Sanctuaries and the Power of Consumption Networking and the Formation of Elites in the Archaic Western Mediterranean World Proceedings of the International Conference in Innsbruck, 20th–23rd March 2012
Edited by Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Martin Mohr and Matthias Hoernes
2015 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden
KKistler.inddistler.indd AAbs13bs13 221.10.20151.10.2015 14:40:2214:40:22 P H I L I P P I K A Altertumswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen Contributions to the Study of Ancient World Cultures
Herausgegeben von/Edited by Joachim Hengstl, Elizabeth Irwin, Andrea Jördens, Torsten Mattern, Robert Rollinger, Kai Ruffi ng, Orell Witthuhn
92
2015 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden
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KKistler.inddistler.indd AAbs14bs14 221.10.20151.10.2015 14:40:2214:40:22 Contents
INTRODUCTION
Sanctuaries and the Power of Consumption: a Preface ...... IX
Initializing the Debate: the Call for Papers ...... XI
Assembling the Responses: an Overview of the Contributions ...... XIII
List of Editors and Contributors ...... XXVII
THINGS IN MOTION AND WESTERN MEDITERRANEANIZATION
Martin Mauersberg Obsolete Perceptions? Frameworks of Intercultural Exchange in Ancient Narrative...... 3 Veronika Sossau The Cultic Fingerprint of the Phoenicians in the Early Iron Age West? ...... 21 Eleftheria Pappa Oriental Gods but Domestic Elites? Religious Symbolism and Economic Functions of Phoenician-Period Cult Loci in South Iberia ...... 43 Petra Amann Gaben unter Eliten. Zu den etruskischen mulu/muluvanice-Inschriften ...... 63 Marion Steger La Tomba dei Guerrieri a Montagna di Marzo alla luce della diffusione delle ‘iscrizioni parlanti’ in Sicilia dall’età arcaica alla prima metà del V sec. a.C...... 83 Christian Russenberger Bildproduktion und gesellschaftliche Entwicklung der indigenen Kulturen West- und Zentralsiziliens in archaischer Zeit ...... 99 Holger Baitinger In weiter Ferne, so nah! Einheimisches und Fremdes im Spiegel der Metallfunde von Selinunt ...... 137
VI Contents
Stefano Vassallo Oggetti in movimento in età arcaica e classica ad Himera, porto sicuro per uomini, merci, idee ...... 153 Yvonne Gönster The Silphion Plant in Cyrenaica: An Indicator for Intercultural Relationships? ...... 169
COASTAL AND INLAND SANCTUARIES AS CENTERS OF A WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN ELITE NETWORK
Marco Fabbri A Seat of Power in Latium Vetus: The Archaic Building Complex on the Arx of Gabii ...... 187 Lucio Fiorini The Sacred Area of Gravisca: Ethnic and Religious Interactions in Comparison ...... 205 Maria Paola Baglione – Barbara Belelli Marchesini – Claudia Carlucci – Maria Donatella Gentili – Laura Maria Michetti Pyrgi: A Sanctuary in the Middle of the Mediterranean Sea ...... 221 Silvia Martina Bertesago – Valentina Garaffa Manifestazioni del sacro di età arcaica nella mesogaia della costa ionica. I depositi votivi di “Grotte delle Fontanelle” a Garaguso ...... 239 Alessandro Corretti – Franco Cambi – Laura Pagliantini ‘The Finest Harbour’: The Argonauts (and the Others) on the Island of Elba ...... 263 Maria Cecilia Parra Il santuario del Capo Cocinto: “nuovo” osservatorio occidentale di presenze multiculturali ...... 275 Francesca Spatafora Santuari e luoghi sacri in un’area di frontiera: la valle del Belice tra elimi, sicani, punici e greci...... 287 Monica de Cesare Aspetti del sacro a Segesta tra l’età arcaica e la prima età classica ...... 303 Clemente Marconi – Valeria Tardo – Caterina Trombi The Archaic Pottery from the Institute of Fine Arts Excavations in the Main Urban Sanctuary on the Akropolis of Selinunte ...... 325 Johannes Bergemann Drehscheiben der Kulturen? Ländliche Heiligtümer in Sizilien: Gela und Agrigent im Vergleich ...... 339 Contents VII
SANCTUARIES AND THE FORMATION OF ELITES: POWER OF CONSUMPTION – CONSUMPTION OF POWER
