Les Carnets De L'acost, 17

Les Carnets de l’ACoSt Association for Coroplastic Studies

17 | 2018 Varia

Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1085 DOI : 10.4000/acost.1085 ISSN : 2431-8574

Éditeur ACoSt

Référence électronique Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 17 | 2018 [En ligne], mis en ligne le 10 avril 2018, consulté le 24 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1085 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/acost.1085

Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 septembre 2020.

Les Carnets de l'ACoSt est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modifcation 4.0 International. 1

SOMMAIRE

The P.A. Sabouroff Collection of Ancient Terracottas from The State Hermitage Museum Elena Khodza

Solid items made to break, or breakable items made to last? The case of Minoan peak sanctuary figurines Céline Murphy

Terracotta Figures, Figurines, and Plaques from the Anavlochos, Crete. Florence Gaignerot-Driessen

Terracotta Figurines and the Acrolithic Statues of Demeter and Kore from Morgantina Laura Maniscalco

Works in Progress

Modelling Regional Networks and Local Adaptation: West-Central Sicilian Relief Louteria Andrew Farinholt Ward

Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, IV. The Work of the Academic Years 2016–2017 Arthur Muller et Jaimee Uhlenbrock

At the Museums

La collection des figurines en terre cuite du Musée National d’Athènes : formation et muséographie Christina Avronidaki et Evangelos Vivliodetis

Due mostre a Catania: un’occasione per avvicinare i ragazzi al mondo dell’archeologia Antonella Pautasso

Figure d’Argilla. Laboratorio di archeologia sperimentale Antonella Pautasso

Book Reviews

Terrakotten aus Beit Nattif. Eine Untersuchung zur religiösen Alltagspraxis im spätantiken Judäa Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom

Bibliography

I depositi votivi negli spazi del rito Valeria Parisi

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Bodies of Evidence. Ancient Anatomical Votives Past, Present and Future Jane Draycott et Emma-Jayne Graham

Votive Body Parts in Greek and Roman Religion Jessica Hughes

The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines Timothy Insoll

La «donna fiore» nel santuario di Hera alla foce del Sele. Un progetto per l'informatizzazione dei dati Francesca Cantone

Recent Bibliography on Coroplastic Topics: 2016–2017

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The P.A. Sabouroff Collection of Ancient Terracottas from The State Hermitage Museum

Elena Khodza

1 Pyotr Alexandrovich Sabouroff ( 1835–1918), well-known Russian diplomat and statesman, formed his collection of Greek and Roman terracottas, as well as vases and sculpture in marble and bronze, predominantly in Greece, when he was the Russian ambassador and plenipotentiary minister from 1870 to 1879. His entire collection was then acquired by the Imperial Hermitage in 1884, by which time the Hermitage’s collection of terracottas was already very well known and admired by scholars and collectors, especially for the high quality of its Tanagra figurines. The Sabouroff figurines, newly acquired by the Hermitage, far surpassed any other examples that already were in the collection, making the Imperial Hermitage’s holdings of figurative terracottas one of the most outstanding in Europe for the time.

2 The decade that Sabouroff had spent in Greece was witness to the widespread, unregulated, and destructive pillage of the necropoleis of ancient Tanagra that fed a lucrative art market dominated by Hellenistic figurines. These figurines captivated the attention not only of archaeologists and collectors, but also of a wide range of art lovers. The fact that Sabouroff was in Greece in the early years of this pillage allowed him to acquire superb examples of ‘Tanagras,’ as they had become known, before forgeries began to flood the art market because of the huge demand that these figurines had generated.

3 In negotiating for the sale of his collection of terracottas to the Imperial Hermitage, Sabouroff imposed as an obligatory condition the completion of the scholarly catalogue in two volumes — already underway at that time — of his entire collection of ancient works of art, for which Adolf Furtwängler was the author.1 Some 130 years have passed since Furtwängler completed his catalogue, and the need to re-evaluate the Sabouroff collection in a full and modern publication has become evident. In accordance with the aesthetic preferences of his time, Furtwängler had concentrated most of his attention on Tanagras and other terracottas in the Tanagra style, thereby omitting a number of

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other works of considerable interest. Consequently, some 50 terracottas in the new catalogue are published for the first time. In addition, the new catalogue contains the results of modern methods of physical and chemical analyses that have been applied to ancient terracottas during the course of the later twentieth century. The most important among these has been thermoluminescence, which exposes modern forgeries. Other kinds of analyses — microscopic and microchemical wet test of pigments, scanning electron microscopic investigation, x-ray fluorescent analysis (XRF), IR Fourier microscopy (FTIR microscopy), Raman spectroscopy, etc. — in some cases have allowed us to see these objects with new eyes and to understand more completely the changes that they have undergone over time. Fig. 1. Ephedrismos. Corinth. Late 4th –early 3rd century B.C.E. Inv. GR 5390

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4 The catalogue consists of two parts and three appendices. The first part comprises two chapters that focus on several periods of Sabouroff’s life and the events accompanying the purchase of the works that formed his collection. This includes the correspondence between Sabouroff and the participants in this process: the then director of the Imperial Hermitage Alexander A. Vasilchikov, the Minister of the Imperial Court Illarion I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, the State Secretary Alexander A. Polovtsov, and the assistant keeper of classical antiquities Gangolf E. Kizeritsky. The latter was responsible for the dispatch of the terracottas to Russia from Germany, where Sabouroff’s diplomatic career was drawing to a close. All of these documents are held by the Archives of The State Hermitage Museum.

5 The second chapter describes the nature of the collection, with an emphasis on its most important sections. Since this publication is not aimed exclusively at a narrow circle of specialists, the text includes general information on the main trends in the development of ancient coroplastics as represented by objects in the Sabouroff collection.

6 A detailed catalogue of the whole collection makes up the second part of the publication. In addition to previously unpublished works of art, the catalogue includes a special section devoted to the 19th-century forgeries, for which it is sometimes possible to trace from whom and when Sabouroff acquired them. Such pieces were inevitably to be found in all collections of Greek terracottas formed during the last quarter of the 19th century. In their own way, they are of considerable interest for information on the aesthetic preferences of the age.

7 The first appendix provides a brief outline of the techniques of production. The second consists of a concordance of inventory numbers, numbers according to the old register of ancient terracottas that entered the Hermitage from private collections and other

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museums, numbers in the first register of the Sabouroff collection (in the Archives of The State Hermitage Museum), and catalogue numbers. The third appendix comprises microphotos of the figurines in reflected light, Mag. 40x – 100x, taken in the Department of Examination / Authentication of Works of Art at The State Hermitage Museum, which make it possible to show examples of the layered painting on some of the figurines.

NOTES

1. Furtwängler A. 1883–1887. Die Sammlung Sabouroff: Kunstdenkmäler aus Griechenland, 2 vols. Berlin: Asher.

ABSTRACTS

The Sabouroff collection was formed in Greece by Pyotr A. Sabouroff (1835–1918), Russian diplomat and statesman, between 1870 and 1879, after which it was purchased by the Imperial Hermitage in 1884. This new and updated catalogue of the Sabouroff collection includes a reconstruction of the events accompanying the purchase of this collection based on documents in the Archives of The State Hermitage Museum. In addition, detailed reports of modern methods of analyses are taken into account that have been utilized for a complete reassessment of the Sabouroff collection for its full publication.

AUTHOR

ELENA KHODZA

Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities The State Hermitage Museum [email protected]

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Solid items made to break, or breakable items made to last? The case of Minoan peak sanctuary figurines

Céline Murphy

Introduction

1 The island of Crete is replete with small Middle Bronze Age mountain-top sites typically termed ‘peak sanctuaries.’ To date, approximately fifty such sites have been identified and all present a particular assemblage consisting of drinking, food containing, serving, cooking and low-scale storage vessels. Alongside these ceramics are always clay male and female anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines. It is commonly accepted that Minoan peak sanctuary ceramics – both vessels and figurines – were broken as part of the rituals believed to have been carried out at these sites. Indeed, be they scattered randomly across the sanctuaries’ precincts, clustered in some form of pattern, crammed into rocky nooks and crannies, lodged in crevices or simply strewn amongst ashy soil layers, these artefacts — with only very rare exceptions — have all been retrieved in a fragmentary state. What is more, alongside their broken condition, the somewhat simplistic appearance of most of these items has led scholars to believe that they were not of much quality, were thus not made to last or to be reused, and consequently, that they were effectively made to be smashed.

2 I revisit these perspectives here with the argument that peak sanctuary figurines were, in fact, in most cases, well-made objects. Materially-oriented, experimental examinations of such artefacts1 revealed that they were made with techniques ensuring solidity. While I do not counter the suggestion that peak sanctuary figurines may have been intended to eventually come apart in some way or another, or, in any case, that they were certainly not designed to be stored for reuse, I argue that these objects were not of such poor quality that they had to be, or would have, broken immediately.

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Rather, I suggest that they underwent a period of display in between the moment of their arrival on site and the time of their fragmentation.

3 In offering a fresh perspective on peak sanctuary figurines, this paper also demonstrates the benefits of studying these artefacts from a materially-orientated and experimental perspective, rather than simply relying upon their appearances. While few such items have been published, I draw information gathered from the few available publications, museum displays, and the results of my analysis of the figurines from Philioremos. I show how this approach indeed opens doors for new understandings of what the objects were initially designed for and helps dispel biases and assumptions constructed over decades. Consisting of both very ubiquitous and drastically understudied artefacts, maybe precisely because of their broken condition, peak sanctuary figurines now more than ever require close analyses of their modelling, assemblage and breakage.

Earlier views on Minoan peak sanctuary figurines

4 It has been widely understood that peak sanctuary figurines, as Peatfield, puts it, were broken during the rituals in which they were used, as part of an “act of deposition.”2 This idea was, in fact, first advanced by Myres, in his excavation report on the peak sanctuary of Petsophas, but with some inconsistencies.3 This idea was then widely accepted and followed.4 The inconsistencies in Myres’ account concern the method by which the figurines were fragmented. Based on his discovery of figurines in ashy layers, which he identified as the remains of a bonfire, Myres argued that the artefacts were ritually thrown into the fire.5 He further argued that, because of the presence of “whole”6 figurines in these layers, the fragmentary figurines were broken due to exposure to heat, or due to the bonfire’s cleaning following the ritual. However, it seems very unlikely that any clay figurine would have survived a fall covering the distance from an individual’s hand to the ground. What is more, nearly 90 years after their excavation Rutkowski7 composed a catalogue of the Petsophas figurines that, interestingly, does not contain a single ‘whole’ figurine, in spite of Myres’ claim (Fig. 1). Every item is in a fragmentary condition, although some have been reassembled or reconstructed. While some are not as fragmentary as other examples, they do nevertheless have missing parts. Fig. 1. Figurines from the peak sanctuary of Petsophas

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Photo from Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki 2005.

5 Despite Myres’ inconsistencies, it nevertheless has been widely accepted that peak sanctuary figurines were not meant to “outliv[e] the action of their dedication.”8 They were not items intended to last. Rethemiotakis’ reasoning is based on his perception of the manufacturing techniques of the majority of peak sanctuary figurines as poor9, which thus did not allow the objects to survive for lengthy periods of time, and which also justified their generally less attractive appearance. What is more, the very little information published about the firing conditions of these items has also led to assumptions that they were either all poorly fired, as is the case of some of the Metaxas Collection’s items.10 These perspectives are, however, first of all, as Morris notes, hugely generalising.11 Indeed, they lump the thousands of figurines into a single category without considering the existence of a range of different manufacturing techniques whose uses might have required different forms of knowledge. Second, these perspectives are visually biased. A “simple”12 appearance does not necessarily equate with poor structural quality. Morris,13 in fact, notes that anthropomorphic figurines were generally well assembled; she argues that their manufacture followed a clear structure, which is a perspective I also have identified for the Philioremos figurines.14 It is interesting that Myres himself noted that the joins made between the different body parts of the figurines were “secured”15 through the use of smoothing and pressing gestures, or by overlapping layers of clay, implying that they were solidly assembled. The observation of the use of cores,16 or pegs 17 in the composition of figurines from other sites also points to the use of good manufacturing techniques. These observations consequently imply that the items were well constructed.

6 Contradicting information, therefore, results from these previous perspectives on the manufacture and the breakage of peak sanctuary figurines. Although variations do, of course, occur from site to site, hence allowing for different statements to be advanced

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about the nature of the manufacture techniques and breakage methods of peak sanctuary figurines, it is conspicuous that most of the cited views were either directly based on Myres’ account of the Petsophas material, or drawn from exclusively visual examinations of such artefacts. This is how some large assumptions about these artefacts have prevailed. As a result, following Rutkowski’s initiative to more attentively examine the items individually, I chose to take a closer look at — and undertook a meticulous experimental program with — the figurines from the peak sanctuary of Philioremos18 (Fig. 2). I focused especially on their material aspects, in other words, on how they were made, and how and when they might have been broken. As is outlined below, it became clear that the figurines’ techniques of manufacture, including their firing, were sound, thus casting doubt on previous sweeping assumptions. Fig. 2. Figurine fragment from Philioremos

Photo courtesy of E. Kyriakidis

Experimental research and observations

7 In order to correctly address the material quality and breakability of peak sanctuary figurines, it is necessary first to examine the way in which the artefacts were made. This is, of course, required for the nature of this study, but also because I do not believe that breakage and manufacture can be so easily separated. Bracketing the end of the figurines’ production process and the beginning of their consumption process is difficult. These separations correspond to an academic archetype, rather than clear visible milestones in the life of an object.19 Thus, it is important to study the figurines’ assemblage and breakage alongside each other.20

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8 Here I cite but one manufacturing technique employed in the production of male figurines, both for reasons of space and because this technique has been attested at other peak sanctuaries21. This technique, which was summarily described my Myres22, and later detailed by Rutkowski23, consists of rolling out two cylinders of clay. The first is used for the head and the torso. The cylinder is modelled into a sphere at one end to form the head then shaped appropriately to form the torso. The facial features are marked. The underside of the abdomen is then pressed in to form a hollow into which the lower body can fit. The second cylinder is used for the lower body. It is folded over in two. The extremities of the cylinder are brought close to each other and inserted into a clay base, thus placing the figurine in a straight vertical position. The joint is fortified by smoothing clay over it, from which the feet are formed. Some very moist clay is then placed in the hollow of the torso’s lower part and then placed onto the lower body (Fig. 3). The join is smoothed over with additional clay, and sometimes further strengthened with a strip of clay marking a kilt. The arms, which are modelled separately, are then attached to the torso through smoothing. Fig. 3. Example of an assemblage technique used for peak sanctuary anthropomorphic male ﬁgurines

Drawing: the author

9 Following experimentation with the aforementioned modelling and assemblage technique, it became clear that through its use of as few pieces as possible, while allowing for speed and ease, it undeniably demonstrated a concern for solidity. By making the head and the torso, as well as the legs, in one piece, the figurine makers decreased the chances of the head or a leg coming off. It can thus be stated that the use of this technique ensured the items’ stability and firmness. Indeed, the experimental breakage of figurines I modelled with this technique demonstrated that the figurines broke at their most vulnerable and exposed points, such as their legs, narrow midriff or protruding arms, rather than at their joins. It is, moreover, noteworthy that a third of

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the retrieved Philioremos fragments consist of the upper and lower body join, or of the solid join between the arm and the shoulder or the base and the foot. The assemblage techniques were therefore so efficient that the pieces did not come apart. Consequently, the figurines cannot be described as having been being poorly made. It would appear that they were made to stay in one piece for as long as possible.

10 What is more, macroscopic24 and microscopic25 analyses of the clay composition of the Philioremos fragments’ revealed that all figurines were fired, and deliberately so, and that different temperatures were employed. Figurines presenting dusty surfaces were generally fired at temperatures around 650˚C. Figurines of harder texture were generally fired at temperatures rising to 950˚C, a heat spectrum considered as preferable. Experimental engagement with ceramic firing enabled me to note that my experimental figurines, which were made with clay mixes closely replicating the pastes of the original items’,26 could easily be fired at temperatures ranging from high (around 1000°C) to low (around 650°C) without experiencing damage during, or straight after, the firing process. Moreover, they could not be snapped by hand, at least by individuals of standard strength. Of course, it is probable that the items fired at lower temperatures came apart sooner than those fired at higher temperatures, yet no evidence points to the immediate breakage of the lower fired examples. In the absence of conclusive evidence, I am inclined to believe that the differences in firing temperatures demonstrated by the Philioremos figurines result from the work of different groups of people, the use of different firing structures, the use of different forms of fuels, or the climatic conditions at the time of the firing, rather than from a deliberate production of easily damageable objects.

11 Furthermore, the presence of bases and supports under the lower body fragments of the Philioremos figurines, as is the case for most other peak sanctuary figurines,27 suggests that they were intended to be stood upright. Were these objects to be immediately thrown to the ground, into fires or down crevices, bases would not have been required. Also, the fact that peak sanctuary figurines are always decorated in the round, as is noted by Myres28 in his comment about their backsides, implies that they were to be seen from all angles, and thus probably to be seen for some time. While, aesthetically, these artefacts maybe not have corresponded to the tastes of earlier scholars, it can certainly not be denied that care and thought was put into their production.

12 These observations, therefore, cast doubt on the previous suggestion that peak sanctuary figurines were immediately broken during rituals because they were not designed to last. While, of course, they may have been designed to be broken — and it is probable that they were, as is discussed below — my observations point to the fact that they might also have played a role of a longer duration than is usually assumed, and that they may have, in fact, survived for longer than just for the duration of the ritual. This view, in turn, also questions when, how, and by whom the figurines were broken. But the main question that arises is whether peak sanctuary figurines were solid items made to be broken, or breakable items made to last. These points are explored in the following discussion.

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Discussion

13 In light of the above, I suggest that peak sanctuary figurines were placed statically on a surface for some time. What their exact role during this period was, however, remains unknown. Nevertheless, I propose here that they may have been set up in a form of display, left as a group for the site visitors to see or look at while other activities took place, or to just remain on site alone after the rituals were completed. I insist upon the notion of the group, because it could be an explanation for the objects’ somewhat ‘crude’ or ‘simple’ appearances, if one is to judge them aesthetically. Indeed, given the sheer quantity of figurines found at peak sanctuaries and the sites’ generally limited sizes, it is evident that the objects would have been left standing in close proximity to each other. Intricate details would not have been visible, thus not requiring their depiction on the figurines’ surfaces, but the use of trichrome decoration would have ensured their contrast with the rocky landscape surrounding them.

14 Displaying objects is a way of abstracting them from the general flow of life and is a way of creating a form of fiction.29 Indeed, it is conceivable that at peak sanctuaries, which are non-domestic sites associated with ritual activities, the group display of figurines embodied precisely what peak sanctuary visitors experienced in accessing the sites. In climbing up the mountains in order to attend the rituals, visitors in a sense abstracted themselves from their daily lives. I further suggest that the figurines were reintegrated into the flow of life once they were left to decay, in other words, left to the mercy of the weather and animal and later human interference, after all visitors left the peak and reinserted themselves into their routines. The figurines were, therefore, like the visitors going back to their homes, reintegrated into relationships with their surroundings. This is when the figurines might have begun to undergo fragmentation.

15 Without entirely rejecting the suggestion that figurines might have been broken through human interference at certain sites, pushed into rocky cracks, or that they could have been broken at the very end of the rituals, I propose that these artefacts might also have come apart over time, after the rituals, due to exposure to the wind, to rain, and snow, to goats, and sheep crossing the open sites, and visitors stepping over them during later visits. Incidentally, it is important to note that, at Philioremos, the stratigraphy is deeply jumbled due to construction works carried out during the Late Bronze Age.30 The soil’s disturbance could indeed have also contributed to the figurines’ breakage. There is thus certainly some truth in earlier statements that peak sanctuary figurines were intended to be broken. They are today all in a fragmentary condition; not a single one remains in a complete state, as was noted above. In this light, it is most likely that they were indeed meant to break eventually. And indeed it is possible that they were eventually swept aside, or placed in between rocks or crevices. Yet, the above observations alter the dynamics of previous understandings of their breakage; it is indeed also very possible that they were not instantly broken, nor necessarily fragmented by human hands alone. Peak sanctuary figurines therefore sit on a very narrow fence. Ought they to be described as solid items made to be broken, or breakable objects made to last? They are effectively both.

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Conclusion

16 In this paper, I have demonstrated that a different approach to examinations of the manufacture and fragmentation of peak sanctuary figurines can offer quite different perspectives on their nature and the processes through which they went following their deposition. By using a closer material investigation of, and experimental engagement with, the items from Philioremos, I was able to better understand the material dynamics that led the artefacts to the condition they are in today, and consequently to question some assumptions and biases frequently associated with this category of figurines more generally. Having argued that peak sanctuary figurines are well-made objects, I suggest here that they may not have been broken as quickly as is usually assumed, and that these items may have been placed on display for some time before fragmentation took place naturally, due to weather conditions, or due to animal, and later human, interference on the sites.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chapman, J. 2015. “Bits and pieces. Fragmentation in Aegean Bronze Age context.” In K. THAVSMA. Contextualising the Intentional Destruction of Objects in the Bronze Age Aegean and Cyprus, edited by K. Harrell and J. Driessen, 25–48. Louvain-La-Neuve: Presses Universitaires de Louvain.

Chryssoulaki, S. 2001. “The Traostalos peak sanctuary: aspects of spatial organisation.” In Potnia: Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by R. Laffineur and R. Hägg, 57–66. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference/8e Rencontre égéenne internationale. Göteborg, Göteborg University, 12–15 April 2000. Aegaeum 22. Liège: Université de Liège.

Davaras, C. 1981. “Three new Linear A libation vessel fragments from Petsophas.” Kadmos 20: 16.

Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki, N. 2005. Το Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Ηρακλείου. Athens: EFG Eurobank Ergasias S.A. and John S. Latsis Public Benefit Foundation.

Dussaud, R. 1910. Les Civilisations Préhelléniques dans le Bassin de la Mer Égée: Études de Protohistoire Orientale. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

Gosden, C. 2004. “Making and display: our aesthetic appreciation of things and objects.” In Substance, Memory, Display: Archaeology and Art, edited by C. Renfrew, C. Gosden and E. DeMarrais, 35–45. Cambridge: McDonald Institute Monographs.

