linked directly via an exterior adjoining square and a ramp to the altar area in front of the Temple of Aphrodite 36. Evidently, the upper floor served as a banqueting house according to the colonial model, as seen in banqueting houses in close proximity to a building in the type of an oikos on the acropoleis of Himera 37 and Selinunte 38 and at the Agora at Megara Hyblaea 3 9 . Given this architectural and religious-topographic interconnection between banqueting house and oikos structure – as far as the Late Archaic house, too, is concerned – its social positioning in relation to special festivals is manifest 40.

Fig. 9 reconstruction of the Late Ar- chaic house. – (Institute of Archaeolo- gies, University of Innsbruck).

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 87 Fig. 10 Find spots of Attic red-figure imports of the early production period (510- 480 B.C.) (grey) and proven indigenous settlements in Western and Central Sicily (black). – (Institute of Archaeologies, Uni- versity of Innsbruck).

Moreover, this social context, that was, despite the latters inland location, provided with an architectural surround by the Late Archaic house, was very closely enmeshed in the colonial world. This is evidenced not least by the exquisite early red-figure ceramics from the contextual matter of the Late Archaic house, which can only be explained by close lines of ties to Greek coastal cities (apoikiai) 41. These include a red-figure kantharos of Syriskos, a lid of a pyxis by the Thaliarchos Painter, a cup by the Agora Chaireas Painter 42 and the wall fragment of a red-figure Nikosthenic pyxis 43. Elsewhere in the western and central Sicilian interior, such vases from the pioneering days of red-figure work have been found at only 16 of the 50 known settlement sites (fig. 10) 44. Further evidence of close involvement with the Greeks is found in the 2/3-lifesize kore statue from the upper-floor debris, which until it was shattered most probably served as a cult figure 45; in the Sicilian hinterland, only in the Grammichele goddess can a work of comparable quality be found 46. Direct links to the colonial coastal world are also implied, indeed, by the refuse from food preparation – egg- shells, oyster shells, sea-urchin spines and sea-fish scales – that has come to light in the drain of the Late Ar-

Fig. 11 Ceramic fingerprint of the debris of the upper floor of the Late Archaic House (460/450 B.C.). Bar chart. – (E. Kistler, M. Mohr).

88 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Fig. 12 Incised cup (K 26018/I-K 418/I-K 460). – (Institute of Archaeologies, University of Innsbruck). chaic house 47. Because of their location in the channel sediments, it can no longer be determined whether the olive stones and grape seeds can also be attributed to these food preparation activities or whether they simply relate to the consumption of imported olives and grapes 48. In any case, all of these bio-archaeological drain finds, together with the grater 4 9 from the upper-floor debris, call to mind the ingredients of a Greek-Sicilian dipping sauce called myttotos, which is commended by Anianus as an accompaniment to fish 50. Ultimately, therefore, the degree of cultural influence from the Greeks was greater in the Late Archaic house than anywhere else in Archaic Iato. The best match for this, at first sight, is the ceramic fingerprint that can be deduced from the identifiable fragments in the debris from the upper floor banqueting rooms (fig. 11) 51. In essence this corresponds to the previously discussed fingerprint from the social field of local elites. On closer inspection, however, the significant presence of 61 incised potsherds is surprising. This is especially the case in the field of drinkings, where a contemporaneous fingerprint from Agora house I contains no more than two incised sherds: there, it had been entirely superseded by Greek ceramics (fig. 6). Particularly remarkable among these »belated« incised vessels is a funnel-shaped cup with inverted rim (fig. 12) 52, sherds of which were found in the upper-floor debris close to those of the Theseus Painter’s skyphos 53. On the one hand, the shape and decoration of this indigenous drinking vessel undoubtedly refer back to the face of local culture in the 7th century B.C. 54. On the other hand, the fine tempering of the clay, the exceptionally hard and even firing and the tectonic shaping are evidence of handcraft skills that are un- imaginable without the pottery technology of the late 6th and early 5th century B.C., with its rapidly turning potter’s wheel and kiln 55. In this respect, therefore, the old-style incised attingitoio IK-460 demonstrates an entirely conscious return to the pre-colonial world of the ancestors 56. It was put to use, however, in an environment that bears evidence of a high level of coloniality on Iato. Answers to this apparent paradox are ultimately offered by the find that was made of a deposit on the festival ground immediately in front of the entrance to the banqueting rooms of the Late Archaic house.