Jan Paul Crielaard Powerful Things in Motion: A Biographical Approach to Eastern Elite Goods in Greek Sanctuaries ...... 351 Margarita Gleba Sacred Cloth: Consumption and Production of Textiles in Sanctuaries and the Power of Elites in Archaic Western Mediterranean World ...... 373 Erich Kistler – Martin Mohr Monte Iato: Two Late Archaic Feasting Places between the Local and the Global ...... 385 Birgit Öhlinger Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily: A Sociological Approach to Religion ...... 417 Massimo Osanna Seats of Power and Power of Consumption in the Hinterland of the Ionian Coast of Southern Italy during the Archaic Age ...... 435 Gabriel Zuchtriegel Archaic Latin Sanctuaries: Ritual Consumption in the Mediterranean Context ...... 459 Raimon Graells i Fabregat Zwischen Privatem und Öffentlichkeit. Das festliche Bankett als soziale Praxis in Katalonien im 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr...... 473
CONCLUSION AND DEBATE
Hans Peter Isler Conclusione ...... 489 Erich Kistler – Birgit Öhlinger – Matthias Hoernes – Martin Mohr Debating “Sanctuaries and the Power of Consumption” – or: Eight Points to an Alternative Archaeology of Proto-Globalisation ...... 493
General Index ...... 541 Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily: a Sociological Approach to Religion
Birgit Öhlinger
Ritual and religion in Archaic Sicily1
Research on Archaic Sicily oscillates between the colonial model of Hellenization which sees the Greeks as civilizers, and post-colonial approaches, like selective acculturation, hybridity, middle ground or third space, which put the focus on the indigenous communities and regard them as active parts in wider processes of ‘colonization’2. Although the indige- nous communities have been spotlighted through postcolonial studies, the investigation in local religion is frequently still stuck in colonial thinking3. In many cases the discussion has been restricted to the question of to what extent Greek cult practices, beliefs, deities and sacred architecture were absorbed by the locals and how their religion was hellenized4. The notion behind such approaches is that it is possible to determine the different ethnic groups, whether Greeks or natives, through the archaeological material. Based on the an- cient written sources the various indigenous groups have been located within geographic areas with the aim to determine their ethnic identity through material expressions5. In this context, ceramics, graffiti, inscriptions, burial customs and architecture have been elevated to ethnic markers, following the paradigm of “one tribe – one style”6. Exemplary for this problem stands the interpretation of sacred and residential architecture7. Round huts were seen as indigenous characteristics and rectangular structures were interpreted as Greek.
1 I would like to thank Erich Kistler, Franco De Angelis and Meritxell Ferrer Martín for their useful remarks and critical suggestions. The article refers to my dissertation “Ritual und Religion im archai- schen Sizilien. Formations- und Transformationsprozesse binnenländischer Kultorte im Kontext kultu- reller Kontakte” (Öhlinger 2015). It is restricted to the presentation of cult places with architectural structures. Open-air cult areas and cult places within necropoleis are not included. 2 Thematic analysis of these approaches: Ulf 2009. Colonial approaches: especially Dunbabin 1948; Boardman 1964. Postcolonial approaches: e.g. Dougherty – Kurke 2003, 2–6 with a historical review. 3 Cf. Anello et al. 2006; Hodos 2010; Urquhart 2010; Ferrer Martín 2012. 4 Morris et al. 2003, 275. 5 It has been tried to detect the indigenous ethnic groups of Sicily as they have been recorded by Thucydi- des (Thuc. 4.2; Thuc. 6.2.2–5; cf. Strab. 6.2.4–6; Diod. 5.6.1–3). For the determination of Sicilian in- digenous ethnic groups: La Rosa 1990; Sammartano 1998; La Rosa 1999; to the debate on the origin of the Elymians and Sikans: De Angelis 2003, 102 f.; Compilation of written sources: Galvagno 2006. Generally on the subject of archeology and ethnicity: Jones 1997, esp. 15–29. 6 Hahn 2005, esp. 152–157; Kistler 2011, 130. 7 Fitzjohn 2011, 155 f; Kistler 2011; cf. e. g. Orsi 1919; Frasca 1983; Panvini 1996. 418 B. Öhlinger
Following this paradigm, the change in residential and sacred architecture towards rectan- gular and more structured forms around the middle of the 6th century BC has been con- nected with the arrival of the Greeks and their growing influence on the local population. Especially in colonial studies these changes have been directly interrelated to Greek life- style and the physical presence of Greek settlers in the hinterland, which led to the adoption of Greek religion and ritual practices within indigenous settlements8.