Kyriakidis, E. forthcoming. The Peak Sanctuary of Philioremos: A Minoan Open Air Ritual Site.

Lewis-Robinson, H. Forthcoming. “The Philioremos pottery fabrics.” In The Peak Sanctuary of Philioremos: A Minoan Open Air Ritual Site, edited by E. Kyriakidis.

Morris, C. 2009. “Configuring the individual: bodies of figurines in Minoan Crete.” In Archaeologies of Cult. Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, edited by A.-L. D’Agata and A. Van de Moortel, 179–187. Hesperia Supplement 42. Princeton: The American School of Classical Studies.

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Morris, C. and Peatfield, A. 1995. “The pottery from the peak sanctuary of Atsipadhes Korakias.” In Proceedings of the 7th Cretological Congress, Rethymnon 1991, 643–648. Rethymnon: Society of History and Folklore.

Murphy, C. 2016. “Reconciling Materials, Artefacts and Images. An Examination of the Material Transformations Undergone by the Philioremos Anthropomorphic Figurines.” PhD thesis: University of Kent.

Myres, J. 1902/3. “The sanctuary site of Petsofa.” ABSA 9: 356–387.

Nanoglou, S. 2015. “Situated intentions: providing a framework for the destruction of objects in Aegean prehistory.” In THAVSMA. Contextualising the Intentional Destruction of Objects in the Bronze Age Aegean and Cyprus, edited by K. Harrell and J. Driessen, 49–60. Louvain-La-Neuve: Presses Universitaires de Louvain.

Nodarou, E. Forthcoming. “Petrographic analysis of selected samples from the peak sanctuary at Philioremos-Gonies.” In The Peak Sanctuary of Philioremos: A Minoan Open Air Ritual Site, edited by E. Kyriakidis.

Peatfield, A. 1987. “Palace and peak: the political and religious relationship between palaces and peak sanctuaries.” In The Function of the Minoan Palaces, edited by R. Hägg and N. Marinatos, 89–93. Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10–16 June, 1984. Uppsala: Paul Åströms förlag

Peatfield, A. 1990. “Minoan peak sanctuaries: history and society.” OpAth 18: 117–"132.

Peatfield, A. 1992. “Rural ritual in Bronze Age Crete: the peak sanctuary at Atsipadhes.” CAJ 2-1: 59–87.

Pilali-Papasteriou, A. 1992. Μινωικά Πήλινα Ανθρωπόμορφα Ειδώλια της Συλλογής Μεταξά. Συμβολή στη Μελέτη της Μεσομινωικής Πηλοπλαστικής. Θεσσαλονίκη: Θεσσαλονίκη Εκδόσεις Βάνιας. Rethemiotakis, G. 1997. “Minoan clay figures and figurines: manufacturing techniques.” In TEXNI: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by R. Laffineur and P. Betancourt, 117–121. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean Conference. Aegaeum 16. Liège: Annales d’Archéologie de l’Université de Liège.

Rethemiotakis, G. 2001. Minoan Clay Figures and Figurines: From the Neopalatial to the Subminoan Period. Athens: Archaeological Society at Athens.

Rutkowski, B. 1991. Petsophas: A Cretan Peak Sanctuary. Warsaw: Art and Archaeology.

Sphakianakis, D. 2012. “The Vrysinas Ephebe: the lower torso of a clay figurine in contrapposto.” In Philistor: Studies in Honor of Costis Davaras, edited by E. Mantzourani and P. Betancourt, 201–212. Philadelphia: INSTAP Academic Press.

Zeimbeki, M. 2004. The organisation of votive production and distribution in the peak sanctuaries of state society Crete: a perspective offered by the Juktas clay animal figures.” In Knossos: Palace, City, State, edited by G. Cadogan, E. Hatzaki, and A. Vasilakis, 351–361. London: The British School at Athens.

ENDNOTES

1. Murphy 2016. 2. Peatfield 1992, 67. 3. Myres 1902/3.

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4. Dussaud 1910; Davaras 1981; Peatfield 1987, 1990, 1992; Pilali-Papasteriou 1992; Rethemiotakis 1997; Chapman 2015. 5. Myres 1902/3, 356. 6. Supra, n. 5. 7. Rutkowski 1991. 8. Rethemiotakis 1997, 117. 9. Supra, n. 8. 10. Pilali-Papasteriou 1992. 11. Morris 2009. 12. Dussaud 1910, 59; Rutkowski 1991, passim. 13. Morris 2009. 14. Murphy 2016. 15. Myres 1902/3, e.g., 362, 367. 16. Pilali-Papasteriou 1992. 17. Zeimbeki 2004. 18. Murphy 2016; see also Kyriakidis forthcoming. 19. See Nanoglou 2015. 20. See Murphy 2016. 21. See Myres 1902/3; Rutkowski 1991; Pilali-Papasteriou 1992. 22. Myres 1902/3, 362. 23. Rutkowski 1991, 23. 24. Lewis-Robinson forthcoming. 25. Nodarou forthcoming. 26. See Murphy 2016. 27. See, e.g., Myres 1902/3; Rutkowski 1991; Pilali-Papasteriou 1992; Morris and Peatfield 1995; Chryssoulaki 2001; Rethemiotakis 2001; Sphakianakis 2012. 28. Myres 1902/3, 362. 29. See Gosden 2004. 30. Kyriakidis forthcoming.

ABSTRACTS

The thousands of figurines found at peak sanctuaries across Crete have been widely understood as votive offerings. Owing to their fragmentary condition, it also has been suggested that they were broken as part of the rituals performed at these sites by being thrown into bonfires or to the ground. This hypothesis was further strengthened by the perception of some archaeologists of the figurines as poorly made. Upon a closer material examination of these artefacts, however, it appears that they were modelled and assembled with techniques ensuring their solidity. I therefore propose here that the figurines may not have been broken as immediately as is usually assumed, and that they may have been placed on display at peak sanctuaries for some time, before fragmentation took place. Keywords

INDEX

Keywords: Peak sanctuary, material, manufacture, fragmentation, display

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AUTHOR

CÉLINE MURPHY Post-doctoral researcher The Heritage Management Organization, Athens [email protected]

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Terracotta Figures, Figurines, and Plaques from the Anavlochos, Crete.

Florence Gaignerot-Driessen

Site description and history of research

1 The Anavlochos ridge consists of a 5 km long north-west/south-east crest of limestone extending above the village of Vrachasi, in the Mirabello region, Lasithi, Crete. It was mainly settled from the Late Minoan IIIC period to the beginning of the seventh century B.C.E, but some areas remained visited up to the Classical period at least. The first excavations were carried out in 1929 by French archaeologist Pierre Demargne, under the auspices of the French School at Athens (EFA). From August 19th to August 23rd 1929, Demargne excavated six late-Geometric houses in the settlement of the central valley, a series of Late Minoan (LM) IIIC–late Geometric graves at the foot of this central valley, and a votive deposit including protogeometric to classical figurines and plaques on the slope overlooking the cemetery at a place called Kako Plaï1 (fig. 1). During the past decade, rescue excavations have been undertaken by the Greek Archaeological Service (Ephorate of Lasithi), both in the settlement and the cemetery.2 The results of these various investigations highlighted the importance of the ancient occupation on the Anavlochos and the necessity to start a systematic research program. As a first step, a two-year (2015-2016) archaeological, topographical, and geomorphological survey was conducted by the EFA3 and in 2017 excavations were begun within the frame of a new five-year (2017-2021) program. Fig. 1 Topographical plan of the Anavlochos.

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The sanctuary at Kako Plaï

2 During the 2015 survey, the trenches opened by Demargne at Kako Plaï were located and more coroplastic material, very similar to that found in 1929, was collected from the surface. Some potential lines of walls and an anomalous accumulation of limestone rubble were also noticed on the terrace immediately above, where in the summer of 2017, a small single-room building with a bench was brought to light. Within and immediately outside the building, fragments of Daedalic plaques and archaic to classical figures were found in disturbed contexts. On the floor in the south-west part of the room was found a protogeometric skyphos in situ, while in the south-east corner was the head of a female terracotta figure (fig. 2), obviously fallen from the bench. It is possible that some of the fragments collected by Demargne in 19294 in fact belong to the same figure. Iconographically and technologically the head clearly echoes the large, wheel-made figures with upraised arms that are common in LM IIIC bench sanctuaries, notably at the neighbouring sites of Kephala Vasilikis, Vronda and Chalasmenos.5 The Kako Plaï figure must, however, have been slightly smaller and it does not have the tiara and attributes characteristic for the LM IIIC examples. Moreover, it was found on its own in an extra-urban building, whereas the LM IIIC figures with upraised arms generally appear in groups, within urban sanctuaries, and associated with a set of vessels (kalathoi, tubular stands and plaques) made in the same clay fabric.6 On the basis of these observations and of the find context, the head from Kako Plaï can provisionally be dated to the LM IIIC–Protogeometric period. Finally, it is worth noting that both the figure and skyphos were still on display in the sanctuary at Kako Plaï up to the most recent use of the building, which was in classical times, if not later. Fig. 2 Head of a ﬁgure from Kako Plaï.

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The votive deposits on the summit

3 During the 2016 survey, two new votive deposits were located in the north-western part of the summit of the Anavlochos Mountain (fig. 1). In each case, about 30 fragments of eroded figures, figurines, or plaques were collected on the surface. Both places were excavated in 2017.

4 Deposit 1 was located in the crevices of an outcrop of bedrock following a ca. 20 m gentle slope immediately to the east of a small esplanade. There numerous sherds and more than 550 fragments of figurines and plaques, representing 350 MNI, were found. The archaeological material was recovered from pockets of soil accumulated in bedrock cavities, without any clear stratigraphy, and was consistent until the natural layer of terra rossa covering the bedrock was reached. Except for four fragments of animal figurines, all the plaques, figures, and figurines collected are female representations. They provisionally can be dated from the Protogeometric to the Classical period. Among them, Daedalic figurines (fig. 3), Daedalic plaques showing women and sphinxes wearing a polos (figs 4–5), and kourotrophoi figures (fig. 6) are the most frequent. Many of these find close or exact parallels — they sometimes come from similar moulds — in the votive deposit excavated by Demargne at Kako Plaï in 1929, but also at the neighbouring sites of Papoura, Smari, Milatos, Dreros, Olous and Lato, as well as further to the East at Praisos and Vamies.7 This therefore includes the Anavlochos in a regional network of cultic practices and of coroplastic production and circulation. The quantity and type of material recovered from the mountain, as well as the topography of the place, seem to indicate that Deposit 1 may have been at the point of arrival of a sacred road that passed the old chapel at Kako Plaï and that remained in use long after the

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settlement had been abandoned in the beginning of the seventh century B.C.E. The location of the deposit, the context of the finds, and the finds themselves all may provisionally suggest a possible connection with Demeter and the Thesmophoria. Fig. 3. Daedalic ﬁgurine from Deposit 1

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5 Deposit 2 is located about 150 m further to the east than Deposit 1 (fig. 1). More than 150 fragments of zoomorphic figurines and wheel-made figures associated with fragments of LM IIIC pottery were recovered. They come from three cavities located in the highest scarps of the vertical south cliff of a small rocky peak (alt. 496 m). Bovids, equids, and birds are represented (fig. 7). For its large dimensions (l. head: ca 0.10 m) and the attention given to detail, a wheel-made bull figure in a very fine fabric with traces of painted decoration deserves special mention (its head is visible on fig. 7). It notably recalls the LM IIIC-sub-Minoan bull figures from Phaistos.8 Fragments of plaques with slots were also found and perhaps were used as stands for the figures. The location of Deposit 2, as well as the nature and distribution of the finds, suggest that a small open-air, rural sanctuary existed on the summit of the Anavlochos at the very end of the Late Bronze Age. Fig. 7. Zoomorphic ﬁgures and ﬁgurines from Deposit 2.

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6 To conclude, it is striking that the same area on the summit of the Anavlochos had a cultic importance from the LM IIIC to the Classical period. However, two distinct types of cults and cultic practices are clearly illustrated, and this should prevent us from speaking of cult continuity.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brun, H and A. Duplouy 2014. “Le sanctuaire de Déméter à Vamiès (Itanos, Crète orientale). Topographie, architecture et petite plastique de terre cuite.” BCH 138:201–44.

Chatzi-Vallianou, D. 2000. “Η λατρεία της Αθηνάς στην Ακρόπολη Σμαρίου.’’ In Πεπραγμένα Η' Διεθνούς Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου I:3, 505–36, Heraklion. Demargne, P. 1929. “Terres-cuites archaïques de Lato.’’ BCH 53:382–429.

Demargne, P. 1930. “Plaquettes votives de la Crète archaïque.’’ BCH 54:195–209.

Demargne, P. 1931. “Recherches sur le site de l’Anavlochos.” BCH 55:365–407.

Demargne, P. and H. van Effenterre 1937. “Recherches à Dréros.” BCH 61:5–32.

Ducrey, P. and O. Picard 1969. “Recherches à Latô.’’ BCH 93:792–822.

Eliopoulos, T. 2004. “A Preliminary Report on the Discovery of a Temple Complex of the Dark Ages at Kephala Vasilikis.” In Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus-Dodecanese-Crete, 16th-6th cent. B.C.,

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edited by V. Karageorghis and N. Stampolidis, 301–13. Athens: University of Crete and the A.G. Leventis Foundation.

Gaignerot-Driessen, F. 2014. “Goddesses Refusing to Appear: Reconsidering the Late Minoan III Figures with Upraised Arms.” AJA 118:489–520.

Gaignerot-Driessen, F., L. Fadin, R. Bardet and M. Devolder, Forthcoming a. “La prospection de l’Anavlochos I.” BCH 139–140.

Gaignerot-Driessen, F., C. Judson and V. Vlachou, Forthcoming b. “La prospection de l’Anavlochos II.’’ BCH 141.

Gesell, G.C. 2004. “From Knossos to Kavousi: The Popularizing of the Minoan Palace Goddess.”In ΧΑΡΙΣ: Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr, edited by A.P. Chapin, 131–50. Hesperia Suppl. 33. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

Kourou, N. and A. Karetsou 1997. “Terracotta Wheelmade Bull Figurines from Central Crete: Types, Fabrics, Technique and Tradition.” In TEXNH: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean Conference, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, edited by R. Laffineur and P.P. Betancourt, 107–16. Aegaeum 16. Liège and Austin: Université de Liège and University of Texas at Austin.

Pilz, O. 2011. Frühe matrizengeformte Terrakotten auf Kreta. Votivpraxis und Gesellschaftsstruktur in spätgeometrischer und früharchaischer Zeit. Beiträge zur Archäologie Griechenlands 2. Möhnesee: Bibliopolis.

Pilz, O. 2015. “Coroplastic Production in Early Iron Age Crete: Some Technical Aspects.” Creta Antica 16:139–53.

Tsipopoulou, M. 2009. “Goddesses for ‘Gene’? The Late Minoan IIIC Shrine at Halasmenos, Ierapetra.” In Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, edited by A.L. D’Agata and A. Van de Moortel, 121–36. Hesperia Suppl. 42. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. van Effenterre, H. 1938. Olonte. Recherches de topographie antique. Unpublished thesis presented to the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Fonds Henri et Micheline van Effenterre, University of Naples.

Xanthoudides, S. 1918. “Η Ἀρχαιολογική Περιφέρεια (Κρήτης).” ArchDelt 4:9–32. Zographaki, V. and A. Farnoux 2010. “Mission franco-hellénique de Dréros.” BCH 134:594–600.

Zographaki, V., F. Gaignerot-Driessen and M. Devolder, 2012-2013. “Nouvelles recherches sur l’Anavlochos.” BCH 136–137:514–35.

NOTES

1. Demargne 1931; Pilz 2015 and bibliography. The coroplastic material from the old excavations is currently under restudy by Oliver Pilz. 2. See most recently Zographaki et al. 2012-2013. 3. Gaignerot-Driessen et al. forthcoming a and b. 4. See e.g. the fragments illustrated in Pilz 2015, figs 2-3. 5. Eliopoulos 2004; Gesell 2004; Tsipopoulou 2009. 6. For an overview, see Gaignerot-Driessen 2014.

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7. Xanthoudides 1918; Demargne 1929, 1930, 1931; Demargne and van Effenterre 1937; van Effenterre 1938; Ducrey and Picard 1969; Chatzi-Vallianou 2000; Zographaki and Farnoux 2010; Pilz 2011; Brun and Duplouy 2014. 8. Kourou and Karetsou 1997: Plate XLIIa-b.

ABSTRACTS

In the summer of 2017 two votive deposits were excavated on the summit of the Anavlochos, Crete. The first one yielded protogeometric to classical figures, figurines, and plaques representing female figures. The second one included zoomorphic figures and figurines associated with Late Minoan IIIC pottery. In addition, the head of a female figure was recovered from a shrine that was brought to light on the slope of Kako Plaï, just above a third votive deposit, that already had been excavated by Pierre Demargne in 1929.

INDEX

Keywords: Crete, Anavlochos, Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, Daedalic

AUTHOR

FLORENCE GAIGNEROT-DRIESSEN Humboldt Research Fellow, Institute for Classical Archaeology, University of Heidelberg/CNRS: UMR 5133 Archéorient/ EFA [email protected]

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Terracotta Figurines and the Acrolithic Statues of Demeter and Kore from Morgantina

Laura Maniscalco

1 An interesting and relatively unexplored aspect of Greek coroplastic production is the relation between individual terracotta figurines and built structures, such as thrones. The relatively complex construction of thrones is a kind of architecture onto which terracotta elements could be added, much in the same way that terracotta architectural elements were added to Greek buildings in order to complete roofs, or to provide decoration and symbolic content to the structure overall. Careful analysis of a series of female figurines from the site of Morgantina in central Sicily offers an example of such construction, which also helps to contextualize a famous group of marble sculptures from the same site.

The Figurines

2 These figurines, representing a standing female holding a dove, are attested in three examples (fig.1). Only one is complete, but the others are preserved well enough to demonstrate that they all came from the same mold or the same generation of molds. Figurine A (fig.1a). Height 30.0 cm.

3 This figurine, produced in a single, frontal mold as an applique, preserves a female standing frontally with her legs and feet together and her right arm brought up to the chest, while the right hand holds a bird, facing left, by the feet; the left arm hangs at the side. The female wears a double-belted chiton with symmetrical folds that fall along the legs in broad, diagonal curves on either side of a wide central fold. A diagonal himation passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm, with long zig-zag folds that fall from beneath the right elbow. Nude feet emerge clearly from beneath the chiton. The figure has hair parted in the center in finger waves that frame the face and that fall behind the ears and down the back, while a thick band encircles the skull. The

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head is stylized with large, almond eyes and thick lips; large ears are set high on the head. Fig. 1, a–c. Three female ﬁgurines from San Francesco Bisconti

Author photo

4 The rear of the figurine has an irregular concave surface, perhaps in order to favor the attachment to a support with a sticky substance. The figurine is recomposed from three fragments (the head and neck, the body from the shoulders to the ankles, and the feet on a quadrangular base). The face is slightly abraded on the right side and around the chin, and the figure has a slight forward bend that probably occurred during firing. The fabric has a uniform reddish color with a smooth frontal surface (as if it were covered in slip) and rough on the rear surface with light inclusions ca. 3 x 1 mm in size. It is not possible to observe the core. This figurine presents all of the elements present or missing in the other figurines, and all of them seem likely to have been made from the same mold Figurine B (fig.1b) Preserved height, 21.0 cm.

5 Terracotta applique of a female figure that, in most respects, is almost identical to Figure A. It is recomposed from two fragments, one that comprises the head to just above the knees, and a second that preserves part of the himation that descends from the right arm of the figure; this is slightly chipped at the point. The lower part of the figure, left arm, and the nose are missing; the left arm is slightly chipped. Fig. 2, a–c. The back of three female ﬁgurines from San Francesco Bisconti

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Author photo

6 The fabric is reddish on the modelled front part (it would seem to be a slip altered by intentional firing or other heat). The core is grey. Although the fabric on the back might be soiled, it has a yellowish color with reddish inclusions of about 3 x 1 mm. Figurine C (fig.1c). Preserved height, 16.0 cm

7 This preserves the lower portion from waist to feet of a female figure that in most apparent respects is identical to Figurine A. It is recomposed from two fragments with some chips and spalls; the feet and base are missing. The left hand is preserved but the left index finger is chipped. The right and left edges of the figure are irregular and not modelled. The rear portion is not modeled, but instead is very irregular with long, vertical channels made by a stick, almost as a recess and probably for the attachment of some sort of support, either with a glue or some other sticky substance. The fabric is reddish both on the front and the back (there seems to be slip that has been altered by intentional firing or other heat); grey core with inclusions of rough size 3 x 1 mm.

8 Figurines B and C (fig.1b–c), with the same reddish fabric, were found during the excavation of the Sanctuary of San Francesco Bisconti, which is located on the steep slope of the deep valley between the Cittadella hill and the rest of Serra Orlando.1 Figurine A (fig.1 a), the only one that is complete, is reported to have been a sporadic find, but it is possible to have come also from the San Francesco Bisconti area.2 The backs of the figurines have long vertical impressions, almost as a recess and probably to facilitate attachment to some support with a glue or other sticky substance (fig. 2). The sides of the figure are smooth and molded as the front edge. X-ray fluorescence analysis of the traces of red color on Figurine B (fig. 1 b) shows that the red color is iron oxide3.