The deposit north of the Late Archaic house: The social field of indigenous allegiance at a time of very high locality

Above ground, the deposit on the outer square was marked neither by a stone-setting nor by any other semata. It consisted merely of an elliptical trough-like ditch which had been dug in the outer square and filled with ritual rubbish (fig. 8) 57. This is indicated in particular by the clay ox-horn IK-V51 from the upper surface of the deposit and by the noticeably larger bones of deer, ox, sheep and goat, as well as by the res- idues of wheat bread and barley cake and the many carbon particles contained in the red-grey burnt earth that provided the filling for the deposit 58.

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 89 Fig. 13 Pottery collected from the deposit with the clay votive horn IK-V51. – (Institute of Archaeologies, University of Innsbruck).

From this filling came larger fragments of incised pottery and pieces ofdipinta pots dating from the late 7th and first half of the th6 centuries B.C. (fig. 13). Most of these sherds were neither weathered nor scuffed and the breaks appeared fresh, as if produced by smashing them shortly before they were deposited. The surprising thing is a sherd from an Attic red-figure Nicosthenic pyxis (I-K 1058) which was found immediately beneath the deposit 5 9 . Consequently, the deposit located above it cannot have been laid down before 500 B.C. This means that the incised and stamped and the matt-painted sherds from the late 7th and early 6th centuries B.C., together with an astonishing quantity of local monochrome coarse and fine ware, cannot have been smashed and »thesaurised« in the deposit until after 500 B.C. In contrast to the occupation layer of the outer square, where just a few fragments of colonial black-glazed ware were found 60, in the case of this act of »thesaurisation«, not a single sherd of imported ware had been included in the deposit (fig. 14). The ceremonial trash preserved therein thus exhibits in every respect the cultural countenance of a »pre-colonial« period. This signifies a ritualised consumption landscape out on the courtyard that was directed entirely towards the re-enactment of the rites and ceremonies of an era belonging to the forefathers 61. This »pre-colonial« consumptionscape, however, cannot in any way be equated with the enclaves of preserved local authenticity that feed, as it were, on old traditions dating back to the 8th/7th centuries B.C. 62. This is indicated in particular by the ceramic fingerprint of the relocated settlement layers in the Agora from the first half of the th6 century B.C. (fig. 4-5). This fingerprint, unlike that of the deposit, already contains colonial imports, including even an Etruscan Bucchero kantharos, despite its dating from almost 100 years earlier 63. It follows that the complete absence of colonial imports does not represent any tradition of local indigenous self-assertion that might have survived into the early 5th century B.C. For in addition to the earlier finds of imports in the Agora, sherds of an Ionian type B1 cup and a Middle Corinthiankotyle in the debris of an Early Archaic house in the later Hellenistic eastern quarter give evidence that colonial imports were already being used on Iato at the end of the 7th century B.C. 64. The strict exclusion of Greek pottery in the early 5th century B.C. that is apparent in the deposit thus represents a recently formed rite. This evidently in-

90 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · the Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Fig. 14 Ceramic fingerprint of the deposit on the outer square of the Late Archaic House, 500- 470/460 B.C. Bar chart. – (E. Kist- ler, M. Mohr).

Fig. 15 Ceramic fingerprint of the occupation layer outside of the Late Archaic House, 470/460 B.C. Bar chart. – (E. Kistler, M. Mohr). volved using ceramic heirlooms and »antiques« from the 7th and early 6th centuries B.C., together with traditional sacrificial and consumption customs, to create a religious intensity and connection to an imagined »pre-colonial« past that represented, as seen from the early 5th century B.C., a world still without colonial contacts and imports. Local authenticity is thus constructed retrospectively, with no basis in historical reality, but presented through heirlooms and holy artefacts from the times of the ancestors as the community’s own history 65. Locality, imagined and religiously staged, thus becomes the identitary locus of the cultic and residential community on Late Archaic Iato. Also of key importance is the observation that this identitary re-enactment of local authenticity that gave rise to the deposit find is embedded in a consumptionscape that shows a fairly low degree of coloniality. Because in the case of the outer square as an open air feasting place, the Greek representative architecture of the Late Archaic house is now only an imposing backdrop. Furthermore the imports that have to be taken into account from the outer square (fig. 15) are massively under-represented in comparison to the contemporaneous finds from the upper floor debris of the Late Archaic house (fig. 14) and to that from Agora house I (fig. 6). As some 100 years previously on the southern edge of the agora, the local and re-