Beyond the construction of ethnic identities – A sociological approach to religion
At the basis of these approaches is the notion of culture and ethnic groups as static mono- lithic units. However, sociology and anthropology have already in the 1960s shown that the paradigm of “one tribe – one style” does not work out, as ethnic groups have neither a spe- cific set of cultural goods nor clear boarders9. From a sociological perspective ethnicities are self-defining systems, which create a feeling of togetherness through the demarcation of other groups as well as through self-attributions and that by others10. Individuals have more than one social identity and the ethnic element is just one among many. These several social identities are created in a dynamic process as well as their parameters can change over time11. Furthermore it is not possible to define social and cultural groups in terms of a specific geographical area, but rather through a common space of interaction12. In this respect architecture, whether residential or sacred, is not a primary indicator of a particular ethnic group because it is determined by the function of a building or a space and the agents who live in it. Architecture creates spaces of social interaction that structure and organize actions of people. It is adapted to the needs and social circumstances of its builders and residents13. The same considerations apply to religion which is neither static nor monolithic. In so- ciology, religion is seen as a subsystem among others, which together form a society (fig. 23.1)14. These different social subsystems do not exist in isolation, but are in a mutual inter- action with each other15. This means that changes in one subarea can also cause transfor- mation processes in other subareas16. Causes for such changes can be endogenous or exoge- nous. For example, changes in the political system, which may have been initiated by the arrival of the Greeks and Phoenicians at coastal regions of Sicily, could be directly linked to transformation processes in the religious sphere. Similarly, changes in the religious sphere may have effects on other subsystems17.
8 Cf. Boardman 1981, 222–225. 9 Hahn 2005, 153; cf. also Jones 1997, 126; Antonaccio 2010, 33. 10 Heller 2006, 13–15. 11 Cf. Jones 1997, 100. 106–127; Davidovic 2006, 44–47; Ulf 2009, 101–103. 12 Cf. Kistler – Ulf 2012. 13 Cf. Doonan 2001, 162; Rapoport 2002; Trebsche 2010. 14 Biehl – Bertemes 2001. 15 Kehrer 1988, 55–57. 63–94. 16 Wallace 1966, 257. 17 Stolz 2001, 191. Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily 419
In addition to changes and ranking processes within society, exogenous factors, due to the arrival of new settlers on the coast, also play a role18. Concerning these exogenous fac- tors, it is important to note that the possibilities of cultural contacts and transfers are as varied as the processes of the reception of transferred goods or ideas. The recipients them- selves decide to which extent and in which manner transferred objects are accepted. The meaning which is given to a transferred object or an inherent idea depends on the particular existing code within the social space19. Foreign goods can be embedded in the existing value system and charged with new meanings20. This also applies to cultural and religious symbols and values, which can be transformed, renewed, re-interpreted and re-negotiated. In this respect a seemingly Greek architecture or Greek votive-form in an indigenous con- text such as the Greek terracotta statues of Demeter cannot be used as evidence for an adoption of Greek beliefs21.
Ritual material expressions and cult architecture in the Sicilian hinterland
The Archaic period in particular is marked by heterogeneous cult landscapes and their rapid architectural formations during the 6th century BC. However, two main forms of cult archi- tecture can be distinguished: Round-buildings, so-called hut shrines or capanne sacelli and rectangular ones, so-called oikos-buildings (fig. 23.2). Generally both are regarded as iso- lated, solitary, extra-familial sanctuaries. But addressing them as pure sanctuaries seems to be insufficient, as they served different social functions in a changing society.