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9 Two more figurines identical to these come from the Archaic settlement on the Cittadella hill at the eastern end of the Serra Orlando ridge, where the Archaic period site of Morgantina is located. One came from a deposit in the area of the settlement, the other from a chamber tomb.4 Outside the area of Morgantina the only other similar figurines are one from Camarina, now in the Museum of Ragusa and another, in the British Museum, said to come from Locri.5

The Context of the Sanctuary

10 The sanctuary of San Francesco Bisconti dates back to the Archaic period, and it continued to be in use until the destruction of the city in 211 B.C.E. Proper excavation of the sanctuary began in the 1980s, after clandestine activities had resulted in the removal of a number of large-size, marble sculptures. Scientific excavations brought to light a series of small buildings identified as cult and service structures, as well as offering areas, arranged on three levels along the steep terraces above the valley (fig.3). 6 The disposition of the buildings along what seems to have been a sort of ritual path, and the typology of the finds, suggests that this sanctuary was a Thesmophorion.7 A large number of terracotta finds, mostly mass-produced female figurines, have been recovered from the sanctuary, along with a fragment of a feline paw pertaining to furniture,8 and a few fragments of flat elements that could have been part of a larger structure. The presence of a fragment of a mold with drapery suggests that in the sanctuary area terracotta statuettes were made. Regarding the figurines in question, a recorded provenance is available only for Figurine B, which is Room Number 7 on the lower terrace. In the floor of this room there was a square base in sandy limestone and next to it a rectangular inset in the floor whose interior was completely plastered. These two features led Graziella Fiorentini, the director of the first excavations, to suggest that statues could have been placed in these positions.9 Fig. 3. Plan of the sanctuary of San Francesco Bisconti at Morgantina

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Plan from Maniscalco 2015, pl. II; Fiorentini 1980–1981, pl. LXXXI (detail)

The Throne

11 There is reason to believe that Figurines B and C from S. Francesco Bisconti, and perhaps also Figurine A, were once part of a fragmentary terracotta throne now on display in the Kunsthistorisches Museum at Vienna. The remains of the throne were published by Ella van der Meijden at the time that they were on display previously in Switzerland at the Basel Museum.10 The throne, dated to the second half of the sixth century B.C.E., consists of two fragmentary sides with flat rectangular elements to which there are attached two rows of draped kouroi below and korai above, as well as feline paws at the front. One side of the throne is complete with six figurines: three kouroi on the lower part and three korai with a dove on the upper part. The other side of the throne is much more fragmentary with only two kouroi remaining on the lower part of the side, while the upper part is missing. The female figures on the throne are identical to the figurines under discussion from Morgantina in every aspect — the size, surface texture, and surface color of the terracotta figurines from San Francesco Bisconti are identical to the size, surface texture, and surface color of the figurines in Vienna.

12 The feline paw from San Francesco Bisconti is larger in size than the paws in the front of the Vienna throne, but it is possible that this fragment could also have been part of another separated element such as a stool that almost always is associated with thrones in the representation of seated divinities. The flat elements from the Sanctuary also could be part of the terracotta encasing of the structure for a portion not yet identified in the manner of the other elements of the Vienna complex.11 Everything suggests that the three figurines missing from the throne are the figurines from the Thesmophorion

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at San Francesco Bisconti, which are of a higher quality, in comparison with the numerous, other mass-produced figurines from the same sanctuary.

The Acrolithic Sculptures

13 In the Archaeological Museum of Aidone there is on display a precious group of marble sculptural elements that comprise the oldest known acroliths in the Greek world. These were uncovered during clandestine excavations at Morgantina around 1979 and sold on the art market. In 2009 they were returned to Italy after a long court case established their provenance as the area of Morgantina, and more specifically the Thesmophorion of San Francesco Bisconti.12 Of the two acrolithic statues, which are larger than life-size, there survive only the marble parts: the heads, hands, and feet of Acrolith A, and the head, one hand, and one foot of Acrolith B. Differences between the two faces suggest that the sculptural intent was to distinguish two individuals different in age, and the current interpretation is that Acrolith A should represent Demeter and Acrolith B her daughter, Persephone. The proportions of the preserved parts and the similar shape and placement of the feet suggested to Clemente Marconi, the first to publish them, that the statues were represented seated and completely covered with clothes from the neck to the feet with only their extremities visible.13 Analysis showed that the acrolithic elements of the statues were made out of marble from a quarry at Cape Vathy on the island of Thasos.14 X-ray fluorescence analysis shows that the red color painted on the feet of Acrolith A to represent sandals is iron oxide, just like the red paint on one of the figurines. The differences between the upper part of the head of Acrolith A and that of Acrolith B may be interpreted as differences due to hairstyle and/or related headdress15. The curved shape of the upper part of the head of Acrolith A could have served for the placement of a high, closed crown with which Demeter is often represented, while for the head of Acrolith B, a suggestion for the headdress may come from that of Figurines A and B, which consist of a diadem and a veil. This latter headdress would be appropriate for the goddess Persephone.

14 A silver ring, a silver fragment of a tiara, and a silver earring, all sporadic finds from the Thesmophorion of San Francesco Bisconti, can be listed among the offerings, and we should consider the possibility that they were used for the embellishment of statues.16 A hint of what a Thesmophorion like the one at San Francesco Bisconti could hold comes from the inventories of the sanctuaries at Delos, which range in date from the late fourth century B.C. to the second century A.D.17 There are particularly detailed lists of objects dedicated at the Delian Thesmophorion. One list begins — and presumably this is a sign of importance — with two acrolithic statues, set on thrones, adorned with tiaras and gilded wooden earrings and dressed in clothes of purple linen. The items that follow include ceramics, various kinds of wood and metal objects, many torches in gold and silver of various sizes that evidently were given in offering. Perhaps some of these torches could have been used as attributes of the divinities and may have been mounted in the fists of the statues in Delos.

Seated Figures

15 Since there is reason to believe that in antiquity the acrolithic statues from Morgantina were represented as being seated, for the presentation in the Museum of Aidone seats were created in careful proportion to the dimensions of the feet, the arms and the head

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of each figure, following indications in Marconi’s publication (207 cm. for Acrolith A, 180 cm. circa for Acrolith B should be their respective heights) (fig.4).18 But, also in antiquity, a support in the shape of a chair was necessary to hold the marbles, and we must think that the construction of such a statue group would have been a major enterprise for the city. We know that acrolithic statues were made from different materials, and this required specialists able to work in stone, wood, terracotta, glass paste, and metals, in order to make not only the anatomical stone portions of the statues, but also the wig, the eyes, the attributes, and the jewelry. We must think, also, of the many other tools and materials that would have been necessary to construct the bodies and to connect all the separate pieces to the same support. A strong and also practical and beautiful support could be of wood, but what kind of wood would have been available at that time and place and suitable to the task? And how would the wood be presented — painted or perhaps covered with stucco or elements in terracotta? We do not have any analysis of wood from the excavations at Morgantina, but we do from the relatively close sanctuary of the Divine Palikoi near Mineo — that fir was a common building material.19 Fig. 4. Reconstruction of the acroliths from the sanctuary of San Francesco Bisconti

Author photo

16 A graphic reconstruction of the acrolithic statues from Morgantina on the Vienna throne demonstrates that the dimensions of the throne fit perfectly the space required for the absent chair by the acrolithic statues. If the two statues were displayed side-by- side, such decoration may have been put only on the outer, visible sides of a single throne or pair of thrones that together formed a sort of bench (fig. 5). The decoration could have belonged, also, to a throne for only one of the sculptures (fig. 6). The published provenance of the only figurine for which an exact find spot is known is the very same room where the acroliths were found,20 and the presumed width of the

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terracotta throne in Vienna — 43 centimeters — is precisely the dimension reported in Fiorentini’s publication of the square limestone base in room no. 7 at San Francesco Bisconti. This width is also the width that resulted from the reconstruction of the display support made in 2008 for the acrolithic sculptures at the museum, thus suggesting again that all the measurements are consistent. Fig. 5. Graphic reconstruction of the acroliths on the Vienna throne with ﬁgurines from S. Francesco Bisconti

Photo after M. Puglisi; Graphic reconstruction by Mariella Puglisi Fig. 6. Graphic reconstruction of one acrolith on the Vienna throne with additional ﬁgurines from S. Francesco Bisconti

Photo after M. Puglisi; Graphic reconstruction by Mariella Puglisi

17 Could such an enterprise have been completed at Morgantina? This is a possibility, at least, for the throne itself, as the rich coroplastic history of the town can demonstrate. The figurines B - C were not imported, but rather were locally made,21 and the topography of the Sanctuary located in a deep valley with very steep slopes suggests

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that the statuary structure, composed of heavy marble parts and fragile terracotta elements, could only have been assembled in loco.

18 The artists involved in such a big enterprise were probably several in number, each with different, specialized skills. The strong East Greek influence on Sicilian archaic production in sculpture, pottery making, and architecture is well known.22 It is also known that in the Archaic period actual itinerant artists from different parts of the East Greek world were working in Sicily.23 The extensive activity in many sanctuaries in eastern Sicily during the sixth century B.C.E. seems to have created a familiarity and character in locally produced sculpture that seems to fall in line with a certain ‘stylistic geography’ that encompasses several sites, including Camarina and Naxos, as well as Morgantina, for the acrolith’s heads and these figurine’s heads.24

19 Compelling evidence suggests that the fragmentary throne in Vienna not only came from San Francesco Bisconti, but that it was an element of the acrolithic statuary complex and served as a kind of casing for a supporting wooden structure. Unfortunately, we will never know if the acrolithic sculptures themselves were really in Room Number 7, and even if we did, we still would not know if they were presented as cult statues with all their attributes and paraphernalia or, instead, if the statues were there just for storage, or even if they had been hidden in anticipation of the Roman attack on Morgantina in 211 B.C.E. The floor of Room Number 7 was remade in the fourth or third centuries B.C.E., and it is possible that during the roughly two centuries that had elapsed since the time that the acrolithic statues had been created, some modifications may have been made to the statuary complex. Perhaps more elegant elements were added or simply substituted for old ones. Perhaps, in order to be more fashionable, ivory elements were added, as was common in Hellenistic times. The thrones of large seated figures of the Archaic period often bear simple decoration, limited to the feline paw of the legs, as one may see in the throne of the seated figure from Grammichele or in pinakes from Locri, even though we read in ancient literary sources descriptions of the thrones of cult statues, probably of later period, with rich reliefs and figures both on thrones and on footstools.25 The insertion of figurines on the side of the throne, however, seems to be a solution present only in this case, and this statistic in itself suggests a local provenance for the creation of the structure. The typology of the female figurine used on the throne originated from a mold perhaps from Camarina and seems to have been popular also in archaic Morgantina, since it was used in tombs, in the settlement, and in the Thesmophorion. The male figurine and particularly the draped male figure used in the throne are much rarer in Sicily, even if this typology is not completely absent.26

A Builder’s Approach To Sculpture

20 The acrolithic statues from Morgantina are rare examples of actual, large-scale cult statuary, but their significance goes much further than that. They represent not a carved approach to sculpture, nor a plastic approach to sculpture, but rather one of the first attempts in the Greek world to make built sculpture — a kind of art that involved a vast range of craftsmanship and complexity in design. There is relatively little discussion of built statues in the Greek world. The corporeal matrix in which acrolithic stone elements were placed is most visibly other stone, such as the metopes sculpted in relief with acrolithic elements from Temple E at Selinus or the rather bulky body of the

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so-called goddess of Morgantina. Greek statuary, whether small-scale terracotta figures, or large-scale statuary in stone, is generally known from solid materials that were modified through plastic or glyptic techniques. Bronze statuary is a case apart, in which bodily elements could be fitted together in a limited way.27

21 There is no question, however, that the large-scale chryselephantine statues of pan- Hellenic and other prominent sanctuaries were built works on the scale of architecture, or rather ship-building. Lapatin discusses the literary and limited physical evidence for the construction of such statues.28 There are clear traces of the armature, a kind of wooden mast, that supported the statue of Athena Parthenos in the Parthenon at Athens. The exterior construction with a sheathing of ivory perhaps together with clay and plaster is a conceptual parallel to the construction of the hull of a ship (often from the outside in, where the shape of the hull was built first and the skeletal structure of the craft was added successively or at least concomitantly during construction, in order to provide support), and ultimately such construction is identified as an actual derivation from nautical technology.

22 We do not know exactly what the body structure that held the acrolithic pieces was like, but we can presume that it included socket joints of the sort that one sees in the acrolithic pieces themselves. While solid wood, ivory or other ‘soft’ material could have been carved as a whole for smaller statues, the scale of the Morgantina goddesses was far greater and would likely have required some sort of frame. In this sense the goddesses themselves would have been similar structurally to the thrones they sat on. The clothing, like the appliqués, to the throne would have been a form of dressing, much along the lines of interpretation of Gottfried Semper for Greek architecture, in which sculpture and painted decoration was essentially independent of the basic three- dimensional frame of a building.29

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barletta, B. 2006. “Archaic and Classical Magna Graecia.” In Greek Sculpure. Function, Materials, and Technique in the Archaic and Classical Periods, edited by O. Palagia, 77–

118. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Barletta, B. 1983. Ionic Influence in Archaic Sicily: The Monumental Art. Gothenburg: Åströms Förlag.

Bell, M. 1981. Morgantina Studies. I. The Terracottas, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

De Miro, E. 1980, “L’attività della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Agrigento dal 1976 al 1980. Morgantina (Aidone - S. Francesco Bisconti).” BCASic 1, 134–137.

Fiorentini, G. 1980–1981, “Ricerche archeologiche nella Sicilia centro-meridionale. Morgantina (Aidone-San Francesco Bisconti),” Kokalos 26–27, II.1, 593–598.

Fiorentini, G. 1988–1989. “Attività della Soprintendenza Beni Culturali e Ambientali della Sicilia centro-meridionale (Agrigento, Caltanissetta, Enna) (1984–1988).” Kokalos 34–35, II, 501.

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Hamilton, R. 2000. Treasure Map: A Guide to the Delian Inventories. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Greco, C. 2015, “Scavi nel santuario tesmoforico di San Francesco Bisconti a Morgantina. Topografia e ritualità.” In Morgantina duemilaequindici. La ricerca archeologica a sessant’anni dall’avvio degli scavi, edited by L. Maniscalco, 32-43. Catania: Tera Print srl.

Kenfield, J. 1990, “An East Greek Master Coroplast at Late Archaic Morgantina.” Hesperia 59, 265– 274, pls. 43–46.

Kenfield, J. 1993, “A Modelled Terracotta Frieze from Archaic Morgantina: Its East Greek and Central Italic Affinities.” In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Central Italic Architectural Terracottas at the Swedish Institute in Rome, 10-12 December 1990, edited by E. Rystedt, C. Wikander, and Ö. Wikander, 21–28. Stockholm: Åströms Förlag.

Lapatin, K. 2001. Chryselephantine Statuary in the Ancient Mediterranean World, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Lyons, C. 1996. Morgantina Studies. V. The Archaic Cemeteries, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Maniscalco, L. 2015. “Breve nota sugli acroliti del thesmophorion di San Francesco Bisconti.” In Morgantina duemilaequindici. La ricerca archeologica a sessant’anni dall’avvio degli scavi, edited by L. Maniscalco, 53–58. Catania: Tera Print srl.

Marconi, C. 2008. “Gli acroliti da Morgantina.” Prospettiva 130-131: 2–21.

Pautasso, A. 1996. Terrecotte arcaiche e classiche del Museo Civico del Castello Ursino a Catania. Università di Catania-CNR.

Pautasso, A. 2012. “L’età arcaica. Affermazione e sviluppo delle produzioni coloniali.” In Philotechnia. Studi sulla coroplastica della Sicilia greca, edited by M. Albertocchi and A. Pautasso, 113– 140. Catania: IBAM.

Raffiotta, S. 2007. Terrecotte figurate dal santuario di San Francesco Bisconti a Morgantina, Enna: EditOpera.

Raffiotta, S. 2013. Caccia ai tesori di Morgantina. Enna: EditOpera.

Richter, G.M.A. 1966. The Furniture of the Greeks Etruscans and Romans. London: Phaidon.

Semper, G. 2004. Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts; or, Practical Aesthetics. Trans. Harry F. Mallgrave. Santa Monica: Getty Research Institute.

Van Der Meijden, E. 1990. “Fragmente Eines Spatarchaischen Terrakottathrones.” Antike Kunst, 33: 130–135.

ENDNOTES

1. Fiorentini 1980-81, pl. LXXXIV, fig. 2; Raffiotta 2007, cat. 21, 22. 2. All the finds from Serra Orlando area labelled according the system used by the American Excavations (year/number). This find, on the other hand, is labeled with a Soprintendenza/Parco code, and the primary, and for many years the only, Soprintendenza excavation was, in fact, the Sanctuary of San Francesco Bisconti. Another possibility is that Figurine A is the statuette of a woman with a bird found in the Soprintendenza excavation of a necropolis in C. da Gambero in 1973 (Lyons 1996, 11 n. 18). 3. Analysis made by S.T.Art-Test di S. Schiavone & C. 4. Bell 1981, 123 n. 2 a–b, pl. 3; Lyons 1996, 107 ff.

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5. Pautasso 1996, 133 ff pl. XX:f. The figurine from Camarina is larger than the others and can be older by perhaps one generation. 6. Fiorentini 1980–81, Fiorentini 1988–89, Greco 2015. 7. Greco 2015. 8. Raffiotta 2007 cat.152. 9. Fiorentini 1980–1981, pls. LXXX-LXXXV. 10. Van Der Meijden 1990; Pautasso 1997, fig.10. 11. Van Der Meijden 1990, pl. 26: 5, 6. 12. On the acrolithis, see Marconi 2008; Maniscalco 2015. On the sanctuary see Greco 2015. 13. Marconi 2008, 9. 14. Analysis made by Lorenzo Lorenzini; Maniscalco 2015, 53, n. 4. 15. Maniscalco 2015 figs. 3–4. 16. Maniscalco 2015, fig. 11. 17. Hamilton 2000. 18. Marconi 2008, 7. 19. Castiglioni 2008, 375 ff. 20. Fiorentini 1980-1981, 595, pl. LXXXIV:2. 21. Raffiotta 2007, 119. 22. Pautasso 1996, 114; Barletta 1983, passim. For Morgantina, Bell 1981, 9; Kenfield 1990, Kenfield 1993, Raffiotta 2007, 111 ff. 23. Pautasso 1996, 114; Marconi 2008, 17. 24. Pautasso 2012, 129. 25. Richter 1966, 14 ff., figs. 49, 60. 26. Van Der Meijden 1990, 131, note 6. 27. The appearance of fitted bronze statuary toward the end of the sixth century B.C.E. is, however, a parallel to the kind of ‘body building’ that is posited here, and there may be a general similarity in approach to making sculpture. 28. Lapatin 2001, 70–73. Of particular interest is a reference in Lucian (Jupiter tragoedus, 8) to hollow statues with many interior supports (for the text, ibidem, 71, n. 107) and a reference in Pausanias (I.40.4) to the statue of Zeus Olympios at Megara that employed clay and plaster, together with gold and ivory. 29. Semper 2004.

ABSTRACTS

Archaic figurines of women holding a dove recovered from in and around the Thesmophorion of S. Francesco Bisconti at Morgantina (Sicily) can be associated with a fragmentary terracotta throne now in Vienna. It is possible that this throne was made for one or both of the famous acrolithic sculptures that represented the goddesses Demeter and Kore, from the same sanctuary. The strong East Greek influence on Sicilian archaic sculpture is noted, as well as the possibility that the acrolithic group and the throne may have been made locally with the participation of itinerant artists. Both the throne and the acrolithic sculptures may represent a built, rather than a glyptic, approach to sculpture making, which would anticipate the achievements of the Classical period in chryselephantine sculpture on a much larger scale.

INDEX

Keywords: figurines, throne, acrolith, archaic sculpture.

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AUTHOR

LAURA MANISCALCO Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA. di Catania [email protected]

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Works in Progress Travaux en cours

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Modelling Regional Networks and Local Adaptation: West-Central Sicilian Relief Louteria

Andrew Farinholt Ward

1 Despite the crucial role played by the movement of objects and artists in the crosscultural exchange so characteristic of the Iron Age Mediterranean, modeling these networks has proven difficult. West-central Sicily, a territory roughly separated from the eastern portion of the island by the Imera meridionale, is an ideal case study thanks to the proximity of independent indigenous (Elymian and Sikan) and migrant (Greek and Phoenician) polities. Whereas previous network analyses utilizing ceramics contend with unwieldly large samples, and sculptural or architectural exchange is often limited to the anecdotal, an ideal yet underutilized corpus is the region’s “cylinder stamped” terracottas (Fig. 1).1 Noted as a characteristic feature of the region’s terracotta production already in 1884,2 examples brought to light in excavations have since demonstrated that the technique was popular and readily adapted outside of the major Greek apoikiai of Selinus, Akragas, Gela, and Himera. In a dissertation-in- progress, I argue that careful analysis of the reliefs themselves and the archaeological assemblages of the terracottas on which they are found across western and central Sicily offers an unparalleled opportunity to track transcultural mobility and local appropriation.3 Through this, we may begin to move beyond anacronistic theories and develop a more nuanced understanding of how communities in “colonial” areas were connected through sub-elite mobility and exchange. Fig. 1. Basin rim fragment with processional frieze of Sphinxes and Pegasi, from Gela

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Author photo

Theoretical Framework

2 Despite the complexity of this contact zone, the prominence of the Greco-Roman classical tradition skewed study of ancient Sicily decidedly towards the Greek apoikiai. For the Phoenician and indigenous peoples of Sicily, Thucydides’ simplifying account of the island’s pre-Greek peoples remained the primary frame of reference; the author’s definition of these groups only by their relation to the Greeks has persisted in modern scholarship.4

3 The resultant narrative is now familiar. As Greek identity — and modern concepts of ethnic superiority — were integrated into various European national debates, the attendant popularity of Orientalism and Imperialism further distanced the Phoenician and indigenous “other.” Greeks were the benefactors of the benighted indigenous and Phoenician populations through the process of Hellenization. An intellectual reassessment began with the collapse of European colonies across the world, with classical archaeologists and art historians beginning to argue that the preceding model was a figment of the imperial imagination. The postcolonial approach that developed saw multicultural regions such as west-central Sicily as a place of contested meaning and hybridization.5

4 Postcolonialism is still very much thought of as new theory for the field, as indicated by recent publications like Gabriel Zuchtriegel’s Colonization and Subalternity in Classical Greece.6 In reality, both Hellenization and Postocolonialism suffer from the same fundamental issue, subscribing to what has been described as “colonial dualism.”7 While postcolonialism recognizes alterity, it still assumes originally homogenous cultural groups. Even as it acknowledges hybridity, the theory assumes that there is some original pure “Greek,” “indigenous,” and “Phoenician” identity from which heterogeneity may arise.