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 91 gional coarse and fine ware that entered the usage horizon of the outer square through religious and festive events are dominant. On the one hand, this reveals a social space that was firmly embedded in the religious topography of sacrificial feasts at the Temple of Aphrodite. On the other hand, in contrast to the colonial elite circle in the Late Archaic house and to the Greek-influenced chief family in Agora house I, in terms of accessibility to material and cultural currents, it was every bit as limited as the settlement around the Agora had been a century earlier. In the case of the outer level, though, it is evident that this limitation can no longer be explained as the early stage of cultural contact but as a social field that was to a large extent excluded from the circulation and consumption of colonial goods. Lying behind all of this is a »register of consumption« that defines the identitary matrix of local or even regional allegiances through adherence to and maintenance of the »Old World« belonging to the fathers and forefathers. This identitary structure of locality is ultimately anchored in supposed genealogical terms in the deposit found at the outer square. Consequently, behind the deposit there emerge cult patrons who wished with this act of »thesaurisation« to draw attention to themselves in the social field of indigenous allegiances as representatives of a time-honoured era and a »pre-colonial« order. Since these cult patrons, just like those in the Late Archaic house, were reliant on the altar in front of the Temple of Aphrodite for the purpose of killing traditional sacrificial animals such as deer, oxen, sheep and goats, it is possible that they were the same people in both cases. Certainly such an equivalence would best explain the ostentatious ref- erence to bygone times, as illustrated by the use of the old-style attingitoio K 26018/I-K 418/I-K 460 and of the other incised ceramics, at the centre of an environment of interregional feasting and networking: both to the colonial and to the indigenous public, the new leaders of Iato, who had made coloniality the basis of their social and cultural advancement, needed to make credible their (invented) direct line of descent from the world of the forefathers. For from the point of view of internal local and regional associations, only by successfully proving such lines of descent and connection would it be possible to justify and maintain claims to power and positions of leadership at all. Only once they had succeeded in this were the cult patrons and new leaders of Iato also able to attract powerful aristocrats in the Greek and Phoenician coastal cities, which conversely was in turn a prerequisite for coloniality as a deliberate strategy in the internal discourse of power.

Conclusion

The two identitary loci, coloniality and locality, separated the resident community on late Archaic Monte Iato into different consumptionscapes. Completely different relationships with acquisitions and goods from the colonial world are found, depending on the social field reflected by this counter-cultural interplay. Thus, in the case of Agora house I the distinction between locality and coloniality was successfully brought into bal- ance, as is evidently typical for the local elites of the Sicilian interior at around 500 B.C. Imports and colonial expertise are deployed primarily in the fields of architecture and of conspicuous drinking. By contrast, the discourses of identity and power lead to an absolute division regarding coloniality and locality in religion, as the source of local and regional power. On one side are the local populations, who have only very limited access to the colonial, but whose identity is locally rooted. On the other side are the regional rulers, who demonstrate their cultural and social superiority through a maximal inland display of coloniality. What links these two counter-cultural factions, however, is a shared imagined genealogical pool and the fact that both are anchored in a »pre-colonial« locality, as imagined retrospectively through an act of »thesaurisation« of a time-honoured authenticity in the deposit that excludes the colonial. This last point shows that it is impossible to establish an authentic ethnic identity for the native population of Monte Iato – because this »thesaurisation«, which at first sight appears to make the origins of such

92 E. Kistler · M. Mohr · The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality an ethnic identity tangible, is actually nothing less than the effective objectivisation of an »intentional history« 66 designed to legitimise the new holders of power in the early 5th century B.C., by harking back to a retouched version of the ancestral world. In doing so, these consumptionscapes habitualised and incorporated identitary registers of values in the dynamics between coloniality and locality on Late Archaic Iato – registers determined not in ethnologically or culturally specific terms, but by situational factors. This produces a situation where identitary requirements result from entering a specific social field. In this way an actor – at least one who belongs to the elite – can switch from one field to the other as required for the pur- poses of developing and retaining power. He can preside over the consumptionscape inside the Late Archaic house, as well as over that outside at the site of the deposit. »Situative identities«, therefore, are not simply manifestations that were first produced by the modernisation and industrialisation of the present age 67. Linguistic corrections: C. Bridger