Round huts as intra-familial places of ritual feasting The round-buildings have various dimensions, up to a diameter of 10 meters. In nearly all cases only the lowest stone course is preserved, while the upraising walls of organic mate- rials did not survive22. The first round-buildings with signs of ritual activity in form of votive deposits were found in the 1980s at Polizzello and Sabucina in central Sicily. On the basis of these findings other round-buildings with similar dimensions and dating have been interpreted as indigenous sanctuaries, although in most cases significant archaeological evidence was missing. This happened for example in Caltabellotta, an inland site in south- west Sicily, where a round-hut was addressed as a sanctuary just due to its size and location near a later oikos-building23. Behind this interpretation lies the notion that round-huts as domestic architecture did not last through the end of the 7th century BC and therefore must have a cultic character. They have been interpreted as reminiscences of Bronze Age tradi- tions and local responses of indigenous communities to their location in Mediterranean contact zones or even as local resistance against the cultural dominance of the Greeks24. As
18 Stolz 2001, 205–211. 19 Ulf 2009, 105–110. 20 Cf. Ulf 2009, 88–91; Hodos 2010, 19–23; Kistler 2010. 21 Cf. in detail Hinz 1998. 22 McConnell 1992; Doonan 2001. 23 Panvini 1988/1989; Panvini 1993/1994; cf. Urquhart 2010, 122. 24 Cf. Leighton 2000, 24; Hodos 2006, 121. 420 B. Öhlinger new archaeological evidence over the last decades has shown, however, such round-build- ings were the main residential architecture not only in the Bronze Age, but existed in many settlements until the 6th century BC25. Also a diameter around 8–10 meters, as in the case of the so-called sanctuary of Polizzello, is not unusual for such buildings. For example, on Monte Saraceno three round-buildings with similar dimensions have been excavated within the settlement of the 7th century BC26. If one takes a closer look at the so-called hut shrines, as they have been found in Polizzello27, Montagnoli di Menfi, Sabucina28, Caltabellotta, Monte Polizzo29 and Colle Madore, it is conspicuous that all of them lie within the settlement that consists of a cluster of round, oval and rectangular buildings30. Recently E. Kistler has shown that this typical settlement pattern of the Bronze and Iron Age can be connected with the living in com- pounds within clan-like social structures, respectively extended families31. Such compounds are composed of different buildings with oval, round or rectangular outlines, usually sur- rounding an open space and separated by an enclosure wall from the other compounds, as, for instance, in I Faraglioni on Ustica and in Mokarta (fig. 23.3–4)32. A settlement can consist of one or several compounds, which can be very close to each other or spread over a wider area33. The different architectural elements of the individual compounds do not fol- low a strict pattern and are primarily a neutral space element that can be used as sleeping, working, storage or meeting rooms34. Nevertheless, archaeological and ethnological studies have shown that huge circular buildings, which are often equipped with central hearths and benches along the inner wall, are mainly used as central living and meeting rooms35. Depending on the compound size, there may be several such central constructions, which can take over a separate function as meeting place and place of worship. In this respect the so-called hut-shrines from Sicily are not pure sanctuaries for the entire village community, but intra-familial meeting and celebration centers of each compound. The ritual activities in the course of feasts are mainly confined to the sacrifice and consumption of meat and beverages, as can be seen by the archaeological material that consists of fragments of animal bones, table and drinking ware36.