5 The globalist turn has similarly flattened our discussion of regional dynamics. Network theory from Horden and Purcell’s now influential volume to Irad Malkin’s A Small Greek World promote concepts of Mediterraneanization and Glocalization that preference global phenomena over local specificity.8

6 Rather than simply furthering this debate, the dissertation summarized in this notice seeks to challenge the very paradigms upon which these contentions are based. Scholarly consensus in recent years reconstructs ancient identity as far more fluid than colonial dualism allows. Communities across the region enjoyed a complex network of

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associations that often did not follow abstract boundaries, and the evidence for the coexistence of multiple sub-elite identities within polities continues to grow. To understand the complexity of these associations, one must focus on the objects themselves. The distribution and resultant adaptations of “Greek” material culture across the region, rather than showing allegiance to an abstract concept of Mediterranean identity, was a means by which communities in western and central Sicily could promote local difference by making subtle changes to shared regional material culture.

Modelling through cylinder matrices

7 Systems analysis and assemblage theory have been applied to questions of transcultural exchange with some success in the western Mediterranean and in western Sicily particularly. The difficulty arises in determining an appropriate sample group of material culture. Focusing on formal typology as the metric for such analyses is the fundamental limitation. Small geographic samples cannot replicate the high degree of contextual variation across western Sicily, while larger geographic samples collect such large numbers of objects that fine-grade analysis is cumbersome, and connections are difficult to prove.

8 Rather than formal typology, this dissertation focuses on surface, and specifically the use of cylinder stamps across west-central Sicily. Cylinder matrices (Fig. 2), used by craftspeople to create continuous friezes across the terracotta surfaces, were especially popular in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Large terracottas with such reliefs were traded and adapted irrespective of cultural boundaries in Greek, Elymian, Sican, and Phoenician communities. The stamps, with figural, vegetal, and abstract iconographies, were used on the surfaces of what might be considered “terracotta furniture,”9 ranging from the common footed basins to altars, trapeza, pithoi, wellheads, and sarcophagi. Fig. 2. Lotus and Palmette cylinder matrix, ﬁfth century BCE, from Gela, workshop assemblage

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Photo. Orsi 1906

9 Whether inspired by Corinthian or Cretan production, the continuous reliefs across the region conform to a distinct style. mpressed terracotta fragments appear prominently in the collections of major international museums and the galleries of regional museums.10 Their regional specificity was such that, when Paolo Orsi sent characteristically Sicilian material to the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze, he included five fragmentary terracottas impressed with the most common cylinder frieze iconographies.11 Despite this popularity, and dozens of newly discovered fragments, scholars still largely rely on a single article by Nunzio Allegro from 1982.

10 The very nature of cylinder matrices makes them excellent for modelling networks of regional distribution and adaptation. A cylinder matrix, over hundreds of uses, will continue to produce the same stamped frieze with consistent measurements that can be identified with a more consistent surety than a painter’s hand. To create a new matrix, a craftsman need only roll a soft clay cylinder along an impressed surface. When fired, this new matrix will contract and be of a slightly smaller dimension, allowing for the reconstruction of distinct generations. This process may be seen in three fragments found at Phoenician Mozia impressed with progressively smaller friezes of Nereids bearing the arms and armor of Achilles (Fig. 3). It is often easier for a craftsman to travel with matrices rather than to transport heavy objects, like terracotta sarcophagi, and so the appearance of identical impressions at both Agrigento on the coast and Monte Raffe (Fig. 4) in the island’s interior speaks not only to trade, but also of human mobility on the part of itinerant craftspeople. Comparison of hundreds of impressed fragments identified to date allows us to precisely reconstruct the variety of associative networks that connected the communities of west-central Sicily. Fig. 3. Three basin rim fragments impressed by three succeeding generations of the Nereids bearing the armor of Achilles iconography, from Mozia

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Author photos and drawings Fig. 4. Sarcophagus fragment with chariot and Nike frieze, Monte Raffe

Author photos and drawing.

Distributed serial production

11 For brevity’s sake this notice summarizes the results of analysis only in terms of cylinder reliefs found on terracotta “louteria.”12 The variety of subject matter for these reliefs is strikingly homogenous, and may be broken into more than twenty categories ranging from the quadriga and Nike composition with dozens of distinct series to the surprisingly infrequent depiction of Herakles. These impressed basins were traditionally thought to have been produced in the major production centers of Selinunte and Agrigento, with more limited production at Imera and Gela. This production would then be distributed into the hinterland, where it might be reproduced in occasionally barbarized styles.13

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12 Even the distribution of this coastal production was less regimented than the colonial model would suggest. A louterion rim with a Selinuntine lotus relief found at Monte Saraceno in the heart of Agrigento’s “territory” is one of many examples of trade in these terracottas that does not conform to the traditional boundaries drawn by modern scholars.

13 The inclusion of materials newly excavated from interior sites, as well as from regional storerooms, further complicates this narrative. The quadriga and Nike iconography appears at roughly two dozen sites (Fig. 5, 6). On the surface, its distribution seems to corroborate the control of the Greek apoikiai over a chora. Yet, if we look at the actual reliefs, a narrative of local production becomes clear. From sites including Monte Raffe, Monte San Nicola di Butera, Manfria, Monte Saraceno, Vassallaggi, Gibil-Gabib, Sabucina, Terravecchia di Cuti, San Angelo Muxaro, and even Phoenician Mozia, we find reliefs variations on the standard iconography ranging from the subtle to the extreme. Unsurprisingly, it is the most distinctly Greek elements, the Doric framing elements, the Nike, the framing patterns, that become abstracted, or that are deleted entirely. The Greek quadriga is at times replaced by the Italic biga, and other deviations from the Selinuntine and Agrigentine “standard” demonstrates that an important element of local production was the ability to reference regionally popular motifs while still retaining a demonstrably local flair. Fig. 5. Louterion fragment with chariot and Nike frieze, from Selinunte

Author photo Fig. 6. Selection of louterion fragments with local adaptations of the chariot and Nike iconography

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Author photos

14 A survey of the available unpublished and published relief fragments from the island’s interior reasserts the prominence of centers like Vassallaggi and Terravecchia di Cuti in distribution networks independent from the major coastal urban centers. At Vassallaggi, imported series from multiple Greek centers is found alongside locally produced iconographies in styles both consistent with and divergent from those imports (Fig. 7). Vassallaggian series are found at many nearby indigenous sites as well. They reproduce iconographies that would resonate with this audience, with the representation of aristocratic deer hunts especially popular (Fig. 8).14 Terravecchia di Cuti to the north seems to have played a similar role as a central node in interior distribution networks.15 Fig. 7. Louterion fragments with combat scene (left) and stylized animal procession (right), from Vassallaggi

Author photos Fig. 8. Louterion fragments with hunting frieze, from Vassallaggi, Capodarso, and Gibil-Gabib

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Author photos

15 That Phoenician Mozia imported impressed louteria by the dozen from both Selinunte and Agrigento is well known, but we may also note examples of local production including the aforementioned quadriga series, as well as a lion-smiting scene whose closest parallels are in Phoenician depictions of Melqart (Fig. 9).16 Fig. 9. Louterion fragment with lion smiting scene, from Mozia

Author photo

16 The local variation that characterizes cylinder relief production over the sixth and fifth centuries comes to an end sharply in the fourth century. Changing tastes favored the use of multiple small relief, and western and central Sicilian production becomes largely indistinguishable from that of the east. Differences between coast and interior lessens, to the extent that identical reliefs are found not only in Gela but also at fourth century fattoria at Manfria, Monte Raffe, and Monte Dessusino. It is no surprise that

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this trend coincides with the destruction of coastal Greek settlements, major shifts in indigenous demographics, and the formalization of hegemonic control by Carthage and Syracuse across the island.

Context and function

17 A key component of understanding the popularity of the impressed louterion across the region of western and central Sicily is the appreciation of its adaptability through contextual analysis. Differing assemblages across localities is the only way to recognize variance in the reception of formally similar objects, while louteria that share sharply divergent forms or iconographies in geographically distant contexts may be used in a similar manner. For footed terracotta basins, scholarly consensus suggests that in Greek contexts they could be used as basins in domestic and civic contexts for bathing (becoming louteria) or for ritual lustration (becoming perirrhanteria).

18 Analysis of the available contextual information from the Greek apoikiai supports this theory, although earlier in the sixth century basins are found almost exclusively in ritual contexts before being found across sacred and domestic contexts in the fifth century. Contextual analysis in “non-Greek” communities is essential, as the assemblages that louteria are found in suggests that these “Greek” objects were transformed and translated to conform to local practice, just as the reliefs on their surfaces were adapted. The earliest impressed louteria are found in indigenous-style house shrines, as at Monte Saraceno and Sabucina, where they stood in for traditional basin forms (Fig. 10). They could also appear in novel contexts as in Vassallaggian grave assemblages.17 Fig. 10. “Indigenous” production louterion, Sabucina, Settore D.

Photo Guzzone, Panvini, and Congui 2008

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19 At Mozia, relief-impressed basins appear in the most distinctly Phoenician ritual site — the tophet — as well as part of assemblages in the Kothon sanctuary recently excavated by La Sapienza, and in large numbers around the shrines marking the entrance to the settlement at Porta Nord. The importance of water in Phoenician ritual is well known, but the appearance of burning on fragments, not only at Mozia, but also at several sites across the region, suggests alternative uses for these large terracottas.18

20 Traditional analysis and the digital humanities Combining formal and iconographical analysis with a more archaeological approach allows for these terracottas so characteristic of the region to be seen in a new light. Rather than being “Greek” objects, whose distribution across the island can be used as a metric for Hellenization, hybridization, or another modern term, these terracottas and their reliefs are markers of a diverse web of relations. Understanding the full extent and variability of these networks is difficult, and the relatively large dataset invites analysis with modern digital techniques. To understand the full extent of the distribution, a kriging analysis of our data sample modeled through a global information systems (GIS) was performed. Using the Geostatistical Analysis plug-in in QGIS’s ArcMap software,19 a map is developed that indicates that cylinder-stamps were distributed and adapted across western Sicily in what indeed appears to be a multimodal network. Studies of Greek imports in other regions have utilized this approach to great success, best exemplified by Justin Walsh’s reconstruction of Attic fine wares in France and Spain.20 The resultant maps show not only how distribution in certain areas of the interior followed major topographical features like river valleys, but also highlights the disparity between the high production and consumption in the interior east of the Monti Sicani and the areas of the Belice valley traditionally associated with the Elymians.

21 Statistical and graphic means of visualizing the dataset can produce similarly provocative results. Simpson’s Index of Diversity has proven to be especially efficacious in the comparison of variation at many sites concurrently,21 and while our dataset at slightly less than one thousand attestations is on the smaller side we may conclude from the preliminary results that production was diverse at both major centers like Agrigento and Selinunte and secondary centers like Gela and Vassallaggi. Graphically, the complexities of the network work particularly well with Small-world analysis,22 and allow us to visualize the multi-nodal nature of west-central Sicilian production, as opposed to binary colonizer-colonized relationships predicated on the assumed power of Greek “spheres of influence.

Conclusion

22 The local diversity attested to in this region as evidenced through formal, contextual, and digital analyses should not be confused with local independence on all levels of regional interaction. There is not space in this summary to discuss the larger issues of political domination and ethnic affiliation that integrated the polities of western and central Sicily as peers or subordinates. However, the networks of terracotta production reconstructed here give us insight into the “sub-elite” associations of trade and itinerancy that connected communities even as the many conflicts evident in our literary sources raged across the island over the sixth and fifth centuries.

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Zuchtriegel, G. 2018. Colonization and Subalternity in Classical Greece: Experience of the NonElite Population. New York: Cambridge University Press.

ENDNOTES

1. While using a cylinder matrix, and thus not a stamp in the traditional sense of the term, the phrase appears in Anglophone scholarship largely as a translation of the Italian (Allegro 1982; Pieraccini 2003). 2. Kekulé 1884, 46–50. 3. Transculturality is used here in the sense promoted by Fernando Ortiz and championed by Monic Juneja. While “intercultural” or “crosscultural” implies the simple transition from one well-defined culture to another across a liminal point, transculturality properly conveys the heterogeneity of real-world society and the variance in local contexts within circuits of exchange. 4. Thucydides 6.2; Asheri 1992, 603. 5. Tusa 1962; Sjöqvist 1973; Loomba 1998; van Dommelen 1997, 305–323. 6. Zuchtriegel 2017 7. De Angelis 2003, 145. 8. Horden and Purcell 1999; Malkin 2013a; Malkin 2013b. For discussion of the dangers of suppressing regional difference through globalizing theoretical frameworks like Mediterraneanization, see particularly Morris 2003. 9. The term “terracotta furniture” is used here specifically, but the corpus is also referred to as “terracottas” in brief elsewhere in the text. Terminology is crucial here as it has important hermeneutic implications (discussed at more length in the dissertation). Here, the terms are used in order to follow the categorization by the Soprintendenza of louteria as terracotta. 10. Examples of these relief fragments can be found within the display of Sicilian materials at the British Museum, the Metropolitan Museum in New York, The Louvre, The Badischen Landesmuseum Karlsruhe, the Martin-von-Wagner Museum, the Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen, the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze, and the University of Aukland collection, to name a few. They appear prominently also in the regional museums of Sicily, as well as at the Museo A. Salinas in Palermo and the Museo P. Orsi in Syracuse. 11. Sorge 2010, 82. 12. The term “louteria” is used here in its most neutral sense. For a discussion of the terminology and interpretation of this shape, see Ginouvès 1962; Iozzo 1981; Pimpl 1997; and Krauskopf 2005. 13. Allegro 1982, 135. 14. For the popularity of deer-hunting and aristocratic hunting in Sicily across cultural boundaries, see Marconi 1997, 1071–1120. 15. For a brief reference to some fragments, see Vassallo 2015.

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16. There are several iconographical parallels for the rearing lion and smiting figure in the wider Phoenician diaspora. Combat scenes with lions were prerogatives of the gods and of kings, appearing most famously in Assyrian iconography most but also reproduced in the public arts of the Levantine city-states. A long running series of coins produced in Sidon reflect this, depicting on their obverse a smiting king, sometimes identified as the Persian Great-King and at other times identified as the Priest-King of Sidon or the mythical “King of the Sidonians,” grappling with a rearing lion. The line between living political leaders and the Phoenician pantheon was often blurred in both epigraphy and representation in the context of the eastern mother cities. 17. Orlandini 1998–1999, 309–310. 18. This hypothesis was first proposed by Ettore Gabrici in a seminal 1946 article (Gabrici 1946, 5– 29). While his thesis was generally not followed in later scholarship, the impact of the article was such that still to this day in museums louteria fragments are often identified as, “bracieri.” Burning is attested on fragments from Mozia, Sabucina, and Selinunte, although it is often not clear if the burning was from primary use or from damage during or following deposition. 19. Banerjee, Carlin, and Gelfand 2004. 20. Walsh 2014, 134 ff. 21. Walsh, 102 ff. 22. Watts and Strogatz 1998, 440–442.

ABSTRACTS

The consumption and adaptation of Greek material culture by non-Greek peoples in ancient western Sicily, and the wider Mediterranean, has been an ongoing point of contention in scholarship: do Greek objects influence the peoples that use them, and by their movement and trade are these objects and their figured surfaces active agents of Hellenization? Acknowledging that framing future discussion through postcolonialism only perpetuates the anachronistic colonialist model, this dissertation applies the materialist theory of transculturality to an understudied class of terracotta objects distributed and adapted through Ancient Sicily: louteria, arulae, and other ritual furniture impressed with cylinder-roll matrices. This announcement summarizes the results of an interdisciplinary methodology combining technical and iconographic analyses of the stamp series, reconstruction of the then-stamped terracottas’ contexts, and spatial and statistical modelling of their distribution patterns. This holistic approach to material study reveals a highly complex network of exchange, adaptation, and local production in sixth and fifth century Sicily far more dynamic than the simple binary of colonizer and colonized.

INDEX

Keywords: Hellenization, network analysis, cylinder stamp, terracottas, louterion, arula, relief

AUTHOR

ANDREW FARINHOLT WARD Institute of Fine Arts, New York University [email protected]

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Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, IV. The Work of the Academic Years 2016–2017

Arthur Muller and Jaimee Uhlenbrock

1 For the last five years1 a team from ACoSt that has comprised Marina Albertocchi, Christine Aubry (University of Lille), Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi (CNRS Lille), Arthur Muller (University of Lille/IUF), Marion Muller-Dufeu (University of Lille), Antonella Pautasso (IBAM-CNR Catania), and Jaimee Uhlenbrock (State University of New York at New Paltz) has been meeting twice a year at the University of Lille and the University of Catania respectively to prepare two projects: a manual for the study of Greek figurative terracottas and a searchable database for Franz Winter’s Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, referred to as Winter On Line. The most recent meetings took place in Lille from December 5 to December 10, 2016, and again from October 9 to October 14, 2017, in order to continue work on both these projects and to propose an international conference for 2021 or 2022. At the December 2016 meeting the team welcomed new member Souad Aït-Salah (University of Lille). Originally, the last meeting for these projects had been planned for spring 2017 in Ferrara in conjunction with the International Summer School. La coroplastica greca sulle sponde dell’Adriatico: la tecnica di fabbricazione, lo studio dei contesti e delle immagini, i nuovi metodi di analisi. Unfortunately this meeting had to be postponed due to the low enrollment for the summer school. Consequently, our final meeting was held instead in Lille in October.

2 At each meeting the team members reported on the progress of their work in the field of coroplastic research: the study of terracotta figurine sets in Thasos, in Epidamnos- Dyrrhachion, in Kirrha, in Catania, and in Bitalemi, as well as research into the reception of figurative terracottas in the Age of Enlightenment. At the December 2016 meeting, Souad Aït-Salah presented her doctoral research project for the University of Lille that focuses on male imagery in figurative terracottas from sites in north Greece.2 A report was made on the didactic exhibition Les terres cuites grecques: Pour qui ? Pourquoi ? Comment ? held at the University of Lille from March 1–April 6, 2016, that was a great success and that was accompanied by several lectures.3 The didactic panels of this

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exhibition were also translated into Italian for the exhibition Katanè tra mito et rito held in Catania from June to October, 2017, that highlighted the rich corpus of Greek votive figurines discovered in this city.4 An additional report focused on the publication of the two long-awaited volumes of the Izmir Congress held in June 2007,5 as well as the publication of the proceedings of the Italo-German bilateral workshop Pilina Eidolia. New Perspectives in Cretan Coroplastic Studies (13th - 7th Cent. B.C.) held in Catania on September 19–21, 2013.6 Finally, a report was made on the video Prises de têtes. Coroplathie thasienne by Jean-François Dars and Anne Papillaut of CNRS Lille that is now viewable with English subtitles (Puzzling Stories. The Coroplast’s Art in Thasos) on the ACoST website.7 The Handbook team, l to r: Souad Aït-Salah, Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi, Arthur Muller, Marion Muller- Dufeu, Marina Albertocchi, Antonella Pautasso. Not photographed, Christine Aubry, Jaimee Uhlenbrock.

1. Handbook for Coroplastic Research

3 As has already been noted in previous reports, the first aim of these meetings has been the preparation of a manual for coroplastic research on Greek figurative terracottas that is designed to place their study within historical, contextual, and methodological frameworks in order to assist the researcher new to coroplastic topics. Tentatively titled A Handbook for Coroplastic Research, this originally was envisioned as an open- access publication that would be available as an e-book, as a free pdf download, and as a print-on-demand book. However, at these most recent meetings the issue of its publication format and its availability were discussed at length, since distribution will be problematic with a self-published book in any form. Thus we agreed to investigate the possibility of an academic publisher for distribution purposes. Because of this we will no longer publish chapters as they are completed, even though several have already appeared in Les Carnets de l’ACoSt. A suggestion also was made that a pdf of the book could be available either free or for a modest cost for members of ACoSt.

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4 The following table of contents for the A Handbook for Coroplastic Research has been reorganized to take into account the addition of new chapters or sections.8 1. Historiography of coroplastic research (JPU) 1.1. Eighteenth and 19th century beginnings, including 19th century biases.** 1.2. Coroplastic research in the earlier 20th century** 2. Manufacturing techniques and workshop production (AM, MMD)* 2.1. Modelled by hand 2.2. Made on the wheel 2.3. Made in a mould and derivative production 2.4. Mixed techniques 2.5. Polychrome decoration (Violaine Jeammet, Brigitte Bourgeois)* 2.6. Workshops / signatures 3. The Distribution, Trade, Diffusion, and Market Value of Greek Figurative Terracottas (JPU)** 4. Contexts, use (AP, MA)* 4.1. The ritual act 4.2. Architectural context* 4.3. Natural environment* 4.4. Funerary environment* 4.5. Secular contexts: domestic, public, semi-public and workshop spaces 5. Methodologies from fieldwork to publication (AM)* 5.1. Recording archaeological data 5.2. In the museum 5.3. Publication Appendix – Effective photographic techniques (Thomas Nicq). – Link to the video “Prises de têtes / Puzzling Stories”** 6. Chronologies 6.1. Comparative time-line (JPU)** 6.2. Problems in the dating of figurative terracottas (AM) 6.3. Fixed points for an absolute chronology (collective) 6.4. Late Bronze to Early Iron age: continuity or rupture? 7. Methodological approaches for coroplastic research 7.1. Stylistic approach (JPU) ** 7.2. Art historical approach (AP) 7.3. Iconographic approach (SSH)* 7.4. Workshop recognition (Ambra Pace) 7.5. Anthropological approach (Christina Marangou)** 7.6. Sociological approach (Mireia Lopez-Beltran) 7.7. Museographical approach 7.7.1. Figurines de terre cuite et questions de muséographie (Violaine Jeammet)** 7.7.2. The issue of forgeries (Giacomo Biondi)** 7.7.3. Annotated list of exhibitions (JU)** 7.8. Archeometric approach (Maria Dikomitou, Giorgios Papantoniou)* 7.9. The evidence of fingerprints (collective) 8. Where are we now, where are we going ? (JPU)* 9. Multilingual lexicon (collective)** 10. Bibliography (SAS)

5 During these last two meetings several contributions to the Handbook both by invited authors (§ 2.5, 7.1, 7.5, 7.7.1, 7.8), as well as those written by members of the team (§ 3, 4, 5, 7.1, 7.3) were reviewed and discussed collectively A number of contributions have been completed and have been reviewed collectively, some are nearing completion, while others will have to be reorganized to better adhere to the objectives of the Handbook. New contributions also were requested (§ 7.6, 7.7.2).