Notes

* For the critical reading and discussion of the manuscript and 11) Based on A. Appadurai’s (1996, 178-199) »Production of Lo- further suggestions, a special thanks to Christian Heitz, Birgit cality«; see also Hodos 2010b; Kistler et al. 2015. Öhlinger and Stephan Ludwig and also to the participants of 12) see for example González-Ruibal 2012b, 67. 80: »egalitarian the congress. For the compilation of figures our thanks go to ethoi«, or Siegrist 2005, 176-178: »Teilzwang«. Benjamin Wimmer and Stephan Ludwig. 13) This means that, specifically in the case of western Sicily, the 1) The research on the Monte Iato is financed by the SNF (Project »silent trade« with the Phoenicians, the Greek colonisation, 101211_159610: http://www.archaeologie.uzh.ch/de/klarch/ the Carthaginian dominion and the Roman occupation all research/GrabungMonteIato.html) and the FWF (Projects P produced quite different local characteristics in the reciprocal 27073 and P 22642 – G19: http://www.uibk.ac.at/zentrum- relationship between coloniality and locality: Spatafora / Vas- alte-kulturen/fwf-p22642-g19/publications). sallo 2007; Dietler 2010, 57; Helas 2011; Blasetti Fantauzzi / De 2) Kistler / Mohr 2015. Vincenzo 2012; Spatafora 2013, 43; Prag 2013; Kistler 2014b, 72-99. 3) Kistler 2015. 14) see also Kistler 2015, 202-212. 4) http://web.rgzm.de/forschung/details-neues-aus-der-forschung/ article/materielle-kultur-und-identitaet-im-spannungsfeld-zwi- 15) Cf. preliminarily Mohr 2010, 119; 2011, 82; 2012a, 118 with schen-mediterraner-welt-und-mitteleuropa/ (19.10.2015). n. 31. 5) Gonzáles-Ruibal 2012a; cf. also the different contributions in 16) ibidem with further literature. Hicks / Beaudry 2010. 17) All the finds of these settlement strata were studied by Sabrina 6) The term was initially coined by Ger / Belk 1996 following the re- Fusetti in her master thesis »Indagini da uno strato di riempi- search of A. Appadurai. For the implementation of the concepts mento arcaico sottostante l’agorà di Monte Iato (PA) risalente of consumption and consumptionscape in the ancient Mediter- alla prima metà del VI sec. a. C.«. The publication concerning ranean see Dietler 2010, 56-64; Kistler 2012, 229; Walsh 2014; this context is in a preparatory stage (Mohr / Fusetti forthcom- Kistler et al. 2015; Öhlinger 2015. On the consumptionscape as ing). a social field of the »cultural actor« see Kistler / Ulf 2012, esp. 18) Sullivan 1896; cf. Frei 1992, 32 f. On the dangers of a too strict 22-24. 45-49. Closely related to the consumptionscape is also application of this key rule on ceramics in the material record the concept of the local agency by Dietler 2010, 56. see Miller 1985, 51-74. 7) Dietler 2010, 55-74; Walsh 2014, 79-93. 19) Already Putzeys et al. 2004, 42. 8) In that scenario, the Mediterranean is considered to be an 20) Described in greater detail in Kistler / Mohr 2015, 390 f. inland sea connecting the coasts, and thus creating the conditions for a trans-Mediterranean network of movement and 21) concerning the »Agora oikos« cf. Isler 2009, 174 f. (with further literature). interaction. In further detail Harris 2005; Vlassopoulos 2007; Malkin / Christy / Katerina 2009; Hodos 2010a; 2010b; Dietler 22) Unlike the assumption by Mohr 2010, 116. 119, House I has 2010; Cifani / Stoddart 2012; Dawson 2013; Broodbank 2013; to be reconstructed as a two-room house already during the Kistler 2014a. older Archaic building phase. Cf. preliminarily Mohr 2012b, 24. On the dating of the older building phase of House I not 9) Quijano 2000; Mignolo 2000, 43; Maldonado-Torres 2007, later than 550 B.C. cf. preliminarily Mohr 2012a, 118 with esp. 243; Castro-Gómez 2008, esp. 280-283; Grosfoguel n. 31 with further literature. 2010, esp. 319. 23) Mohr 2010, 117. 10) Hall 2002, 23: »ancestralizing strategies«; Morris / Tusa 2004, 77; Dietler 2010, 70: »revitalization movements«; Mühlen- 24) on the two late Archaic building phases of the »Agora oikos« bock 2013, 401-403. cf. preliminarily Mohr 2012b, 24.

Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 93 25) Mohr 2010, 116-120 fig. 1 pl. 21, 3-5; 2011, 76-78. 80-82 vini / Sole 2009, 335; Sabucina: Panvini 2005, 40-42 fig. 36- fig. 3 pl. 17, 1-2. 4; 2012a, 116-118 fig. 3 pl. 14, 1-2; 2012b, 39; Selinunt: Müller / Rösch 2012, 212; Greco / Tardo 2009, 24 fig. 1; Kistler / Mohr 2015, 387 f. 683; Segesta: de Cesare 2009, 642. 26) Cf. Mohr 2010, 120; 2012b, 24; Kistler / Mohr 2015, 387 f. 45) T 252; see Isler 2009, 186 f.; Schumacher forthcoming. Concerning the finds from the western room of House I cf. 46) Cult-image of an enthroned goddess (ca. 480/470 B.C.), ter- Isler 2007, 108 f. pl. 15, 5. 12; Mohr 2010, 117 f. pl. 22, 3. 6 racotta, h. 96.8 cm (Museo Nazionale Archeologico, Syracuse); (with further references). see for example Langlotz 1965, pl. 39. 27) Cf. Mohr 2010, 120; 2012b, 24; Kistler / Mohr 2015, 388. 47) Forstenpointner / Weissengruber forthcoming. Concerning the finds from the eastern room of House I cf. Isler 2009, 154. 156 f. figs 19-24; Mohr 2010, 119 f. pl. 22, 1. 4-5; 48) thanheiser forthcoming. 2012a, 116-118 pl. 14, 3-4 (with further references). 49) B 970 A-C; see Baitinger forthcoming. 28) restoration of this vessel will be completed in summer 2016. 50) On this issue see Dalby 1996, 107. 244 (with references to 29) Inv. K 24660. Cf. Isler 2007, 110 pl. 15, 15; 2009, 154. 156 relevant literary sources). fig. 20; Mohr 2010, 119 n. 41 pl. 22, 1; 2012a, 117. 51) On this in further detail see Kistler / Mohr 2015, 390 f. 30) already Mohr 2012b, 24. figs 22.13-22.14; on the 61 incised fragments from the destruction layer of the Late Archaic house see Hoernes / Kössler 31) LaMotta / Schiffer 1999, 21. forthcoming. 32) For the relevant bar charts of the ceramic fingerprints of the 52) Incised attingitoio I-K 460 (and K 26018/I-K 418); see Kistler indigenous settlement on Monte Maranfusa, of the Archaic 2015, 207. necropolis of Morgantina and of the warrior tomb of Mon- tagna di Marzo, as well as a detailed discussion on the archae- 53) I-K 666. To this Attic black-figured skyphos and its find situa- ological data basis beyond, see Kistler / Mohr 2015, 391-394 tion see Kistler / Öhlinger / Steger 2013, 249-251. fig. 22.15-22.17. 54) Ferrer Martín 2010; Mühlenbock 2013, esp. 403-407; Kistler 33) the fragment of a Doric capital (Inv. A 1730), that based on 2015, 207. its typological shape dates to the Late Archaic period, and also 55) Kistler / Öhlinger / Steger 2013, 252-254; Hoernes / Kössler the pan and cover tiles document a prostyle entrance at the forthcoming, I 60 f. front with a clay roofing of Corinthian type for the second phase of construction of the »Agora oikos«; cf. Mohr 2012b, 56) the almost fully preserved incision-decorated amphora in this 24; Reusser 2015, 113 f. pl. 19, 3. Archaising style, found on the Monte Maranfusa in Room O of Building 1 together with an Attic black-figure kalpis also 34) Kistler / Mohr 2015. proves that the finds from the Late Archaic house were by no 35) Kistler 1997; Isler 2009, 176-214; Kistler 2015, 202-204; Kist- means isolated cases: see Spatafora 2003, 60 f. 134 f. ler forthcoming. 