25 Spatafora 1997, 151–153; Hodos 2006, 93. 100 f.; Hodos 2010, 17; Kistler 2011. 26 Siracusano 1990, 43–45; Siracusano 1996, 13–16. 27 Panvini et al. 2009b. 28 Panvini 1996; Panvini et al. 2009a. 29 Morris et al. 2001; Morris et al. 2002; Morris et al. 2003; Morris et al. 2004; Mühlenbock 2008. 30 The only exception is Polizzo, where so far no compound settlement has been detected. However, there is some evidence that the so-called hut shrine of Polizzo was not a real round hut, but rather a round pedestal similar to the round-building E on Polizzello in its last phase; Öhlinger 2015. For Polizzello: Pappalardo 2009; Öhlinger 2015. 31 Kistler 2011, 132. Leighton characterizes the social structures within these early Iron Age settlements as village-based tribal groupings or simple chiefdoms; Leighton 1996, 101; Leighton 1999, 188; Leighton 2000, 18. 32 Doonan 2001, 173. 33 González-Ruibal 2006, 154. 34 Kistler 2011, 132. 35 González-Ruibal 2006. 36 Cf. Öhlinger 2015. Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily 421
An example for such feasting and cult huts within a compound-settlement is Montagnoli di Menfi in the province of Agrigento37. The settlement six kilometers east of Selinunte was inhabited since the late 8th century BC and destroyed by the second half of the 7th century BC. Three complexes of buildings, separated by a non-built-up area, came to light (Hut 1, 4, 7) (fig. 23.5). Each complex or compound consisted of different round and rectangular buildings or rooms, although their preservation conditions make it difficult to define a clear cluster. Hut 7 has a big clay hearth in the middle which is decorated with circles38. Next to the hearth cylindrical fire dogs, as in Hut 4, and remains of bones that point to the con- sumption of ritual meals, were found. Inside the hut, intricately confected and remarkably big vessels with incised decoration, painted amphorae and hydriae, as well as imported goods from central Italy were recovered. A fragment of a kernos-like vessel with incised decoration could indicate a cultic character39. These artifacts emphasize the outstanding im- portance of this building, or rather of the compound, and show the economic potential of the extended family living there. Besides Hut 7, Hut 1 attracts attention as well, due to its comprehensive interior. Hut 1 has a central clay hearth as well, but not as imposing as the one in Hut 7. Fine ceramics, mixing and libation vessels with incised and painted decora- tion, and fire dogs show the potential of the household. Hut 4 is not only distinguished by its minor size, but also by sparser finds than in the remaining huts. Following the concept of compounds, one can distinguish three different housing complexes in which the Huts 1, 4 and 7 served as the central meeting rooms of the respective family used in a communicative and ritualistic way. All three huts would have been feast and cult huts, crucial for the reli- gious cohabitation of the extended family. Ultimately the only difference would be their size and the economic as well as political capital of their residents40.
Oikos-buildings While the round-huts are very similar in their architectural design and furnishing, the rec- tangular cult buildings are very heterogeneous. These so-called oikos-buildings or sacelli did not emerge before the 6th century BC. They increase around the middle of the century in connection with a beginning process of urbanization that is marked by a new settlement organization in agglutinating, closely spaced rectangular buildings. They range from simple one-room buildings with rubble masonry with a size between 40 to 80 square meters to monumental (usually bipartite) buildings with ashlar blocks and elaborate architectural terracottas in Greek style, with 120 up to almost 300 square meters. The constructions from Sabucina41, Monte Maranfusa42, Colle Madore43 or from the agora on Monte Iato44 are
37 Castellana 1990; Castellana 1992; Castellana 2000; Kistler 2011, 136–138. 38 The excavator interprets Hut 7 as the central sanctuary, acting as meeting point for an elite group; Castellana 2000, 268. For the similar interior design of Iberian compounds of the Iron Age: González- Ruibal 2006. 39 The object belongs to the category of so-called vasi multipli, other examples are known from Metapic- cola, the Cittadella of Morgantina and Colle Madore; Castellana 1990, 327 fig. 12; Vassallo 1999, 119– 121; Albanese Procelli 2006, 45 f. 40 The round-huts do not differ in their architectural décor but in their size. Round-hut 1 is 53 square meters large, hut 7 about 40 square meters and hut 4 only 12 square meters. Cf. Hodos 2006, 100; Kistler 2011, 137; for the different forms of capital see Bourdieu 1984. 41 De Miro 1983; Mollo Mezzena 1993; Panvini et al. 2009a. 422 B. Öhlinger belonging to the simpler oikos-buildings, while the Aphrodite Temple in the west quarter of Monte Iato45 as well as the buildings from the so-called acropolis of Monte Saraceno46, Morgantina47 and Monte San Mauro48 have monumental dimensions and in most cases elaborate architectural terracottas.