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6 The Handbook is now well advanced and the team is committed to completing it as quickly as possible. No doubt an additional meeting will be necessary for final co- ordination and review of the respective parts of the Handbook, as well as discussions of financing options. The time and place of a final meeting is yet to be determined.

2. Winter On-Line Project

7 The second project of the team Winter On Line has progressed considerably since our last report when the searchable database had just been created by Christine Aubry with input from the team. The two volumes of F. Winter Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten (1903) were digitized in Lille in high definition and in different formats (pdf, jpg). Each figurine illustration then was “cut out” and saved as an individual jpg file to be pasted into a dedicated field of the electronic database. Marion Muller-Dufeu recovered all of Winter’s text in Word format and she thus was able to make corrections for those characters not recognized by the character recognition software, as well as introduce the corrigenda lists of Winter himself. The information provided by this Word doc is to be copied and pasted into each of the relevant fields of the database for each figurine illustration, including chapter title, museum, inventory, bibliographic reference, dimensions, provenience, iconographic characteristics, archaeological contexts, and a “Comments” field, among others.

8 The database, currently at a trial stage, is now in the process of being populated by members of the team using Winter’s images and data. As of this writing some 100 records have been completed. This has highlighted problems that still have to be addressed. For example, it is most important to have an iconographic description of each object, but this involves a complicated number of data fields and descriptor values that still have to be added. Thus, the current approach is to strike a balance between the richness and accuracy of the data and the ease of filling the data fields to obtain the

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greatest reliability. We have multiplied the descriptor values so that a single search will yield the maximum result. Eventually, it will be possible to add to Winter On Line new finds of figurine types not known in Winter’s catalogue, or additional data or new finds of already represented types. This second step obviously will comprise a widely collaborative effort.

3. New conference project

9 A third project was articulated during the course of the October 2017 meeting that concerns a possible international conference to be organized by ACoSt. Entitled Coroplastic Studies in the Early Third Millenium: Alternative Approaches, this has been proposed for sometime in 2021 at the earliest with the suggested participation of the École française d'Athènes, the Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, and the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. A proposal was drafted in the three relevant languages in order to solicit the interest of these research institutions that could co- host this conference in Athens. The following is the proposal: “Since the middle of the last century, research on figurative terracottas has evolved into an autonomous discipline. Once limited to art historical, iconographic, or purely archaeological points of departure, recently it has integrated approaches from other disciplines, such as anthropology, sociology, psychology, archaeometry, economics, geography, statistics, and information sciences, among others. This proposed conference focuses on Greek terracottas from the Neolithic Age to the end of the Hellenistic period in order to explore the different ways in which these new approaches enhance coroplastic research. Those papers that present new and concrete results stemming from innovative and interdisciplinary approaches will be privileged, while simple excavation reports or presentations of purely theoretical methodologies will not be considered.” During the course of the next few months the directors of the suggested archaeological schools will be approached for possible participation.

4. Excursions

10 During both of the Lille meetings excursions were made to major exhibitions presented at the Louvre-Lens Museum: L’histoire commence en Mésopotamie (History Begins in Mesopotamia) in December 2016, and Musique ! Échos de l’Antiquité (Music! Echos of Antiquity), in October 2017: obviously, terracotta figurines played a role in both exhibitions. In addition, far from our ancient Greek preoccupations was a visit in October 2017 to the recently-restored Villa Cavrois in Croix, on the outskirts of Roubaix near Lille. This is a large Modernist mansion designed in 1934 by the French architect Robert Mallet Stevens for a wealthy industrialist as a “total artwork.” Stevens designed all aspects of this spacious home, integrating the furniture, down to the smallest detail, with the architecture and surrounding park.

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NOTES

1. See “Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research,” Newsletter of the Association for Coroplastic Studies 11, Winter 2014, 32–33; Muller, A. and J. Uhlenbrock, “Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, II. The Work of the Academic Year 2014–2015,” Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 13 | 2015, http://acost.revues.org/633; Muller, A. and J. Uhlenbrock, “Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, III. The Work of the Academic Year 2015–2016,” Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 15 | 2016, http://journals.openedition.org/acost/986 2. S. Aït-Salah, “Figurines masculines en contextes votif et funéraire de la Thessalie à la Thrace : Marqueurs identitaires et témoins des rituels d’intégration et de socialisation ?,” Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 16 | 2017, http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1026#authors 3. Hugot C., S. Huysecom-Haxhi and A. Muller, “Les terres cuites grecques. Pour qui ? Pourquoi ? Comment ?”, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 15 | 2016, http://acost.revues.org/970 4. http://catania.liveuniversity.it/2017/06/16/catania-katane-tra-mito-e-rito-ecco-la-mostra- che-racconta-la-citta-etnea-allepoca-dei-greci/ 5. Muller A., E. Lafli and S. Huysecom-Haxhi, Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine. Actes du Colloque international d’Izmir, juin 2007. Volume 1 : Production, diffusion, étude, BCH Suppl 54 (2016). Volume II : Contextes, iconographie et fonction, Septentrion Collection Archaiologia (2015). http://www.septentrion.com/fr/livre/?GCOI=27574100726490 6. Pautasso A. and O. Pilz, Πήλινα Ειδώλια. Nuove prospettive nello studio della coroplastica cretese (XIII- VII sec. a.C.). Atti del Seminario bilaterale Italia-Germania, Catania, 19-21 Settembre 2013, Creta Antica 16, 2015 [2017]. 7. https://coroplasticstudies.univ-lille3.fr/fichiers/fichiers%20video/Prisesdetete-final-ST.mp4 8. Sections marked by two stars have been completed, reviewed, or have been already published in Les Carnets de l’ACoSt; sections marked by one star are nearing completion.

ABSTRACTS

An international team of 7 researchers has been meeting biannually to collaborate on two projects that are envisaged as aids for coroplastic research. The first is the Handbook for Coroplastic Research (HaCoSt), a tool designed for those new to the field of coroplastic studies. The second project has been nicknamed Winter On-Line. This concerns the creation of a searchable version of Franz Winter, Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, 1903, in wiki format.

INDEX

Keywords: Handbook for Coroplastic Research, greek terracottas, greek terracotta figurines, searchable database, Franz Winter.

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AUTHORS

ARTHUR MULLER University of Lille / IUF [email protected]

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK State University of New York, New Paltz [email protected]

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At the Museums Dans les musées

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La collection des figurines en terre cuite du Musée National d’Athènes : formation et muséographie

Christina Avronidaki et Evangelos Vivliodetis

Historique de la collection1

1 Le noyau de la collection des figurines en terre cuite du Musée National d’Athènes, comme celui de la collection des vases, a été formé pendant la dernière décennie du 19e siècle, quand les antiquités de l’Éphorie Générale des Antiquités et les riches collections de la Société Archéologique ont été transférées au musée qui venait d’être bâti2.

2 Les provenances de ces objets reflètent une période héroïque de l’archéologie grecque, à laquelle appartiennent les premières grandes fouilles mais aussi la lutte contre l’exportation clandestine d’antiquités3. Il faut se souvenir que, pendant cette époque, la loi permettait à tout individu de fouiller sur son terrain, de partager les trouvailles à moitié avec l’état, et en suite de vendre sa part au plus offrant. La loi permettait aussi la location des terrains nationaux pour la réalisation des fouilles privées, qui étaient souvent exécutées ou surveillées par des marchands d’antiquités4.

3 Les premières figurines en terre cuite qui sont entrées au Musée National provenaient de toute la Grèce, même des régions qui se trouvaient encore sous domination étrangère5 (e.g. Crète et le Dodécanèse), ainsi que de l’Asie Mineure. Elles ont été trouvées dans des sanctuaires, comme l’Acropole d’Athènes6, le sanctuaire de Déméter à Eleusis7, le Kabirion de Thèbes8, l’Héraion d’Argos9, les sanctuaires d’Artémis à Lousoi d’Achaïe10, de Déméter et Koré à Aghios Sostis de Tégée11 et d’Apollon à Amyclai12. Elles provenaient aussi des fouilles de tombes (parfois menées légalement par des marchands-pilleurs d’antiquités), avec une majorité d’objets trouvés au Céramique d’Athènes13, à Tanagra14, Chalkis, Érétrie15 et Corinthe. S’y ajoutent les donations dont la plus importante est celle de Ioannis Misthos en 1889, comptant à peu près 1 125 figurines de l’Asie Mineure (surtout Myrina, Smyrne, Kymé, Tralles et Élaia)16. Enfin, de

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nombreuses terres cuites provenaient de confiscations, parfois même faites à l’étranger ou sur les bateaux qui les transportaient clandestinement.

4 Au début du 20e siècle, quand les marchands d’antiquités ont été obligés par la loi d’inventorier leurs objets17, un nouveau phénomène est observé : celui des « pseudo- donations » de grandes collections d’antiquités au Musée National sous conditions. Les marchands vendaient à l’état les antiquités qui étaient jugées « nécessaires » pour l’enrichissement du Musée en recevant une petite rémunération, et en échange ils étaient libres de vendre le reste de leurs objets en payant seulement la taxe d’exportation pour ceux qui partaient pour l’étranger. Ainsi sont venues au Musée des collections comme celles de Α. Papademos, E. Geladakis, K. Drakopoulos, J.P. Lambros et A. Rhousopoulos18. Pendant la même période les trouvailles de la grotte de Pan à Vari19, et des sanctuaires d’Athéna et Poséidon à Sounion20, de Pan Nomios à Berekla et d’Artémis à Kotilon d’Arcadie21 ont été transportées au Musée. Notons enfin l’important legs de la Collection Petousis en 1907.

5 Plus tard, la collection a été enrichie avec des figurines provenant des tombes des Écuries Royales au centre d’Athènes22, du sanctuaire d’Artémis Laphria à Calydon23 et de l’Héraion à Perachora24. Les confiscations ont parallèlement continué, la plus importante étant celle du magasin d’antiquités de Théodore Zoumboulakis en 193825. La collection de Grigorios Empedokles en 195026, celle d’Hélène Stathatos en 195727 et la fameuse collection « Vlastos-Serpieri » en 198828, sont les dernières grandes donations au Musée.

6 Depuis, l’agrandissement des collections du Musée National est médiocre, vu que les trouvailles des fouilles enrichissent désormais les Éphories d’Antiquités et les musées locaux : les achats sont très rares29, tandis que les donations et les confiscations livrent rarement des objets dignes de mention30, presque toujours sans contexte. Toutefois, de belles surprises peuvent se produire, comme l’identification en 2010 dans les réserves d’un grand nombre de figurines et protomés en terre cuite provenant des vieilles fouilles de Démétrias (sanctuaires de la Mère des Dieux et Pasikrata, Thesmophorion) et Thèbes Phtiotique (sanctuaire d’Athéna Polias)31.

Présentation dans l’exposition permanente

7 En 2009, environ 500 figurines de terre cuite sont présentées pour la première fois dans l’exposition permanente, au premier étage du Musée, dans les espaces de l’ancien Musée Numismatique (salles 58 et 59 ; Fig. 1)32. Inédites, elles proviennent toutes des réserves. Datant de la période géométrique à l’époque romaine, elles forment un petit mais représentatif échantillon de la très riche collection des terres cuites du Musée qui compte à peu près 8000 exemplaires. L’exposition a été conçue par l’ex-éphore de la Collection des Vases et d’Arts Mineurs Εlissavet Stasinopoulou, qui s’est appuyée sur les ateliers de production des figurines afin d’en révéler les caractéristiques particulières et le style33. Textes explicatifs, panneaux visuels et cartels viennent à l’appui du visiteur pendant son parcours. Fig. 1. L’ancien Musée Numismatique

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Photo Musée © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

8 Dans la première salle34, les figurines sont exposées dans des vitrines contiguës, suivant la séquence chronologique et les ateliers (Fig. 2). Quelques productions particulières sont aussi représentées, comme les grandes figurines d’Artémis trouvées dans le petit sanctuaire de la déesse à Corfou35 et les reliefs méliens. Avant tout, on a jugé nécessaire de montrer de manière diachronique les techniques d’exécution et de décoration des figurines. Ainsi, au début de l’exposition, figurent les minéraux qui fournissent les couleurs des terres cuites, et, dans la première vitrine, les techniques de modelage et de moulage de divers périodes, représentées par des figurines modelées à la main, d’autres avec des corps montés au tour, des exemples moulés et des moules. Dans la même vitrine, pour mieux comprendre la polychromie des terres cuites, sont présentés des spécimens avec de vives couleurs et de la dorure (Fig. 3). Y fait suite la vitrine où se trouvent les figurines d’Attique, d’Eubée, de Béotie, du Péloponnèse et de Crète qui datent du 9e au 7 e siècle. On observe les types caractéristiques attiques des femmes assises ou debout modelés à main libre, les chevaux et les idoles-cloches béotiennes, ainsi que les plaquettes crétoises. L’exposition se poursuit au 6e siècle avec les types dominants que sont les femmes assises sur des trônes provenant d’Attique et les figurines-planches béotiennes coiffées d’un haut polos surnommées « Pappades ». En regard sont présentées des créations contemporaines provenant des ateliers du Péloponnèse, où prennent place, entre autres, les paysans et les bergers du sanctuaire de Pan à Berekla d’Arcadie. On avance avec les figurines attiques du 5e siècle et – dans la même vitrine – avec des exemplaires corinthiens et crétois de la même période. Notons ici la présence de figurines à membres articulés. De l’autre côté de la salle on remarque avant tout les figurines béotiennes élaborées du 5e et de la première moitié du 4e siècle, surtout les femmes qui tiennent coffrets et bandelettes et les jeunes hommes portant généralement des coqs. Les pièces de la première salle de notre exposition impressionnent par la diversité des sujets et des types et la vivacité de leurs couleurs, et malgré leur modestie elles reflètent tout un monde. Ceci est manifeste dans les vitrines suivantes consacrées à la grande série des Tanagréennes (Fig. 4). Une place à part est occupée par des chefs d’œuvre de divers périodes et ateliers, placés dans trois

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vitrines au centre de la salle. Dans la première se trouve un assortiment de figurines béotiennes datées du 6e au 3e siècle av. J.-C. Dans la deuxième des protomés du 5e et 4e siècles. Dans la troisième vitrine sont placées des figurines du 2e et du 1er siècle av. J.-C., de grandes dimensions et d’une riche palette chromatique qui copient ou adaptent des types de grande sculpture. Fig. 2. La première salle de la collection des ﬁgurines en terre cuite du Musée National d’Athènes (salle 58)

Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund Fig. 3. Vitrine no 1 : les techniques

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Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund Fig. 4. Vitrine no 11 : Tanagréennes

Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

9 La deuxième salle36, qui est la plus impressionnante de l’exposition, est dominée par les figurines de Myrina, appartenant à la grande donation des terres cuites d’Asie Mineure faite à l’état grec par Ioannis Misthos (Fig. 5)37. Ce grand collectionneur installé à Smyrne a réussi en 1889, cinq ans après l’interdiction de l’exportation des antiquités de l’empire ottoman, et ensuite en 1892, d’envoyer clandestinement à Athènes la plus

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grande partie de sa collection. Au moment de sa mort brutale en 1895, il organisait un nouvel envoi de terres cuites en Grèce. Ces objets ont finalement abouti aux Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire de Bruxelles, vendus en 1900 par la Banque Impériale Ottomane, qui en a pris possession après la mort de Misthos suivie des disputes familiales habituelles38. Fig. 5. La deuxième salle de la collection (salle 59) : les ﬁgurines en terre cuite de Myrina (Collection Ioannis Misthos)

Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

10 Les ateliers coroplathiques de Myrina initialement inspirés des productions béotiennes et attiques, et plus tard de celles d’Alexandrie et de Pergame, impressionnent par leur fraicheur, leur vivacité et leurs mouvements. Les chefs d’œuvre sont présentés dans cinq vitrines : des Victoires avec des draperies richement plissées qui soulignent la plasticité du corps (Fig. 6)39, des Éros éphèbes et enfants jouant avec des animaux, chevauchant des dauphins, luttant ou chassant (Fig. 7)40. Les types d’Aphrodite41, souvent représentée avec Éros, et ceux d’autres divinités, comme Apollon42, se classent parmi les plus belles créations des ateliers myrinéens. Dans le même esprit s’inscrivent les figurines d’hommes, que l’on interprète comme des danseurs et des musiciens. Dans les vitrines centrales deux exemples de grandes dimensions renvoient à des œuvres sculpturales plutôt que coroplathiques : le premier est un groupe d’ephedrismos du 2e siècle av. J.-C. et le deuxième un Éros, les mains liées derrière le dos, qui date de la fin du 2e / début du 1er siècle av. J.-C.43. Fig. 6. Vitrine no 21 : les Victoires de Myrina

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Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund Fig. 7. Vitrine no 20 : les Éros de Myrina

Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

11 Des unités thématiques distinctes sont aussi présentées dans les deux salles de l’exposition : la dernière vitrine de la première salle est consacrée à la vie quotidienne (plutôt aux travaux agricoles et domestiques), au monde de l’enfance, et aussi à la musique et la danse (Fig. 8). Deux vitrines de la deuxième salle pénètrent dans l’univers du théâtre, avec des figurines d’acteurs et des masques, et au monde de la caricature avec des nains et des grotesques (Fig. 9). Fig. 8. Vitrine no 14 : la vie quotidienne, l’enfance, la musique et la danse

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Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund Fig. 9 Vitrine no 24 : le théâtre

Photo I. Miari © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund

12 Les figurines du Musée National d’Athènes, d’une extrême richesse de types, constituent de véritables études sur les costumes et l’embellissement, les postures et les mouvements, échos fréquents des types de la grande plastique. En même temps ils nous enseignent sur les détails techniques, les variations et l’usage des couleurs, et forment ainsi une source précieuse pour tous ceux qui s’intéressent à l’étude de la coroplathie grecque et à la civilisation grecque en général.

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NOTES DE FIN

1. Le présent texte constitue la version développée d’une présentation faite lors de la Journée d’étude internationale « Terres cuites grecques et romaines : 20 ans d’étude et de restauration », organisée par le C2RMF et le Musée du Louvre, le 17–18 novembre 2016. Nous voudrions remercier les organisateurs pour l’invitation d’y participer, et en particulier Violaine Jeammet qui a aussi corrigé notre texte français. Cependant, toute erreur est, uniquement, notre responsabilité. 2. Pour ce transfert, qui, selon les inventaires du Musée, a été complété en 1895, voir Petrakos 1987, 81 ; Kokkou 2009, 176–178, 187–188, 246–248. 3. Les premières mesures contre l’exportation clandestine d’antiquités sont dues à I. Kapodistrias (1828–1831), voir Kokkou 2009, 48–56 ; Petrakos 2011, 8–9. 4. Première Loi Archéologique de 1834. Voir Petrakos 1987, 49 ; Galanakis 2011, 186–187 ; Petrakos 2011, 9–10 ; Galanakis et Skaltsa 2012, 638–639. 5. La Macédoine excepté. 6. Pour la grande fouille sur l’Acropole (1885–1890), voir Cavvadias et Kawerau 1906, 19–46. Les figurines en terre cuite modelées à la main de l’Acropole abritées au Musée National seront publiées par V. Georgaka. 7. Elles proviennent des fouilles ininterrompues de Philios au sanctuaire entre 1882 et 1894 (Petrakos 1987, 62, 347 ; Papaggeli 2002, 48). Quelques unes des ces figurines ont été publiées par Κokkou-Vyridi (1999, 67, 254–256). 8. Fouillé entre 1887 et 1889 par l’Institut Archéologique Allemand, voir Wolters et Bruns 1940, 1– 7 ; pour les terres cuites, voir Schmaltz 1974. Pour un aperçu de l’activité des Écoles Étrangères en Grèce, voir Korka 2007 ; Petrakos 2011, 39–44. 9. Fouillé entre 1892 et 1895 par l’École Américaine d’Études Classiques, voir Waldstein 1902, ix, 70–84 ; pour les terres cuites, voir Waldstein 1905, 3–44 [C. Waldstein – G.H. Chase]. 10. Fouillé par l’Institut Archéologique Autrichien en 1898 et 1899, voir Reicher et Wilhelm 1901 ; pour les terres cuites, 37–44. 11. Ce sont des figurines provenant des fouilles de 1861 à 1863, et peut-être aussi de celles de 1909–1910. Pour les rapports des fouilles, voir Petrakos 1987, 43, 92, 112, 349 (où les citations correctes sont: AE 1862, 241–244 et ΠΑΕ 1909 [et pas 1900], 64, 300–301, 316–318). Les figurines en terre cuite d’Aghios Sostis seront publiées par A. Karapanagiotou et I. Leventi. 12. Fouilles de 1890, voir Tsountas 1892 ; pour les terres cuites, 13–15. 13. Pour les fouilles systématiques du Céramique par la Société Archéologique avant la remise de leur direction en 1913 à l’Institut Allemand par l’arrêté du Ministère de l’Éducation, voir Petrakos 1998 ; Banou et Bournias 2014, 20–23. 14. Pour les fouilles de P. Stamatakis à Tanagra, voir Petrakos 1987, 49, 71, 358 ; Κavvadias 2001, 34 note 50, avec l’ancienne bibliographie.