57) On such »garbage of the Gods« see Stanton / Brown / Pagliaro 36) Kistler / Öhlinger / Steger 2013, 233-237; Kistler et al. 2014, 2008. 190-210. 58) With further details see Kistler et al. 2014, 208-210; Forsten- 37) Bonacasa 1982, 59 f. pointner / Weissengruber forthcoming; Thanheiser forthcoming. 38) Mertens 2006, 186. 59) Kistler et al. 2014, 209. 39) Ibidem 69. 60) 7 sherds of Iato K-480 cups (I-K 827. I-K 902. I-K 956. I-K 957. 40) Kistler / Öhlinger / Steger 2013, 233. 237. I-K 962. I-K 963. I-K 967); 1 sherd of a B1-cup (I-K 920); 5 41) Already Isler 2009, 187-206. 210-214. sherds of further cups (I-K 835. I-K 845. I-K 917. I-K 927. I-K 966); 1 fragment of a salt cellar (I-K 894); 1 sherd of a bowl (I-K 42) K 26121, K 22753, K 17058; on these three Attic early red- 903); 2 sherds of a crater of Laconian type (I-K 867A and B). figure vessels, also in respect of their find situation andat- tribution to a painter see Isler 2009, 197-202; Trenkwalder 61) on this archaising practice as a social technique in the indig- forthcoming. enous interior, as well as on the Greek mainland and islands see Hall 2002, 23; Morris / Tusa 2004, 77; Antonaccio 2010, 43) I-K 1058; see Kistler et al. 2014, 209. On the development 48-50; Dietler 2010, 70; Mühlenbock 2013, 401-403; Prent of shape and dating of Nikosthenic pyxides see Lyons 2009, 2014, 658-661; Mühlenbock 2015, 240-242. 166 f. 62) Kistler et al. 2015. 44) Find spots of early Attic red-figure pottery (530-470 B.C.) in western and central Sicily: Agrigento: Trombi 2009, 763; Entel- 63) K 22122. Cf. Isler 2004a, 76; 2004b, 12 fig. 19. la: de Cesare 2003, 120; Erice: Famà 2009, 118 no. 26; Gela: 64) Isler 2009, 152. Panvini / Sole 2009, 172 fig. 1; Gibil Gabib: Beazley 1963, 505 n. 10; Himera: Allegro / Chiovaro / Parello 2009, 618; Mariano- 65) Appadurai (1996, 183) fittingly describes this as »coloniza- poli: Panvini 2009, 722; Monte Adranone: Fiorentini 1995, 8 f. tion«, that is, the cultivation of the past into a group’s local fig. 15; Monte Bubbonia: Micciché 2011, 62 fig. 15; Monte history. Castellazzo di Poggioreale: Falsone / Leonard 1979, 63 fig. 9; 66) On this concept see Gehrke 2001; 2014. Monte Iato: Trenkwalder forthcoming; Monte Saraceno: Cal- derone / Tramontana 2009, 592. 596. 598 fig. 9; Palermo: Pan- 67) contra: Rosa 2002.