Simple oikos-buildings as successors to the round cult-huts? Two of the above mentioned smaller oikos-buildings are of major importance. These are the rectangular building on the southern slopes of Colle Madore, as well as the oikos B in sec- tor D south to the Archaic settlement of Sabucina. Despite their seemingly Greek architec- tural appearance with a tiled roof and Greek antefixes they show direct connections to the traditional feasting huts within compounds. In Colle Madore this connection materializes in the remains of two superimposed built round-huts on the summit plateau, just a few meters above the oikos-building (fig. 23.6–7)49. As the younger one was probably in use until the 6th century BC, the round- and the oikos-building have been simultaneously in use50. This connection is also expressed through a circular clay model which was found near the oikos- building (fig. 23.8)51. Such models represent the central feasting-hut within the compound and therefore the traditional place for ritual activities before the change in the settlement organization in the course of the 6th century BC52. In the case of Sabucina, the various architectural forms even directly refer to each other (fig. 23.9). Before the middle of the 6th century BC it is likely that the settlement consisted of different compounds. One lies at the southern slope with two central round-buildings (sector D, building A and B) which may have served as meeting centers. Their social im- portance is expressed through their preservation up to the second half of the 6th century BC when the surrounding houses have been abandoned and the settlement was reorganized and relocated on the upper slope behind a city wall. During this period – around the middle of the 6th century BC – a rectangular oikos-building with a tiled roof and Greek antefixes was erected over the former feasting hut B. However, the round-building was not totally over-
42 Spatafora 2010; cf. Spatafora in this volume. 43 Vassallo 1999, 40–54. 44 Isler 2009, 174 f. with references; cf. Kistler – Mohr in this volume. 45 Isler et al. 1984. 46 Adamesteanu 1956, 121–124; Siracusano 1996, 22–27. 47 Antonaccio 1997. 48 Orsi 1910, 775–778; Spigo 1977; Spigo 1978, 583; Spigo 2009, 95; Frasca 2009. 49 Vassallo 1999, 24–29. 50 Ritual feasting activities in this area are documented through a deposit with burned animal bones, ash and vessel fragments that has been excavated just east of the first building; Vassallo 1999, 29. Similar deposits can be found very frequently at inland cult places well into the 6th century BC, and show the central position of bloody sacrifices within the indigenous feasting policy. 51 Vassallo 1999, 117 f. fig. 130. 52 Other clay models are known from Monte Polizzello (Palermo 1997, 36 fig. 1, a–b; Tanasi 2009, 97 f. 100. 141 f. 144), Monte Maranfusa (Campo A und F) (Spatafora 2010, 33 f.; cf. Spatafora in this volume), Casteltermini (Monte Roveto) (Gullì 2009), Vassallaggi (Orlandini 1961, n. 2247; La Rosa 1990, fig. 91; Gullì 2009, 262 fig. 11), Monte Iato (Isler 2009, 162–167). See also the remarkable clay model of an oikos-temple from Sabucina, cult area Sektor D (De Miro 1980/1981, 563 f., pl. 32–34; De Miro 1983, 336–340; Castellana 1983; Panvini et al. 2009a, 93. 104 f.). Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily 423 built by the new construction but rather integrated into the oikos. A part of the external circular wall of the hut remained visible in the new construction and served as a sort of bench or pedestal. This ritual and functional connection between the two buildings is ex- pressed in the ritual deposits that were dug into the pedestal. In contrast, the round-building A directly north of the new oikos-building B retained its shape and was used in the subse- quent period for the deposition of votive offerings. These examples show a direct connection to the traditional cult places and raise the question of whether these oikos-buildings served the same function as the cult huts within compounds, apart from the fact that they were accessible for the entire village community, as in the case of Sabucina, where the site lies directly in front of the relocated Archaic settlement. As in Colle Madore53, the ritual deposits within this new cult site mainly con- tained the remains of sacrificial meals. Although the place has changed its function from a familial place for rituals to a community-wide cult place, the central ritual practice – the sacrificial meal – hardly changed. What changes is the custom of placing votive offerings in the cult buildings and the surrounding area, which indicates that these places obtained a denser and more defined cultic function with a wider social significance54.