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15. Pour les premières fouilles en Eubée, voir Petrakos 1987, 71, 95, 112, 120, 365–367 passim ; Chidiroglou 2014, 29 et note 1, avec l’ancienne bibliographie. Les figurines en terre cuite du Musée provenant d’Eubée (Chalkis, Érétrie, Karystos) seront publiées par M. Chidiroglou. 16. Pour Ioannis Misthos et sa donation à l’état grec, entrée au musée en 1895, voir ci-dessous note 37. 17. Loi ΒΧΜΣΤ´ de 1899 « Περί αρχαιοτήτων ». Voir Petrakos 2011, 17–18 ; Galanakis et Skaltsa 2012, 641. 18. Pour des références dans la presse de l’époque à ces marchands d’antiquités, parmi lesquels figuraient des membres illustres de la société, voir https://digital.lib.auth.gr/collection/ Archaeological%20events%20in%20Greek%20press%20%281832-1932%29?ln=en. Pour le numismatiste J.P. Lambros, voir brièvement Megalē Hellēnikē Enkyklopaideia s.v. Λάμπρος, Ιωάννης ; Galanakis et Nowak-Kemp 2013, 14–15 note 50. Pour le professeur d’Archéologie A. Rhousopoulos, voir Galanakis 2008 et Galanakis et Nowak-Kemp 2013. Aussi Galanakis 2011 ; Galanakis et Skaltsa 2012, passim. 19. Fouillée par l’École Américaine en 1901, voir Weller 1903 ; pour les terres cuites, voir King 1903, 328–333. Cf. Schörner et Goette 2004, 78–90. Pour le petit nombre des figurines en terre cuite provenant d’autres grottes d’Attique (Grotte de Pan de Parnētha et Grotte des Nymphes de Penteli) au Musée National, voir Rhomaios 1906, 108–109 et Zoridis 1977, 9. 20. Fouillés entre 1897 et 1915, voir Theodoropoulou-Polychroniadis 2015, vii, 1–7, 17–28 ; pour les figurines en terre cuite, 29–58. 21. Fouillés en 1902. Pour Berekla, voir brièvement Kourouniotis 1902 et Kourouniotis 1903, 169. Pour Kotilon, voir Kourouniotis 1903 ; pour les terres cuites, 169–172. 22. Fouillées entre 1926 et 1928, voir Kyparissis 1924–25 ; Amandry et Martin 1947–48, 385–391 [S. Karouzou]. 23. Pour les fouilles gréco-danoises au Laphrion en 1926, 1928, 1932 et 1935, voir Poulsen et Rhomaios 1927 ; Dyggve et Poulsen 1948. Les figurines en terre cuite du sanctuaire seront publiées par S. Barfoed. 24. Fouillé entre 1930 et 1933, voir Payne 1940, v ; pour les figurines en terre cuite, 191–255 [R.J.H. Jenkins]. 25. Voir V. Sabetai, CVA Athens, Benaki Museum 1, 10–11. 26. Pour Gr. Empedokles, le fondateur de la Banque Commerciale (Emporiki Trapeza), voir Tsourti – Touratsoglou – Penna 2001, 42 [E.Tsourti] et http://www.namuseum.gr/object-month/ 2010/jan/jan10-donor-gr.html. 27. Pour la donatrice et la formation de sa collection, voir Zervoudaki 2009, 5–6. 28. Pour Michail Vlastos et la donation faite, en accord avec ses souhaits, par le mari et les enfants de sa fille, Penelope-Ioulia Serpieri, voir Gadolou et Kavvadias 2013, 5–15. 29. Voir par exemple Stasinopoulou-Kakarougka 2001–2004, 68, fig. 55. 30. Voir par exemple Zervoudaki 1997, 9, pls. 7γ–στ et 9β–ζ. 31. Fouilles d’Apostolos Arvanitopoulos à Demetrias (1906–1910, 1912, 1915–1916, 1921) et à Thèbes Phthiotique (1907–1908), voir Petrakos 1987, 359 ; Petrakos 2011, 160. Pour l’identification du matériel au Musée National grâce aux archives d’Arvanitopoulos, voir Stamatopoulou 2009, 20–21 et note 39, 21–22, 23–24 et note 64 ; Stamatopoulou 2014, 209 note 5 ; les terres cuites seront publiées par M. Stamatopoulou et S. Ieremias. 32. Avronidaki et Vivliodetis 2010 ; Vivliodetis et Avronidaki 2013 ; Avronidaki et Vivliodetis 2009–2013. Pour un compte rendu critique, voir Papalexandrou 2010, 550. Les figurines en terre cuite préhistoriques sont exposées dans les salles du Musée dédiées à la Préhistoire. Cf. Jeammet 2017, 3–8 pour le Musée du Louvre (référence au Musée National d’Athènes, 7, fig. 5). 33. Stasinopoulou 2009, 5–7, fig. 11 ; Stasinopoulou 2010, 104–106. 34. Vivliodetis et Avronidaki 2013, 6–31.

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35. Fouilles de Constantinos Carapanos et de l’École Française en 1889. Voir Lechat 1891 ; les figurines du Musée National sont aussi comprises dans Preka-Alexandri 1991 (non vidimus). 36. Vivliodetis et Avronidaki 2013, 32–46. 37. Pour la biographie de Misthos et sa donation, voir Gkikaki 2012. Les figurines de Myrina de la collection Misthos seront publiées par C. Avronidaki et E. Vivliodetis. Cf. Philadelpheus 1928. 38. Pour les collections de l’étranger qui abritent des figurines en terre cuite provenant de Myrina, voir Burr 1934, V. Voir par exemple, Istanbul : Mendel 1908, 278–440 nos. 2274–2977 ; Paris : Mollard-Besques 1963 ; Bruxelles : Picaud 2002 ; Boston : Burr 1934 ; Munich : Hamdorf et Leitmeir 2014, 398–415 nos. E 121–E 173 ; Londres : Burn et Higgins 2001, 113–126 nos. 2269–2302 ; Leiden : Leyenaar-Plaisier 1979, 253–363 nos. 668–1008. Pour la petite collection des terres cuites de Myrina à l’École Française d’Athènes, voir Baudat 1953, 1–37. 39. Pour les Victoires de Myrina au Musée National, voir par exemple LIMC VI (1992) s.v. Nike, nos. 400, 437, 462, 463, 478, 497, 515 [U. Grote]. 40. Pour des Éros myrinéens au Musée National, voir par exemple LIMC IIΙ (1986) s.v. Eros, nos. 127b, 961 [H. Cassimatis]. 41. Pour des exemples, voir LIMC II (1984) s.v. Aphrodite, nos. 297, 346, 406, 873, 1254 [Α. Delivorrias]. 42. Pour des figurines d’Apollon provenant de Myrina au Musée National, voir LIMC II (1984) s.v. Apollon, no. 118, ad 227 [O. Palagia]. 43. Pour cet Éros puni, voir Zervoudaki 2003, 202–205, figs. 15–19.

RÉSUMÉS

Cet article traite de la formation de la collection des figurines en terre cuite du Musée National Archéologique d’Athènes, vers la fin du 19ème siècle, et de l’enrichissement du fonds initial dès lors. De plus, il décrit les critères archéologiques et muséographiques utilisés pour l’exposition permanente, en 2009, d’environ 500 figurines en terre cuite, et la création d’un parcours non seulement chronologique et géographique, mais ponctuellement thématique. This article deals with the collection of terracotta figurines of the Athens National Archaeological Museum, its formation at the end of the 19th century and its enrichment thereafter. Moreover, it presents the archaeological and museographical criteria used for the permanent exhibition in 2009 of about 500 terracotta figurines, and the subsequent creation of a chronological and geographical, but also thematic display.

INDEX

Mots-clés : Musée National d’Athènes, figurines en terre cuite, formation de la collection, exposition permanente, muséographie, ateliers de production, types.

AUTEURS

CHRISTINA AVRONIDAKI Musée National d’Athènes [email protected]

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EVANGELOS VIVLIODETIS Direction Spéciale pour la Promotion et la Mise en Valeur du Patrimoine Culturel et de la Création Contemporaine. Ministère Hellénique de la Culture et des Sports [email protected]

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Due mostre a Catania: un’occasione per avvicinare i ragazzi al mondo dell’archeologia

Antonella Pautasso

1 È stata inaugurata il 16 giugno 2017, ed è ancora aperta al pubblico, la mostra archeologica Katane tra mito e rito. Testimonianze cultuali di Catania greca (fig. 1). L’allestimento della mostra, coordinato dal direttore del Polo Regionale di Catania per i siti culturali, Maria Costanza Lentini, in collaborazione con l’IBAM CNR, è stata curata da Fabio Caruso e Antonella Pautasso (IBAM CNR) ed ospitata nei locali della ex Manifattura Tabacchi, futura sede del Museo Interdisciplinare della città etnea. Fig. 1. Locandina della mostra archeologica: Katane tra mito e rito

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2 L’esposizione offre al visitatore un percorso attraverso le principali testimonianze cultuali della Katane greca dal VI al III secolo a.C. L’esposizione ruota attorno ad una selezione del consistente nucleo di ceramiche e terrecotte figurate d’età arcaica e classica rinvenute nel deposito votivo di Piazza San Francesco, che è uno dei contesti più ricchi del Mediterraneo occidentale. Sono state dedicate a questo importante complesso dieci vetrine, equamente divise tra ceramiche e terrecotte figurate. Tra le ceramiche, accanto alla produzione locale, spiccano importazioni dalla Grecia dell’Est, da Corinto, Sparta, Atene (fig. 2). La coroplastica presenta un repertorio particolarmente diversificato per l’età arcaica, con importazioni greco-orientali, corinzie e magnogreche ed una ricca produzione locale di alto livello tecnico e formale, mentre nell’età classica (V–IV secolo a.C.) prevale l’iconografia dell’offerente di porcellino (fig. 3). Fig. 2. Particolare di una delle vetrine dedicate alla ceramica attica

Foto A. Pautasso Fig. 3. Offerente di porcellino dal deposito di Piazza San Fancesco.

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Foto A. Pautasso

3 La mostra è completata da ulteriori testimonianze provenienti dai vari scavi condotti in passato nell’area urbana, in particolare dall’area del monastero dei Benedettini, da cui provengono le testimonianze più antiche relative al primo impianto della colonia, e dall’area della via Crociferi, dove la Soprintendenza ha, negli anni passati, effettuato diverse campagne di scavo. L’esposizione è inoltre arricchita da tre sculture concesse in prestito dal Museo Civico di Castello Ursino: il noto rilievo marmoreo con Demetra e Core (fig. 4) (oggi purtroppo non più esposto perché restituito al Museo Civico), la cosiddetta kore di Inessa ed un busto marmoreo femminile d’età imperiale con corona di spighe. Una serie di pannelli offre al visitatore una rassegna dei principali miti e culti legati alla colonia greca di Katane. Fig. 4. Rilievo votivo dedicato a Demetra e Core

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Foto Archivio G. Rizza Fig. 5. Gruppo di ragazzi in visita guidati da Fabio Caruso. In primo piano al vetrina dedicata ai vasi conﬁgurati

Foto A. Pautasso

4 Nella stessa occasione è stata inaugurata la mostra didattica Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché? Come?, versione italiana dell’esposizione organizzata dall’Università di Lille –

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Halma e dal Learning Center dell’Università di Lille nel 2016 (Les terres cuites grecques. Pour qui? Pourquoi? Comment?) (fig. 6). Fig. 6. Locandina della mostra didattica Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché? Come?

5 La mostra didattica, gentilmente concessa dall’Università francese all’IBAM CNR nel quadro della collaborazione instauratasi nel corso del progetto HaCoSt, si compone di pannelli didattici che spiegano, attraverso testo e immagini, modi di produzione e significato delle terrecotte figurate greche nei vari contesti. L’allestimento è stato curato da Antonella Pautasso dell’IBAM-CNR, in collaborazione con il personale del Polo regionale di Catania. All’inaugurazione hanno partecipato Arthur Muller e Laurent Brassart dell’Université de Lille – Halma.

6 Entrambe le mostre hanno consentito l’attivazione di laboratori didattici rivolti a scuole di vario ordine e grado, un’occasione per avvicinare i ragazzi al mondo dell’archeologia. Nel caso della mostra archeologica Katane tra mito e rito. Testimonianze cultuali di Catania greca, sono stati attivati laboratori di disegno destinati alle scuole primarie. L’occasione per l’attivazione dei laboratori di disegno è stata offerta dalla partecipazione al bando The Big Draw is All Around, un concorso indetto dalla casa produttrice Fabriano per eventi dedicati al disegno (fig. 7). I laboratori, che hanno avuto inizio ad ottobre 2017, continueranno per tutto l’anno scolastico. Fig. 7. La locandina del primo laboratorio di disegno nell’ambito del bando The Big Draw della Fabriano.

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7 Nel caso della mostra Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché? Come? partiranno dal mese di gennaio 2018 i laboratori di lavorazione dell’argilla per la creazione di terrecotte figurate a mano e a matrice, in quest’ultimo caso sulla base di stampi ottenuti da originali effettuati da un artigiano specializzato. Nel corso dei laboratori saranno ripercorse le varie tappe della produzione delle terrecotte figurate, dalla preparazione del foglio d’argilla alla cottura della statuetta. L’attività pratica, che completa la parte teorica legata agli argomenti trattati nei pannelli della mostra didattica, intende avvicinare i ragazzi all’archeologia, attraverso la comprensione delle diverse fasi di produzione delle terrecotte figurate, rendendoli in questo modo protagonisti di un laboratorio di archeologia sperimentale.

RIASSUNTI

È stata inaugurata il 16 giugno 2017 la mostra archeologica Katane tra mito e rito. Testimonianze cultuali di Catania greca e la mostra didattica Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché? Come? nei locali della ex Manifattura Tabacchi di Catania, futura sede del Museo Interdisciplinare.

INDICE

Parole chiave : Catania, mostra archeologica, Manifattura Tabacchi, mostra didattica

AUTORE

ANTONELLA PAUTASSO IBAM-CNR, Catania [email protected]

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Figure d’Argilla. Laboratorio di archeologia sperimentale

Antonella Pautasso

1 Nell’ambito dell’esposizione Katane tra mito e rito. Testimonianze cultuali di Catania greca allestita presso la ex Manifattura dei Tabacchi di Catania (Ex Manifattura dei Tabacchi, Piazza San Cristoforo, 18, Catania, Mercoledì 7 febbraio 2018, ore 16.00), dal Polo Regionale per i Siti Culturali di Catania in collaborazione con l’Istituto per i Beni Archeologici e Monumentali del Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (IBAM-CNR), si svolge da alcuni mesi un laboratorio didattico, Allo zoo con i Greci, destinato ai bambini della scuola primaria e dedicato ai disegni di figure di animali di epoca greca, esposte nella mostra.

2 A queste attività e in relazione alla mostra didattica Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché? Come? si aggiunge ora un laboratorio di archeologia sperimentale, Figure d’Argilla, destinato a gruppi di studenti della scuola secondaria e dell’università. Gli studenti coinvolti potranno realizzare terrecotte figurate con matrici ricavate da originali d’età greca. L’attività sarà preceduta da una visita guidata della mostra, dove sono esposti i reperti che verranno riprodotti, e da una lezione relativa alla fabbricazione di terrecotte in età greca. Ogni studente sceglierà una fra le molteplici matrici in gesso appositamente realizzate da maestri di Caltagirone direttamente su reperti greci rinvenuti nella deposito votivo di piazza San Francesco a Catania, realizzerà l’oggetto in argilla e seguirà le successive fasi di essiccazione e cottura in forno. Si tratta del primo esempio a Catania di archeologia sperimentale indirizzata agli studenti delle scuole secondarie e dell’Università.

3 La partecipazione al laboratorio sarà del tutto gratuita, ma occorrerà prenotarsi e concordare giorni e orari dell’attività. Ai partecipanti verrà fornito il materiale necessario: l’argilla, le matrici, gli strumenti utili alla rifinitura dei manufatti, il forno per la cottura. Fig. 1. Preparazione della matrice

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Foto A. Pautasso

4 Il laboratorio sarà presentato durante un incontro aperto al pubblico, presso la ex Manifattura Tabacchi di Catania, mercoledì 7 febbraio 2018, alle ore 16,00. Introdurranno Maria Costanza Lentini (Direttore del Polo Regionale di Catania per i Siti Culturali) e Daniele Malfitana (Direttore dell’I.B.A.M.-C.N.R.). Seguiranno gli interventi di Antonella Pautasso (Ricercatrice dell’I.B.A.M.-C.N.R.) sugli aspetti scientifico- didattici dell’attività, di Patrizia Polizzi (Funzionario architetto del Polo) sull’organizzazione e allestimento del laboratorio, e di Marie Gabrielle Leonardi (Archeologa del Polo) sugli aspetti organizzativi e le modalità di partecipazione. Concluderanno i due Maestri Ceramisti di Caltagirone Francesco Cannizzo e Nicolò Morales che sono stati fondamentali per la riuscita del progetto, avendo essi realizzato gli stampi o matrici da esemplari di statuette greche dal deposito votivo su richiamato con modalità tradizionali. Polo Regionale di Catania per i Siti Culturali Via Vittorio Emanuele II, 266 – Catania, Tel. 0957150508 [email protected] Istituto per i Beni Archeologici e Monumentali - Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Via Biblioteca, 4 – Catania, Tel. 095311981 [email protected]

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RIASSUNTI

Si svolge un laboratorio di archeologia sperimentale, Figure d’Argilla, destinato a gruppi di studenti della scuola secondaria e dell’università in relazione alla mostra didattica Le terrecotte greche. Per chi? Perché?

INDICE

Parole chiave : archeologia sperimentale, figure d’argilla.

AUTORE

ANTONELLA PAUTASSO IBAM-CNR [email protected]

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Book Reviews Revue de presse

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Terrakotten aus Beit Nattif. Eine Untersuchung zur religiösen Alltagspraxis im spätantiken Judäa

Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom

REFERENCES

Achim Lichtenberger, Terrakotten aus Beit Nattif. Eine Untersuchung zur religiösen Alltagspraxis im spätantiken Judäa. Contextualizing the Sacred 7. Turnhout: Brepols 2016. XII and 298 pages, two colour plates, 409 photos of the catalogue items and 38 figures. Reviewed by Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom.

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1 This volume by Achim Lichtenberger (henceforth AL) is the first comprehensive monograph on the remarkable assemblage of clay figurines, produced locally in the Beit Nattif region. Situated to the southwest of Jerusalem at the fringe of the Judean Mountains Beit Nattif is identified with ancient Betholetepha, the headquarters of a Judean toparchy. The bulk of finds represents waste from two cisterns at Beit Nattif, discovered in 1917 and excavated by Dimitri Baramki in 1934.1 In addition, the study presents corresponding specimens from other excavations, as well as parallels in museums and collections acquired on the antiquities market. The book comprises an introduction, fourteen chapters, concluding comments and an English summary. The introduction addresses the two main hypotheses that were prevalent in the past and are still an aspect of current research on the Beit Nattif terracotta figurines. First, the iconography of nude female figures, horse-riders, and animals is part of the visual koine in a pagan cultural setting. Second, additional archaeological evidence, in particular locally manufactured lamps, and historical and epigraphical sources appear to document the existence of Jewish communities living with the pagan population in the Beit Nattif area during the third and fourth centuries CE. In view of these two general assessments it is the author’s primary target to set criteria for a more differentiated attribution of the finds beyond the stereotyped categories of pagan or Jewish, notwithstanding the strict rejection of pagan culture in the Rabbinical literature. In the author’s words, “the dichotomy of ‘pagan’ and ‘Jewish’” should be reevaluated on the basis of “an examination of the material culture of everyday life”.2

2 Admittedly, a crucial parameter for determining the role of the figurines in the daily life of the local inhabitants is the difficulty in providing evidence for their ethno- religious affiliation. Archaeologists and historians agree that until the Bar-Kokhba Revolt (132–135 CE) the region was predominantly settled by Jews. To date, there is no unequivocal answer to the question whether the Roman victory resulted in the extensive annihilation and expulsion of the Jewish population, although the archaeological evidence from nearby Bet Guvrin-Eleutheropolis indicates a Roman urban centre with some Jewish dwellers during the second and third centuries CE. However, so far no Beit Nattif-style figurines came to light in the city and in the necropolises.

3 In the first four chapters (1–15; 277–278)3 AL evaluates the evidence basis for defining the location and regional context, as well as the chronological, iconographic, and technical aspects and explores the likely ethno-religious affiliation of the customers of the oil lamps. The discussion in chapters one and two provides the reader with a factual and sound acquaintance of the present state of research, clearly illustrating the ambiguity in defining the ethnic and socio-economic conditions in the Beit Nattif

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region during the Late Roman period, resulting from the meagre archaeological and textual evidence. The third chapter addresses the matter of identifying the customers of the lamps with gladiators and Jewish symbols like the menorah, which altogether occur in small numbers. AL emphasizes that up to now it can neither be rejected nor proven that such lamps were manufactured for specific ethno-religious groups, respectively a pagan or Jewish clientele.

4 Chapter four provides information on the fabrics, the clay source, and the production techniques of the figurines and mentions the scarce remains of black and red paint applied after the firing process. By now, the results of the petrographic analyses have been published in full.4 They provide unequivocal evidence that the Beit Nattif area was the main production center for the figurines, either from a single workshop, or from several adjacent workshops. Apart from a single figurine, all other cistern specimens were produced from the locally exposed marl of the Taqiye Formation, widespread in Israel and the neighbouring countries. The same raw material was used for the three cistern lamps analysed. Beit Nattif-style figurines from a small number of other sites were most likely also products of the same workshops. Some figurines found in excavations in Jerusalem were made from the clay of the Moza Formation in the Jerusalem area. As its western exposures are about 5 km east of Beit Nattif these figurines could originate from a workshop close to these exposures.

5 Chapter five (17–184; 278–279) comprises the main part of the study: the typology and catalogue of 341 figurines, from the two Beit Nattif cisterns listed in seven thematic groups. Each catalogue entry includes detailed technical information and the iconographic description. The main types are female figurines and horsemen. The female figurines, generally depicted in frontal view, are categorized under women with symmetrically raised arms, the pudica-type (mostly standing within an aedicula) and the rectangular, gravida and kourotrophoi types. The male figurines are horsemen facing right and riders standing in front of their horses; figurines of riders on a bird and males holding a shield are rare. Occasional figurines of children are incomplete, with only heads preserved. In the faunal world the dove is the most common subject; other sporadic finds include cattle, dog, probably a camel, and a beast of prey. Under the heading “miscellaneous” AL describes fragments of the so-called mirror-plaques, of an armed male, reliefs, and a mask. He gives a concise account of the mirror-plaques and masks, categories known from a number of sites in the region, the former a feature of the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, the latter of the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The catalogue concludes with 62 unassigned fragments.

6 Each figurine and each fragment is illustrated in 3D-scans with four different views. Such a precise documentation seems unnecessary in the case of small and tiny fragments (see Cat. Nos. 16–24, 235–282). All in all, the reviewer is not convinced that the digital processing is an advantage. The illustrations appear flat and lifeless, and the difference in quality to analog photos is obvious when comparing the heads of three similar female figures (see the 3D-scan of Cat. Nos. 63–64 and the analog photo of Cat. No. 386).