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Materielle Kultur und Identität im Spannungsfeld zwischen mediterraner Welt und Mitteleuropa 97 Summary The Archaic Monte Iato: Between Coloniality and Locality Using the concept of coloniality, the phases of dominance of colonial power matrices is understood as the empowerment of power structures by indigenous people aspiring to rulership through colonial partners. Coloniality, therefore, has a dual function and is, moreover, contrasted with the locality. This not only refers to locality lived and experienced on a daily basis, but rather to a sense of belonging that is relived through the ritualised re-enactment of an »old- fashioned« world from pre-colonial times. The paper presented aims to develop a new perspective allowing us to discuss coloniality as a possibility for indigenous / local empowerment, which in conflict with the de-empowering return to local authenticity, is expressed archaeologically as a dialectic process between the cult place around the Temple of Aphrodite and the houses at the later Agora on the Monte Iato in Archaic Western Sicily.

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The Mediterranean Mirror Cultural Contacts in the Mediterranean Sea between 1200 and 750 BC

Between 1200 and 750 BC, the Mediterranean world saw the breakdown of Bronze Age civilizations, and the rise of Iron Age cultures. These chronological stages which unfortunately are often taken into consideration separately, have been bridged. The editors’ introduction and a picture of the theoretical framework of Medi terranean studies, are followed by five geographical parts. Each of them is introduced by a senior scholar’s comprehensive overview article followed by papers of highly competent younger researchers. By commenting on cultural RGZM – Tagungen, Band 20 changes and interculturality in the sub-regions of the Mediterranean, new 336 S. mit 88 z. T. farbigen Abb. important insights into interregional mobility, connectivity, and decentering Mainz 2015 phenomena are provided. The vision of the Mediterranean parts as equally ISBN 978-3-88467-239-6 important for understanding the significance of contacts represents a special € 50,– feature of the volume.

Holger Baitinger

Waffenweihungen in griechischen Heiligtümern

Bei Ausgrabungen in bedeutenden griechischen Heiligtümern wie Olympia oder Delphi wurden große Mengen an Waffen und Rüstungsstücken aus dem 8. bis 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. gefunden. Sie gelten als Beutestücke, die griechische Stadtstaaten nach siegreichen Schlachten den Göttern gestiftet haben. Im vorliegenden Band wird die Sitte der Waffenweihungen in der griechischen Welt zwischen Sizilien und Zypern zusammenfassend untersucht. Mehr als 130 Heiligtümer mit Waffenfunden bilden die Basis der Auswertung, in die auch schriftliche und epigraphische Quellen Eingang gefunden haben. Somit wird der Band zum umfassenden Kompendium einer wichtigen Votivsitte der griechischen Antike.

Monographien des RGZM, Band 94 184 S. mit 90 Abb. Mainz 2011 ISBN 978-3-88467-174-0 € 35,– Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Mainz

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La Tomba del Guerriero di Tarquinia Identità elitaria, concentrazione del potere e networks dinamici nell‘avanzato VIII sec. a. C.

Das Kriegergrab von Tarquinia Eliteidentität, Machtkonzentration und dynamische Netzwerke im späten 8. Jh. v. Chr.

Il volume raccoglie i risultati di un’analisi sistematica e multidisciplinare. I nu- merosi dettagli formali, stilistici e tecnologici illuminano le dinamiche di forma- zione dei »circle(s) of identity«, le strategie di negoziazione e resistenza culturale, e i codici di rappresentazione del potere e le forme di scambio, esistenti in Monographien des RGZM, area medio-tirrenica nel corso dell’VIII sec. a.C. Band 109 Si delinea così il complesso fenomeno di glocalizzazione e transculturalità 449 S. mit 139 z. T. farbigen Abb. che presiedette al processo formativo di un’intraprendente classe dominante und 91 Farbtafeln, 2 großforma- messa alla prova da una radicalizzazione delle competizioni sociali locali, e tige Beilagen al contempo importante protagonista del »network« di contatti esistente tra Mainz 2013 l’Oriente e l’Occidente mediterraneo. ISBN 978-3-88467-207-5 € 95,– Dieser Band enthält die Ergebnisse der systematischen und interdisziplinä- ren Auswertung eines frühetruskischen Grabfundes aus Tarquinia. Detailliert wurden Formen, Stil und Technik der Beigaben untersucht. In ihrer Vielfalt geben diese Befunde tiefe Einblicke in die Entstehungsprozesse und Dyna- mik der »circle[s] of identity«, in ihre zwischen Austausch und Abgrenzung oszillierende Positionierung gegenüber anderen Kulturen, in die Zeichen ihrer Machtrepräsentation sowie in die Handelsbeziehungen im Tyrrhenischen Meer und in Mittelitalien im 8. Jh. v. Chr. Daraus resultiert ein faszinierendes Panorama früher Glokalisierung und kultu- rellen Austauschs. In diesem Klima formierte sich eine herrschende Klasse, die einerseits durch immer schärfere soziale Konkurrenz auf lokaler Ebene heraus- gefordert wurde, andererseits auf dem Parkett der internationalen Beziehun- gen zwischen westlichem und östlichem Mittelmeerraum eine wichtige Rolle spielte.

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