Oikos-buildings following a Greek model Certain monumental oikos-buildings that were equipped with elaborate architectural terra- cottas, a kind of temenos, or a front altar, such as the buildings of Monte Bubbonia55, Monte San Mauro, Palike or Segesta56, had a completely different and much more public character. Such a significant, certainly over-regional cult place can be found at Monte Iato (fig. 23.10)57. The so-called Aphrodite Temple had been erected after the middle of the 6th century BC in the area of the west quarter. Its east-west orientation, masonry technique and long-rectangular floor plan of 18 (north wall) x 7 (east wall) meters are similar to contem- porary temples in the Greek cities58. Therefore H. P. Isler assumes that the building was designed by a Greek architect and erected by Greek craftsmen59. With an inner surface of almost 130 square meters it clearly belongs to the group of monumental inland cult build- ings. However, the building not only stands out by its design, but especially due to its front altar. This additionally confirms the adoption of Greek building concepts and traditions, in which the altar lies at the heart of ritual action60. The presence of the altar in front of the cult building seems to play a central role regarding the function of the sanctuary and the character of the rituals. It proves for the first time the existence of community- and even society-wide rituals which took place in the open in a public sphere where everybody was able to watch the rituals and sacrifices61. The over-regional position of the Aphrodite tem-
53 Cf. the ritual deposit on the summit (note above). 54 This also applies to Polizzello, where the compound on the summit has transferred to a supra-regional cult place; cf. Kistler 2011, 138–146; Öhlinger 2015. 55 Pancucci 1977; Pancucci 1980/1981; Pancucci – Naro 1992, 135–137. 56 Tusa 1961; Tusa 1992; Mertens 2006, 407–410. 57 Cf. Kistler – Mohr in this volume. 58 Isler et al. 1984, 15–22; Isler 2009, 167–169. 59 Isler 2009, 169. 60 Sourvinou-Inwood 1993, 10; Haase 2013, 1. 61 Cf. Haase 2013, 1. 424 B. Öhlinger ple becomes apparent at the latest in the third quarter of the 6th century BC, when the cult site was expanded to include two more, also huge oikos-buildings62. But the sacred build- ings do not only reflect alliances and relationships with foreign partners. The construction of a large-scale banquet house, which was built shortly before 500 BC just 18 meters west of the Aphrodite Temple, especially shows that the cult site on Monte Iato functioned as a dense contact zone within a mixed cultural social arena and field of action63. Apart from Monte Iato, a direct comparison to such an extensive cult complex is only known from Monte Saraceno64, an indigenous settlement in the hinterland of Agrigento. Already by the first half of the 6th century BC a monumental cult place with three oikos- buildings was established on the summit. In order to build the largest oikos in east-west direction with a length of 40 meters, it was necessary to make a labour- and people-inten- sive fill-up of the area. The size and complexity of such extensive cultic buildings as well as the used materials reflect the economic and financial costs as well as a considerable amount of work and manpower. For the construction of such buildings it was certainly necessary to have the appropriate raw materials, economic capital, special expertise, and specific technical skills, as well as a sufficient number of trained craftsmen. Accordingly, this required close contacts with the Greek coastal sites that could provide the necessary know-how and suitable craftsmen or the instruction and training of indige- nous workers. Construction management could in any case only be taken over by local workers if they had learned these skills elsewhere. Perhaps they acquired such an adequate craftsmanship in the course of the major temple construction projects in the Greek coastal cities, for which a whole crowd of workmen must have been required. These considerations make clear that such monumental buildings following the Greek model on an architectural level were established only at the main hubs of inland communication and trade routes65. Such specific cult places could develop into ‘national’ sanctuaries with widely branched networks. This exemplifies the sanctuary of Palike in eastern Sicily, which had also become increasingly important for Greek visitors at the latest from the 5th century BC on66. Such cult places could act as open contact zones and as places of exchange and negotiation of new relationships67.