7 Chapter VI (185; 279) comprises statistical evaluations, while chapter VII (187–194; 279– 280) is a survey of the stylistic properties of Near Eastern terracotta figurines with similar features as the Beit Nattif-style figurines. The references to the comparanda from the Iron Age and the Hellenistic periods suggest the existence of a visual koine, apparently handed down through centuries among different ethno-religious

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populations. However, no continuity in such a long time-span can be plausibly demonstrated, and in view of technical and stylistic differences the assumption of an existent tradition is highly speculative.

8 Chapter VIII (195–249; 280) lists excavated finds of Beit Nattif-style figurines from sites in Judea, northern Israel, and Transjordan, as well as specimens in museums and collections in Israel and the world acquired on the antiquities market. With the exception of two locations in Jerusalem, the artifacts unearthed in excavations are mostly fragmentary singletons. Among the forty-four figurines in museums and collections, twenty-six are intact or nearly complete, permitting a definite attribution of many fragments. In most cases, AL convincingly establishes the attribution to the Beit Nattif workshop(s) and notes fabric differences and stylistic variations on others. For information on the workshops (Chapter IX, 251–253; 280–281) the reader is now referred to the detailed presentation and discussion of the results of the petrographic analyses.5

9 In the remaining five chapters AL deals with the complex matters of context and interpretation. Chapter X (255; 281) is a summary of the few recorded domestic and sepulchral contexts, and as most of the finds originate from a workshop context the information on consumption and function is negligible. Although the female figurines and the horsemen feature divine iconographic traits, their characteristics do not permit the attribution to specific deities. In the case of the standing male holding a shield, (Cat. No. 397) the gesture of the left hand might be of apotropaic significance. Several of the female figurines are provided with two lateral holes for suspension (see Cat. Nos. 1–2, 375, 409); at the same time, they had flat resting-surfaces, enabling an upright position. AL compares the feature of the two holes to the single suspension hole at the top of the mirror-plaques (see Figs. 27, 29); their apotropaic or magical function is widely accepted by scholars. Such a role is also attributed to the popular Roman terracotta masks (see. Cat. No. 320) prevalent in many provinces of the empire.6 Though rare in the Levant, masks were manufactured in workshops at Jerusalem and Gerasa and are often associated with the Roman military.7 AL asserts a Roman influence in the dress of the Beit Nattif horseman, who wears a tunic like many soldiers in the Late Roman period.8

10 In chapters XI (257–259; 281) and XII (261–262; 281) AL addresses the crucial question of interpreting the motifs of naked female, rider, and dove, drawing in chapter XII on their iconographic precursors from the Iron Age attested in Judea and Samaria, and considered to exemplify popular devotion to a private cult. In the reviewer’s opinion, the available evidence is too meagre to arrive at the conclusion that the Late Roman Beit Nattif-style figurines are derivatives of an Iron Age tradition. Likewise, it is virtually impossible to clarify ethno-religious connotations and functions. Nevertheless, AL rightly emphasizes that the Beit Nattif coroplasts temporarily produced objects of daily life for a local clientele and that these objects adhere to ancient, fairly continuous, cultural traditions prevalent in diverse Near Eastern societies, independent of western Roman paradigms (on tradition and innovation see also chapter XIV, 273–274; 282).

11 The discussion about the likely consumers of the Beit Nattif-style figurines (Chapter XIII, 263–272; 281–282) is a substantial contribution towards an understanding of ethno-religious identity in the late antique times. Drawing on the evidence from material culture and historical and literary sources AL opts for a Jewish clientele, yet

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admitting that “it cannot be concluded with certainty from the Jewish oil lamps that the entire repertoire of the workshop was intended for Jewish customers.”9 He further points out that even when rejecting the attribution to a Jewish clientele there is a definite interaction between preferences and practices of pagan and Jewish consumers. In short concluding remarks (275; 282–283) AL repeats his perception with regard to the Jewish clientele for the figurines and lamps manufactured in the Beit Nattif area and elucidates the political and cultural upheaval caused by the outcome of the Bar- Kokhba Revolt, resulting in the integration of the Jewish population into a “milieu of cultural pluralism”. The monograph’s final section is an English summary (277–283).

12 The author is to be praised for his meticulous analysis of the Beit Nattif-type figurines, presented in this comprehensive monograph. The publication in German is a heavy drawback for scholars residing in the Near East who rarely are sufficiently versed in the German language to follow the discussion, and unfortunately the English summary is merely a slight compensation. All in all, AL successfully demonstrates the complexity of the archaeological, historical, and literary evidence, preventing an unambiguous classification and interpretation of the clay figurines and lamps. However, AL chooses to build a model founded on the conclusion that neither the iconography nor the evidence from domestic and sepulchral contexts excludes a Jewish clientele. With it, an essential question remains unanswered. What do we regard as satisfactory markers for the definition of the customers’ ethno-religious identity in the Beit Nattif production? To date, researchers concentrated on interpreting the iconography of figurines and lamps. The figurine repertoire of naked females, horse-riders, and animals suggests a pagan clientele, while the depiction of the Jewish menorah on lamps is minimal in the Beit Nattif production. Consequently, the iconography cannot be used as a diagnostic marker. Instead, it is the contextual evidence that should be considered first and foremost, as AL acknowledges in the discussion of two assemblages of figurines unearthed in Jerusalem and of the female figurine found at Kefar Othnay- Legio- Maximianopolis.10 These finds derive from habitation contexts. Besides the lamps from the Beit Nattif cisterns, the necropolis of Bet Guvrin-Eleutheropolis provides evidence for lamps with Jewish motifs.11

13 In Jerusalem the two assemblages came to light in the area south of the Temple Mount (seven fragmentary figurines) and in the fills of a large mansion in the Tyropoeon valley, destroyed during the 383 CE earthquake (more than fifty figurine fragments). The contextual evidence does not indicate Jewish dwellers, and in the reviewer’s opinion it is inadmissible to draw on external evidence from the Byzantine period while arguing about the existence of a Jewish community or Jewish inhabitants in Aelia Capitolina. Similarly, the figurine from Kefar Othnay cannot be attributed to a Jewish owner, though in all cases the possibility cannot be entirely discounted. New evidence for lamps manufactured in the Beit Nattif area was found in 2014, when a workshop was excavated at Khirbet Shumeila situated about a kilometer to the northwest of Beit Nattif.12 Altogether, more than 600 lamps and fifteen lime-stone molds were recorded, among them less than 1 % were decorated with a menorah. Based on the discovery of more than 150 coins, the workshop dates from the 4th century CE; there were no coins after 383 CE. Hence, it is documented that some Beit Nattif lamps were manufactured for Jewish buyers, and others were produced for pagan and Christian buyers.13 In view of the contextual evidence derived from the recent excavations the reviewer no longer

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concurs with her statement of twenty years ago that “the depiction of the menorah and the location of Beit Nattif suggest a Jewish workshop.”14

14 To sum: the reviewer challenges the author’s conclusion, albeit expressed with great caution, that on the basis of iconography, archaeological, and literary evidence the Beit Nattif-style terracotta figurines were manufactured for a Jewish target group. At present, there is no answer to the question whether the workshops’ output can be assigned to “otherwise elusive and invisible population groups in the third and fourth centuries CE, who lived in a region that was mainly Jewish before the Bar Cochba War.” 15 Nevertheless, with his thorough and stimulating study the author documented a significant category of material culture and stipulated further research.

ENDNOTES

1. Baramki, D. 1936. “Two Roman Cisterns at Beit Nattif.” QDAP 5:3–10. 2. Lichtenberger 2016, 277. 3. Please note that the pagination also includes the English summary. 4. Cohen-Weinberger, A. and Lichtenberger, A. 2016. “Late Roman Workshops of Beit Nattif Figurines: Petrography, Typology, and Style.” BASOR 376:151–168; available at http:// www.jstor.,org/stable/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.376.0151 The article is particularly important as it presents the analysis of finds from the Givati Parking Lot excavations, the largest assemblage discovered outside of Beit Nattif. AL was permitted to study the material without including it in the catalogue (for a short evaluation see pp. 198–199). 5. See note 4. 6. For the function and significance of Roman masks see Rose, H. 2006. Die römischen Terrakottamasken in den Nordwestprovinzen. Herkunft – Herstellung – Verbreitung – Funktion. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 64–71. 7. Rosenthal-Heginbottom, R. 2014. “Lamps, Table and Kitchen Ware from Areas J and N.” In Geva, H. Jewish Quarter Excavations in the Old City of Jerusalem, Conducted by Nahman Avigad, 1969– 1982. Vol. VI: Areas J,N,Z and Other Studies. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 192. 8. Lichtenberger 2016, 194. 9. Lichtenberger 2016, 282. 10. Lichtenberger 2016, 198–199, 210. 11. Lichtenberger 2016, 11; Magness, J. 2008. “The Oil Lamps from the South Cemetery.” In The Necropolis of Bet Guvrin-Eleutheropolis, edited by G. Avni, U. Dahari, A. Kloner, 129–130. IAA Reports 36. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority. 12. Storchan, B. 2017. “Bet Shemesh, Ramat Bet Shemesh, Khirbet Shumeila. Preliminary Report.” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 129. URL: http://www.hadashot-esi.org.il/report_detail_eng.aspx? id=25229&mag_id=125 (accessed December 2017). Storchan, B. 2017. “The Discovery of an Additional Beit Nattif Lamp Workshop.” In Studies on the Land of Judea. Proceedings of the 1st Annual Conference in Memory of Dr. David Ami, edited by Z. Zelinger, and N. Frankel, 71–79. Kefar Ezion: Ezion. 13. Magness 2008, Figs. 5.7:3; 5.9:1. 14. Rosenthal-Heginbottom, R. 1996. “A Jewish Lamp Depicting the Sacrifice of Isaac.” In Joseph Aviram Volume. Eretz Israel 25:54*.

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15. Lichtenberger 2016, 282–283.

ABSTRACTS

Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom reviews Terrakotten aus Beit Nattif. Eine Untersuchung zur religiösen Alltagspraxis im spätantiken Judäa, by Achim Lichtenberger. This appeared in the series Contextualizing the Sacred, 7, published by Brepols.

INDEX

Keywords: Beit Nattif, Jewish symbols, pagan symbols, Judean terracottas, ethno-religious affiliations.

AUTHORS

RENATE ROSENTHAL-HEGINBOTTOM Independent researcher, Germany [email protected]

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Bibliography Bibliographie

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I depositi votivi negli spazi del rito

Valeria Parisi

NOTIZIA

Valeria Parisi, I depositi votivi negli spazi del rito. Analisi dei contesti per un'archeologia della pratica cultuale nel mondo siceliota e magnogreco, Archeologia Classica - Supplementi e Monografie, 14, L’ERMA di Bretschneider, Rome, 2017.

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1 Sul tema dei depositi votivi la letteratura archeologica ha tradizionalmente mostrato maggiore interesse verso il contenuto della deposizione più che verso la deposizione in sé, proponendo analisi descrittive e formali delle classi di offerte, o addirittura di singoli oggetti d' arte, spesso estrapolate dai dati contestuali. Anche se più recentemente si è iniziata ad osservare una maggiore sensibilità scientifica verso il deposito votivo inteso come categoria archeologica dotata di un alto potenziale per la ricostruzione delle pratiche rituali, è mancato finora uno studio, analitico e sintetico, sul tema.

2 Da qui l' intenzione di colmare questo vacuum, partendo innanzitutto da una base documentaria ampia e rigorosamente selezionata. Attraverso il censimento completo dei contesti delle aree coloniali di cultura greca della Sicilia e dell' Italia meridionale, in un periodo compreso tra la fine dell' VIII e il IV-III secolo a.C., in modo da poter cogliere gli inizi della pratica devozionale e la sua recessione/trasformazione, il volume propone l' elaborazione di tipologie di deposito, ossia modelli per classificare e differenziare i complessi votivi, in modo da superare il disordine, anche terminologico, che spesso si riscontra negli studi di settore.

3 Inseriti all' interno del palinsesto della religione greca, i depositi votivi emergono come sistemi complessi in cui gli oggetti, gli spazi, gli attori e i gesti del sacro convivono in stretta relazione. I dati e gli strumenti interpretativi elaborati si propongono come uno strumento utile per leggere il fenomeno delle deposizioni votive nei suoi caratteri generali e specifici, potenzialmente esportabile anche in altri ambiti cronologici e culturali. About the author

4 Valeria Parisi is a faculty member in the science of antiquity department at the Sapienza University of Rome. Her primary interests are the archaeology of cult, ancient Greek religion, and coroplastic studies.

RIASSUNTI

This new book analyzes votive contexts in Sicily and south Italy in order to understand ritual practices

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INDICE

Keywords : Ritual practice, votive deposits, ritual space

AUTORI

VALERIA PARISI Faculty of the science of antiquity department, Sapienza University of Rome

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Bodies of Evidence. Ancient Anatomical Votives Past, Present and Future

Jane Draycott and Emma-Jayne Graham

REFERENCES

Jane Draycott, Emma-Jayne Graham, editors, Bodies of Evidence. Ancient Anatomical Votives Past, Present and Future, Routledge, New York, 2017

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1 Dedicating objects to the divine was a central component of both Greek and Roman religion. Some of the most conspicuous offerings were shaped like parts of the internal or external human body: so-called ‘anatomical votives’. These archaeological artefacts capture the modern imagination, recalling vividly the physical and fragile bodies of the past whilst posing interpretative challenges in the present. This volume scrutinises this distinctive dedicatory phenomenon, bringing together for the first time a range of methodologically diverse approaches which challenge traditional assumptions and simple categorisations. The chapters presented here ask new questions about what constitutes an anatomical votive, how they were used and manipulated in cultural, cultic and curative contexts and the complex role of anatomical votives in negotiations between humans and gods, the body and its disparate parts, divine and medical healing, ancient assemblages and modern collections and collectors. In seeking to re-contextualise and re-conceptualise anatomical votives this volume uniquely juxtaposes the medical with the religious, the social with the conceptual, the idea of the body in fragments with the body whole and the museum with the sanctuary, crossing the boundaries between studies of ancient religion, medicine, the body and the reception of antiquity. About the editors

2 Jane Draycott is Lord Kelvin Adam Smith Research Fellow in Ancient Science and Technology at the University of Glasgow, UK. Her research focuses on health and well- being in antiquity. She has published on a wide range of subjects relating to the history and archaeology of medicine.

3 Emma-Jayne Graham is Senior Lecturer in Classical Studies at The Open University, UK. Her research focuses on the archaeology of Roman Italy, with a particular interest in the treatment of the body and its representation in material culture. She has published on mortuary practices, infant health and death, sensory experience and the materiality of votive religion.

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ABSTRACTS

The papers presented in this volume are the result of the conference Bodies of Evidence: Re-defining Approaches to the Anatomical Votives that was held at the British School in Rome in 2012. Additional papers area also included

INDEX

Keywords: Anatomical votives

AUTHORS

JANE DRAYCOTT Lord Kelvin Adam Smith Research Fellow in Ancient Science and Technology at the University of Glasgow, UK

EMMA-JAYNE GRAHAM Senior Lecturer in Classical Studies at The Open University, UK

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Votive Body Parts in Greek and Roman Religion

Jessica Hughes

REFERENCES

Jessica Hughes, Votive Body Parts in Greek and Roman Religion. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017

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1 This book examines a type of object that was widespread and very popular in classical antiquity—votive offerings in the shape of parts of the human body. It collects examples from four principal areas and time periods: Classical Greece, pre-Roman Italy, Roman Gaul, and Roman Asia Minor. It uses a compare-and- contrast methodology to highlight differences between these sets of votives, exploring the implications for our understandings of how beliefs about the body changed across classical antiquity. The book also looks at how far these ancient beliefs overlap with, or differ from, modern ideas about the body and its physical and conceptual boundaries. Central themes of the book include illness and healing, bodily fragmentation, human-animal hybridity, transmission and reception of traditions, and the mechanics of personal transformation in religious rituals. About the editor

2 Jessica Hughes is a Lecturer in Classical Studies at The Open University, Milton Keynes. She has an MA and PhD in Art History, and most of her subsequent research has focused on Greco-Roman art and its reception in later periods.

ABSTRACTS

This book examines a type of object that was widespread and very popular in classical antiquity - votive offerings in the shape of parts of the human body, using them to explore how beliefs about the body changed throughout the period.

INDEX

Keywords: Anatomical votives, body parts, bodily fragmentation, hybridity

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AUTHORS

JESSICA HUGHES Lecturer in Classical Studies at The Open University, Milton Keynes

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The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines

Timothy Insoll

REFERENCES

Timothy Insoll, editor, The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

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1 The volume is comprehensive, authoritative, and accessible, with dedicated and fully illustrated chapters covering figurines from the Americas, Europe, Africa, Asia, and Australasia and the Pacific laid out by geographical location and written by the foremost scholars in figurine studies; wherever prehistoric figurines are found they have been expertly described and examined in relation to their subject matter, form, function, context, chronology, meaning, and interpretation. Specific themes that are discussed by contributors include, for example, theories of figurine interpretation, meaning in processes and contexts of figurine production, use, destruction and disposal, and the cognitive and social implications of representation.

2 Chronologically, the coverage ranges from the Middle Palaeolithic through to areas and periods where an absence of historical sources renders figurines "prehistoric" even though they might have been produced in the mid-2nd millennium AD, as in parts of sub-Saharan Africa. The result is a synthesis of invaluable insights into past thinking on the human body, gender, identity, and how the figurines might have been used, either practically, ritually, or even playfully.

ABSTRACTS

Figurines dating from prehistory have been found across the world but have never before been considered globally. The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines is the first book to offer a comparative survey of this kind, bringing together approaches from across the landscape of contemporary research into a definitive resource in the field

INDEX

Keywords: Prehistoric figurines, figurine studies, Palaeolithic figurines, Neolithic figurines, Bronze-Age figurines, African figurines, social lives of figurines

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AUTHORS

TIMOTHY INSOLL University of Exeter, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, Faculty Member

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La «donna fiore» nel santuario di Hera alla foce del Sele. Un progetto per l'informatizzazione dei dati

Francesca Cantone

NOTIZIA

Francesca Cantone, La «donna fiore» nel santuario di Hera alla foce del Sele. Un progetto per l'informatizzazione dei dati, Quaderni del Centro studi Magna Grecia, Naus Editoria Archeologica, Pozzuoli, 2016

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1 A distanza di poco più di cinquant'anni dal lavoro di M. W. Stoop, Floral figurines from South Italy, l'autrice, pur traendo spunto dal riesame dei materiali del santuario di Hera sul Sele, estende la sua indagine all'intero ambito mediterraneo e fornisce un'esaustiva disamina della storia dei rinvenimenti e degli studi su tale particolare tipologia di figurine fittili, note in letteratura come "donna-fiore", che parte dalle prime notizie ottocentesche edite, in cui ai manufatti vengono attribuite le più fantasiose definizioni, per giungere a tempi recentissimi. Accanto all'analisi filologica dei materiali coroplastici, alla ricomposizione dei contesti, alla lettura delle evidenze nel Mediterraneo, il lavoro offre una peculiare filiera di intervento, supportata dalle tecnologie informatiche in tutte le fasi, dall'acquisizione dell'informazione, alla sua analisi, condivisione e diffusione, proponendo, così, un modello di indagine archeologica che può utilmente essere esportato e replicato in altri ambiti di materiali e di contesti. È, dunque, l'informatica archeologica l'alveo disciplinare in cui questo lavoro trova una sua piena collocazione e la sua genesi metodologica. About the author

2 Francesca Cantone is a faculty member at the University of Naples "Federico II" in the social studies and computer science departments.

RIASSUNTI

This project aims to illustrate the advantages of applying Information and Communication Technologies to the study of terracotta figurines from the Foce del Sele Sanctuary of Hera in south Italy

INDICE

Keywords : Computer applications, coroplastic databank, information technologies, Heraion, Paestum

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AUTORI

FRANCESCA CANTONE University of Naples "Federico II"

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Recent Bibliography on Coroplastic Topics: 2016–2017

This list of recent publications pertaining to coroplast studies has been compiled mainly from Dyabola. ACoSt welcomes notices of publications pertaining to coroplastc topics that focus on material from the Near East, Egypt, Old Europe, Africa, and the Americas, among other geographic areas. Please send notices to secretary@acost- membership.org.

2017

• Aït Salah, S.: Figurines masculines en contextes votif et funéraire de la Thessalie à la Thrace : Marqueurs identitaires et témoins des rituels d’intégration et de socialisation ? -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1026 • Albertocchi, M.: Review of Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 2. Iconographie et contexts. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017, consulté le 11 février 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1047 • Attenni, L.; Ghini, G.: La stipe votiva in località Pantanacci. - in: Sacra nemora. La cultura del sacro nei contesto santuariali in area albana. Rinvenimenti archeologici e recuperi della Guardia di Finanza. (Mozzecane 2017) 59-71. • Barone, G.; Mazzoleni, P.; Raneri, S. et al.: Coroplastic art in Sicily. An investigation on provenance and manufacturing technology of Greek architectural terracottas from Gela (Italy). -MedAArchaeometry 17 (2017) Nr.1, 89-101. [http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.258087 ] • Belfiori, F.: "Lucum conlucare Romano more". Archeologia e religione del "lucus" Pisaurensis. (Bologna : Bononia University Press, 2017) (Disci. Dipartimento storia culture civiltà, 12) • Bellia, A. : Ritual Contexts of the Banqueters with Stringed Instruments in the Western Greek Poleis, Phasis, XIX, 2016, pp. 4-29. • Bilbao Zubiri, E.: Nuove prospettive di ricerca sulla coroplastica arcaica di San Biagio alla Venella (Metaponto). -in: Dialoghi sull'archeologia della Magna Grecia e del Mediterraneo. Atti del I Convegno internazionale di studi. Paestum, 7-9 settembre 2016. (Paestum 2017) 997-1007. • Clark, S.: The Social Lives of Figurines: Recontextualizing the Third-Millennium-BC Terracotta Figurines from Harappa. Papers of the Peabody Museum 86. Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum Press, 2017

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• D'Angelo, T.; Muratov, M.: Silent attendants. Terracotta statues and death rituals in Canosa. - in: Women's ritual competence in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean. (London 2017) 65-93. • Doğan Gürbüzer, E.; Pişkin Ayvazoğlu, C.: Klaros'tan Pişmiş toprak Barbitoslu figürinlerin ikonografisi. - Adalya 20 (2017) 69-82. • Draycott, J., Graham, E,-J., editors.: Bodies of Evidence. Ancient Anatomical Votives Past, Present and Future Routledge, New York, 2017. • Erlich, A.: Happily ever after? A hellenistic hoard from Tel Kedesh in Israel. - AJA 121 (2017) 39-59. [http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.121.1.0039 ] • Flemming, R.: Wombs for the gods. - in: Bodies of evidence. Ancient anatomiacal • votives. Past, present and future. (London 2017) 112-130. • Fischer, J.: Nachbildungen von ›originalen‹ Tanagrafiguren der Kunsthandlung Fritz Gurlitt, Berlin 1882-1886. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1033 • Glinister, F.: Ritual and meaning. Contextualising votive terracotta infants in hellenistic Italy. - in: Bodies of evidence. Ancient anatomiacal votives. Past, present and future. (London 2017) 131-146. • Greco, C.: Una terracotta da Selinunte. - in: Dialogando. Studi in onore di Mario Torelli. (Pisa 2017) 199-206. • Greco, G.: Elea-Velia. Gli spazi del sacro e i doni votivi. -in: Kithon Lydios. Studi di storia e archeologia con Giovanna Greco. (Napoli 2017) 253-278. • Hasselin Rous, I.; Huguenot, C.; Gerin, D.: Offrandes hellénistiques en miniature. Le mobilier d'une tombe d'enfant d'Erétrie conserve au Musée du Louvre. - RA (2017) 3-63. • Hughes, J.: Votive Body Parts in Greek and Roman Religion. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017. • Insoll, T., editor: The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. • Jeammet, V.: Figurines de terre cuite et questions de muséographie , Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ acost/999. • Kielau, S.: Review of Musées Archéologiques d'Istanbul : Catalogue des Figurines en Terre Cuite Grecques et Romaines de Smyrne. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1053 • Klinger, S.: The Inscribed Terracotta Aphrodite from Mount Carmel Revisited in Context. –IEJ 67-1, (2017), 76-109. • Koukouvou, A.: Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay. An Exhibition. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 04 juin 2017, consulté le 11 février 2018. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1039 • Maiorano, D.: “Un'arca fittile" dal santuario di Fondo Patturelli. Una proposta di lettura. - in: Dialoghi sull'archeologia della Magna Grecia e del Mediterraneo. Atti del I Convegno internazionale di studi. Paestum, 7-9 settembre 2016. (Paestum 2017) 1283-1290. • Parisi, V.: I depositi votivi negli spazi del rito. Analisi dei contesti per un'archeologia della pratica cultuale nel mondo siceliota e magnogreco, Archeologia Classica - Supplementi e Monografie, 14. L’ERMA di Bretschneider, Rome, 2017. • Pautasso, A.: Review of Il Thesmophorion di Entella. Scavi in Contrada Petraro. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1066.

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• Salapata, G.: Review of Sounion Revisited: The Sanctuaries of Poseidon and Athena at Sounion in Attica. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1072. • Spatafora, F.: Su una testa di terracotta dal santuario del Meilichios a Selinunte. - in: Dialogando. Studi in onore di Mario Torelli. (Pisa 2017) 431-437. • Spathi, M.G.: Representations of Masked Figures: A Comparative Study and an Interpretative Approach to their Cult-Use and Meaning, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 16 | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 juin 2017. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1018 • Tuttle, C.A.: The coroplastic artifacts. Terracotta figurines, plaques, masks and vessels. - in: Petra Great Temple, 3. Brown University excavations 1993 - 2008. Architecture and material culture. (Oxford 2017) 231-255.

2016

• Adam-Veleni, P.: La coroplatie hellénistique de Petres (Florina, Macédoine occidentale). - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] • (Athens 2016) 253-267. • Albertocchi, M.: La coroplastica arcaica greco-orientale nella Sicilia meridionale. Vecchi problemi e nuove acquisizioni. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 95-111. • Androuin, L.: Une production de figurines en terre cuite blanche sur le site de la Genetoye à Autun (Saône-et-Loire). - in: Société française d'étude de la céramique antique en Gaule. Actes du congrès d'Autun, 5-8 mai 2016. (Marseille 2016) 665-669. • Antal, A.: Venus cult in Roman Dacia. (Cluj : Mega Publishing House, 2016) (Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis, 49) • Asderake-Tzoumerkiote, E.; Dionysiou, M.; Doulgere-Intzesiloglou, A. et al.: Mέσα στις πτυχές τoυ παρελθόντoς. - in: Aρχαoλoγικo εργo Θεσσαλιας και Στερεας Eλλαδας, 4, 2012. Πρακτικά επιστημoνικής συνάντησης, Bόλoς 15.3 έως 18.3.2012, 1. Θεσσαλία. 2, Στερεά Eλλάδα. (Volos 2016) 311-320. • Aurigny, H., et Croissant, F.: Les figurines de terre cuite de l’Aphrodision d’Argos. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016, URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/953 • Ballet, P.: Ateliers de coroplathes dans l'Egypte hellénistique et impériale. Eléments de synthèse. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 57-62. • Bazzano, C.: Aggiornamenti interpretativi sulla testina fittile e due frammenti di ceramica fine da Pantelleria. - [approfondamenti su alcuni reperti] in: Mirabilia maris. Tesori dai mari di Sicilia. [Palermo, Palazzo Reale, 6 novembre 2016 – 6 marzo 2017.] (Palermo 2016) 268-270. • Bedello Tata, M.: Piccola coroplastica e l'esperienza della Grecità. -in: Le sembianze degli dei e il linguaggio degli uomini. Studi di lessico e forma degli artigiani capuani. (Sesto San Giovanni 2016) 137-152. • Bellia, A.: Afterword. An archaeomusicological approach to representations of musicans in ancient coroplastic art. -in: Musicans in ancient coroplastic art. Iconography, ritual contexts, and functions. (Pisa 2016) 191-207.

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• Berriola, R.: Le terrecotte della collezione di Raffaele Gargiulo al Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016. URL : http://acost.revues.org/ 874. • Berriola, R.: Un gruppo di culle-tintinnabula del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016, URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/922 • Bertesago, S.M.: Offerte coroplastiche a Garaguso. Immagini del sacro e pratiche rituali indigene fra età arcaica e classica. FormaUrbis 21 (2016) Nr.4, 22–25. • Bertesago, S.M.: Coroplastica greco-orientale nella Sicilia meridionale. Korai con colomba dal Thesmophorion di Bitalemi. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 113-126. • Biondi, G.: Estetica dell'imbroglio. Terrecotte figurate e falsari di Centuripe. - SicAnt 13 (2016) 25-35. • Blaževska, S.: Worshiping the female deities in domestic context in the hellenistic town at Vardarski Rid. -in: Ηχάδιν, 1. Tιμητικός τόμoς για τη Στέλλα Δρoύγoυ. (Aθήνα 2016) 262-276. • Blume-Jung, C.: The interpretation of hellenistic terracotta figurines. A new approach based on their polychromy. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 147-164. • Borillo, M.: La donna, il parto, la dea. - in: Le sembianze degli dei e il linguaggio degli uomini. Studi di lessico e forma degli artigiani capuani. (Sesto San Giovanni 2016) 67-86. • Bossard, S.; Aubin, G.; Meissonnier, J.: Le sanctuaire de la Fermerie à Juvigné (Mayenne), de l'âge du Fer à l'époque romaine. - Gallia 73 (2016) Nr.2, 25-53. • Buzoianu, L.; Bărbulescu, M.: Les terres cuites d'époque hellénistique d'Albeşti. Représentations de divinités. - in: Mégarika. Nouvelles recherches sur Mégare et les cités de la Propontide et du Pont-Euxin. Archéologie, épigraphie, histoire. Actes du colloque de Mangalia (8 - 12 juillet 2012). (Paris 2016) 403-425. • Cagnini, A.; Frapiccini, N.; Galeotti, M. et al.: Le terrecotte policrome di Monte Rinaldo. Primi dati su interventi conservativi e indagini scientifiche. -in: Dalla Valdelsa al Conero. Ricerche di archeologia e topografia storica in ricordo di Giuliano de Marinis. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Colle di Val d'Elsa, San Gimignano, Poggibonsi, 27-29 novembre 2015. (Firenze 2016) 419-421. • Cantone, F.: La "donna-fiore" nel santuario di Hera alla foce del Sele. Un progetto per l'informatizzazione dei dati. (Napoli : Naus, 2016) (Quaderni del Centro studi Magna Grecia, 21) • Cantone, F.: The flower woman figurines from the Foce Sele Hera Sanctuary. Ancient coroplastic digital data management, analysis, and sharing. ACalc 26 (2016) 95–114. • Carboni, R.: Nora. Ex area militare. Le terrecotte votive. - in: Nora antiqua. Atti del convegno di studi. Cagliari, Cittadella del Musei, 3-4 ottobre 2014. (Perugia 2016) 35-38. • Cazanove, O. de: Offerte della e dall'Italia centrale. Teste e uteri di terracotta come spie delle dinamiche di diffusione. -in: L'Italia centrale e la creazione di una koiné culturale? I percorsi della "romanizzazione". E pluribus unum? L'Italie, de la diversité préromaine à l'unité augustéenne, 2. (Frankfurt a.M. 2016) 273-289. • Chidiroglou, M.: A contribution to the study of the coroplastic workshop of Euboea, Greece. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 211-222. • Chidiroglou, M.: Terracotta figurines of musicans in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens. -in: Musicans in ancient coroplastic art. Iconography, ritual contexts, and functions. (Pisa 2016) 85-96.

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• Cohen-Weinberger, A.; Lichtenberger, A.: Late Roman workshop of Beit Nattif figurines. Petrography, typology, and style. - BASOR 376 (2016) 151-167. • Courtois, C.: La coroplatie smyrniote dans la collection “De Candolle” (Musée d'art et d'histoire, Genève). - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 355-370. • D'Alessandro, L.: Su alcune terrecotte di soggetto cristiano da Magliano Sabina (RI), località Murella. - in: Costantino e i Costantinidi. L'innovazione costantiniana, le sue radici e i suoi sviluppi. Acta XVI congressus internationalis archaeologiae christianae. Romae, 22-28.9.2013. (Città del Vaticano 2016) 2199-2206. • Doğan Gürbüzer, E.: Terracotta figurines with stringed instruments from Claros. -in: Musicans in ancient coroplastic art. Iconography, ritual contexts, and functions. (Pisa 2016) 73-83. • Dupont, P.: Analyses archéométrique de figurines de Myrina. Commentaire rétrospectif. - MatCercA 12 (2016) 123-130. • Erlich, A.: Terracotta figurines from Israel. Greek inspiration and local traditions. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 381-393. • Féret, S.: Les moules de Civita di Tricarico (Lucanie). Contexte de production et techniques. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 79-83. • Forsén, B.: Artemis Lykoatis and the bones of Arkas. Sanctuaries and territoriality. -in: Hellenistic sanctuaries between Greece and Rome. (Oxford 2016) 40-62. • Fostiridou, A.; Karapanagiotis, I.; Manoudis, P. et al.: Identification of pigments in hellenistic and Roman funeral figurines. -Archaeometry 58 (2016) 453-464. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ arcm.12177 ] • Fowler, M.A.: Book review of Physionomies d’une cité grecque. Développements stylistiques de la coroplathie votive archaïque de Tarente, by Agnes Bencze. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http://acost.revues.org/830 • Gasparri, L.: Korai from the Malophoros sanctuary at Selinus. Ionian imports and local imitations. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 127-134. • Ghiotto, A.R.; Ibba, M.A.; Manca, G. et al.: Le terrecotte figurate di Nora, Cagliari eAntas. Un contributo per lo studio archeologico e archeometrico sulla coroplastica sarda. -in: Nora antiqua. Atti del convegno di studi. Cagliari, Cittadella del Musei, 3-4 ottobre 2014. (Perugia 2016) 223-230. • Gobbi, A.: Ercole in dimensione eroica e agreste. -in: Le sembianze degli dei e il linguaggio degli uomini. Studi di lessico e forma degli artigiani capuani. (Sesto San Giovanni 2016) 87-97. • Handler, M.D.: Roman coroplasts in the Athenian Agora. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en méditerranéegrecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 47-56. • Hardiman, C.: Little gods in the hellenistic home. -Mouseion 13 (2016) 603-623. • Harizanov, A.: A new centre for ceramic production from the Roman province of Thrace (2nd–3rd century). Preliminary results. ReiCretActa 44 (2016) 581–594. • Hasselin-Rous, I.: Les échos de types statuaires à travers la coroplathie smyrniote. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 337-384. • Hasselin Rous, I.: Musées archéologiques d’Istanbul. Catalogue des figurines en terre cuite grecques et romaines de Smyrne. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016. URL : http:// acost.revues.org/847

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• Hugot, C., Huysecom-Haxhi, S., Muller, A.:Les terres cuites grecques : Pour qui ? Pourquoi ? Comment ? - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016, URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/970 • Hunziker-Rodewald, R.: Experimental Archaeology Workshop. Terracotta Female Figurines from the Ancient Near East (The Levant and Mesopotamia, II–I Millenium B.C.E.). Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016. URL : http://acost.revues.org/818 • Huysecom-Haxhi, S.: Création et transformation des images dans la coroplathie ionienne archaïque. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 65-78. • Il'ina, T.: Terrakotovye statuétki né paskopok poselenija Golubickaja 2. (Russ.) - [Terrakotta- Figuren aus den Ausgrabungen der Siedlung Golubickaja 2.] in: Drevnie élliny meždu Pontom évksinskim I Meotidoi. Die Griechen der Antike zwischen Pontos Euxeinos und Maiotis. (Russ.) (Moskau 2016) 45-51. • Karoglou, K.: The Collection of Greek Terracotta Figurines at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http://acost.revues.org/798 • Karagiannopoulos, C.: Λατρευτική εγκατάσταση αρχαϊκών και κλασικών χρόνων στην αρχαία Θεσσαλιώτιδα. - in: Aρχαoλoγικo εργo Θεσσαλιας και Στερεας Eλλαδας, 4, 2012. Πρακτικά επιστημoνικής συνάντησης, Bόλoς 15.3 έως 18.3.2012, 1. Θεσσαλία. 2, Στερεά Eλλάδα. (Volos 2016) 229-236. • Kisilevitz, S.: Terracotta Figurines from the Iron IIA Temple at Moza, Judah. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/980 • Kolia, E.I.: Πίνακας με ανάγλυφη μoρφή Σκύλλας από την Tράπεζα Διακoπτoύ. - in: Ηχάδιν, 1. Tιμητικός τόμoς για τη Στέλλα Δρoύγoυ. (Aθήνα 2016) 592-610. • Kountouri, E.: Coroplastic art from Thebes (Boetia). Evidence from terracotta figurines found in graves. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1 Production, diffusion,étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 181-193. • Lagona, S.: Le terrcotte figurate di Kyme eolica. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 289-301. • Langin-Hooper, S.: Seleucid-Parthian Figurines from Babylon in the Nippur Collection: Implications of Misattribution and Re-evaluating the Corpus. IRAQ 17 (2016) 1–29. • Lattanzi, E.: Santuari dispersi nella chora di Sibari e di Crotone tra epoca arcaica ed ellenistica. - in: Se cherchi la tua strada verso Itaca....Omaggio a Lina di Stefano. (Roma 2016) 415-425. • Lilimpake-Akamate, M.: Πήλινες γυναικείες πρoτoμές τoυ ανατoλικoύ νεκρoταφείoυ της Πέλλας. - in: Ηχάδιν, 1. Tιμητικός τόμoς για τη Στέλλα Δρoύγoυ. (Aθήνα 2016) 814-828. • Magliani, S.: Coroplastica dal quartiere nord-occidentale di Nora. - in: Nora antiqua. Atti del convegno di studi. Cagliari, Cittadella del Musei, 3-4 ottobre 2014. (Perugia 2016) 129-132. • Magro, M.T.: Importazioni attiche e produzioni coroplastiche di VI e V sec. a.C. a Santa Anastasia di Randazzo. - in: Se cherchi la tua strada verso Itaca....Omaggio a Lina di Stefano. (Roma 2016) 247-258. • Maischberger, M.: Terracotta figurines in the Berlin Antikensammling. History of the collection and research perspectives. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 165-177. • Manenti, A.M.: Brevi note di coroplastica siracusana: due esemplari di statuette con bambino. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http://acost.revues.org/811.

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• Martucci, C.S.: Disiecta membra Calena. Dalla stipe di "Ponte delle Monache" al British Museum. - Orizzonti 17 (2016) 133–139. • Menegazzi, R.: Il sacro e il quotidiano. Iconografie religiose nella coroplastica da Seleucia al Tigri. - AttiAcTorino 150 (2016) 75-86. • Menegazzi, R.: Terracotta figurines from Seleucia on the Tigris. A coroplast's dump in the Archives Square. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 395-401. • Menegazzi, R.: Women only? Reconsidering the terracotta reclining figures from Seleucia on the Tigris. - Parthica 18 (2016) 97-105. • Messika, N.: The Hospitaller Compound. Terracotta figurines. - in: Akko, 2. The 1991 - 1998 excavations. The early periods. (Jerusalem 2016) 121-126. • Muka, B.: Terrcotta figurines from southern Illyria. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 425-429. • Muller, A.; Aubry, C.: Le projet COPCor. Corpus des outils de production des coroplathes grecs. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 85-91. • Mylonopoulos, J.: Terracotta figurines from Ithaca. Local production and imported ware. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 239-251. • Niewöhner, P.: An ancient cave sanctuary underneath the theatre of Miletus. Beauty, mutilation, and burial of ancient sculpture in late antiquity, and the history of seaward defences. -AA (2016) Nr.1, 67-156. • Onorati, M.T.: I materiali. La coroplastica. in: Il Thesmophorion di Entella. Scavi in contrada Petraro. (Pisa 2016) 23–100 • Özcan, E.: Klassische und hellenistische Terrakotten aus Milet. Ein Überblick. -in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 313-323. • Osanna, M.: Forme insediative e contatti di culture lungo la costa ionica d'Italia meridionale tra i fiumi Basento e Sinni (VIII - VII sec. a.C.). - Papers of the Royal Netherlands Institute in Rome. Mededelingen van het Koninklik Nederlands Instituut te Rome [bis Bd. 61 Mededelingen van het Koninklijk Nederlands Instituut te Rome] 64 (2016) 183-197. • Parisi, V.: Le terrecotte figurate e l'uso rituale dei signa fictilia nelle aree sarcre pubbliche della Pompei preromana. Elementi per una sintesi. - ScAnt 22 (2016) Nr.3, 185-205. • Patané, R.P.A.: Ceramica centuripina e terracotte teatrali. Per le credenze sull'aldilà nella Sicilia romana. ReiCretActa 44 (2016) 255–265. • Petkova, K.: Hellenistic terracotta figurines from ancient Thrace. Context and interpretation. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 413-423. • Piccioni, A.: Cybele, the drum, and the role of female musicians. - in: Musicans in ancient coroplastic art. Iconography, ritual contexts, and functions. (Pisa 2016) 157-162. • Pisani, M.: Produzione e diffusione delle terrecotte figurate a Tebe (Beozia) in età ellenistica. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 195-210. • Pompele, J.: La coroplastica nel foro di Grumentum. - in: Grumentum and Roman cities in southern Italy. Grumentum e le città romane nell'Italia meridionale. (Roma 2016) 235-240. • Rosamilia, E.: Da Kleodamos a Phrastor. Alcune note su matrici e coroplasti tarentini. - ZPE 199 (2016) 94–98.

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• Rosenthal-Heginbottom, R.: Clay figurines from Nysa-Scythopolis. - Aram 28 (2016) 207-218. • Rumscheid, F.: Neue Typen und Themen figürlicher Terrakotten aus Priene. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 325-336. • Salibra, R.: La necropoli di Passo Marinaro a Camarina. Campagna di scavo 1972 - 1973. (Roma : Bretschneider, 2016) (Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Monumenti antichi. Serie miscellanea, 74) • Sampaolo, V.: Le Iúvila. Spazi dedicati? L'artigiano al servizio della comunità. - in: Le sembianze degli dei e il linguaggio degli uomini. Studi di lessico e forma degli artigiani capuani. (Sesto San Giovanni 2016) 99-112. • Sanidas, G.M.: La production coroplastique εν αστει. Questions et approches sur la période classique. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 17-31. • Stroszeck, J.: Koroplasten im Kerameikos. Figurenvasen und neue Terrakotta-modeln. - in: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, étude. [Actes du colloque international, Izmir, 2-6 juin 2007.] (Athens 2016) 33-48. • Theodoropoulou Polychroniadis, Z.: Sounion Revisited: The Sanctuaries of Poseidon and Athena at Sounion in Attica Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http:// acost.revues.org/839 • Türküsever, T.: Aizanoi kuzey nekropolis terrakotta figürinleri. -in: Aizanoi, 2. (Ankara 2016) 99-11. • Uhlenbrock, J.P.:Research Perspectives in Coroplastic Studies: The Distribution, Trade, Diffusion, and Market Value of Greek Figurative Terracottas. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016, URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/ 926. • Uhlenbrock, J.P.: Research Perspectives in Greek Coroplastic Studies: The Demeter Paradigm and the Goddess Bias - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http://acost.revues.org/ 866 • Uhlenbrock, J.P. : The Study Collection of Figurative Terracottas in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: A Critical Review. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14 | 2016 URL : http:// acost.revues.org/812 • Voegtle, S.: A Grotesque Terracotta Figurine of the First Century C.E. from Muralto, Ticino, Switzerland: Function, Use, and Meaning. -Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [En ligne], 15 | 2016, mis en ligne le 02 novembre 2016.URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/945.

ABSTRACTS

This list of recent publications pertaining to coroplast studies has been compiled mainly from Dyabola. ACoSt welcomes notices of publications pertaining to coroplastic topics that focus on material from the Near East, Egypt, Old Europe, Africa, and the Americas, among other geographic areas. Please send notices to [email protected].

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INDEX

Keywords: Greek figurines, prehistoric figurines, Near Eastern figurines, Egyptian figurines, figurines, clay images

Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 17 | 2018