Conclusion
On a time line, the presented architectural forms of cult places occupy a span between the 8th and the beginning of the 5th century BC and reveal specific tendencies in the develop-
62 Isler 2009, 169–173 with references; Isler 2012, 116 f.; Reusser et al. 2014. 63 The upper storey of the banquet house was directly connected with the ritual place in front of the oikos- building over a massive nearly twenty-meter-long ramp which was constructed in the course of the erection of the house; cf. Kistler – Mohr in this volume. 64 Adamesteanu 1956, 121–124; Fischer-Hansen 2002, 150; cf. for other possible cult buildings on the Acropolis: Siracusano 1996, 22–27. 65 Certainly not every inland settlement had equal access to the necessary networks. This might be one of the reasons why the forms of cult buildings are so different in the diverse settlements. 66 Maniscalco – McConnell 2003; Maniscalco 2008. 67 Ulf 2009. Indigenous Cult Places of Local and Interregional Scale in Archaic Sicily 425 ment of a ritual landscape in the interior of Sicily. If one considers the following parameters as the location and topography of the cult buildings, their integration into the settlement, the material expressions of cultic rituals as well as their economic expense, conclusions about the scope of action and the social functions of the single cult site can be drawn. Due to these criteria it is possible to recognize a transformation towards gradually more complex structures that culminate in the installation of monumental cult districts according to the model of Greek sanctuaries. Similarly, economic expenses, manpower, and the required expertise gradually increased from round-huts to cult complexes. There seems to be a de- velopment from primarily ‘domestic’ cults within hamlet-like compounds that served on an intra-familial basis to monumental cult districts which were accessible to the whole settle- ment community and even beyond68. If we do not interpret these monumental oikos-build- ings as an indicator of the physical presence of the Greeks in the interior, these sanctuaries may be described as inter-elite and interregional meeting and exchange centers across all social strata or pluri-ethnic elite groups69. Some of these sanctuaries are likely to have turned into supra-regional centers due to the intensified cultural contacts as well as the extension of collaboration and alliances between the indigenous and colonial groups. Such cult places can be seen as intersections of a supra-regional network which functioned as multi-ethnic points of encounters and sites of transfer, where foreign goods, ideas and tech- nologies were exchanged.
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68 It is essential to note that I do not want to imply a single linear development, but suppose different architectonical varieties of co-existing cult sites. This means that the different functional levels of cultic sites as well as their architectural features may co-exist. The development of every settlement is differ- ent and does not follow a strict pattern. The influential factors include local conditions, integration into the trade and communication network as well as the internal processes of every settlement. 69 What remains to be investigated is the extent to which the presented formation and transformation of cult places has actually influenced the religious beliefs of the indigenous societies. 426 B. Öhlinger
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Fig. 23.1 Sociological model of society with religion as subsystem (B. Öhlinger).
Fig. 23.2 Map of cult sites of Archaic Sicily (does not claim to be complete). circle: round hut; triangle: oikos and round hut; rectangle: oikos : (1) Montagnoli di Menfi, (2) Polizzello, (3) Sabucina, (4) Caltabellotta, (5) Gibil Gabib, (6) Monte Polizzo, (7) Maranfusa, (8) Colle Madore, (9) Ramacca, (10) Grammichele, (11) Monte Balchino, (12) Monte Raffe, (13) Casteltermini, (14) Francavilla di Sicilia, (15) Entella, (16) Monte San Mauro, (17) Morgantina, (18) Monte Saraceno, (19) Vassallaggi, (20) Monte Bubbonia, (21) Monte Iato, (22) Segesta, (23) Palike (B. Öhlinger).
432
Fig. 23.3 Mokarta, settlement structure (Tusa 2009, 42, fig. 4).
Fig. 23.4 Mokarta, round-building 6 und reconstruction (Tusa 2009, 44, fig. 6–7).
Fig. 23.5 Montagnoli di Menfi, plan of the settlement: first phase: 8 th –7th century BC (after Castellana 200, pl. XXXV, modified by B. Öhlinger).
433
Fig. 23.6 Colle Madore, two superimposed built round-huts on the summit plateau (Vassallo 1999, 28, fig. 40).
Fig. 23.7 Colle Madore, reconstruction of the buildings on the south slope with the oikos -building (Vassallo 1999, 42, fig. 66).
Fig. 23.8 Colle Madore, clay model of a circular hut (Vassallo 1999, 117, fig. 129–130).
434
Fig. 23.9 Sabucina, round-hut and oikos -building (Panvini et al. 2009a, 92).
Fig. 23.10 Monte Iato, plan of the west-quarter with oikos -buildings (A, K, L, M) and the banquet house (B) around 500 BC (B. Öhlinger).