THE ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW Downloaded from NO. CV.—JANUARY 1912
Yorkshire Surveys and other Eleventh- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ Century Documents i?i the York Gospels.
N 1859 the late Canon Raine, of York—a meritorious and learned antiquary—first drew from its obscurity a valuable Imanuscript belonging to the dean and chapter of York. In language that cannot be accused of erring on the Bide of enthusiasm ho described it as at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 a manuscript of the Gospels in the custody of the Chapter clerk. The book itself is written in a fine bold hand, circa 900, and is of the quarto size. Prefixed is the canon, on eight leaves, arranged in compartments in which a good deal of architectural skill is manifested. At the end of the volume are several charters and Saxon documents, which have been hitherto unnoticed, including a list of the relics belonging to the Minster, and some very early deeds connected with land and its measures. At the beginning, on the fly-leaves, are several forms of oaths to be administered to the canons and other officers of the church. In fact, I should say that this is the very copy of the Evangelists upon which every new officer of the church took his oath from the year 900 downwards.1 The reference to the ' very early deeds connected with land and its measures ' attracted my attention many years ago, but as it is not stated that these deeds were older than the Norman Conquest, I did not follow up the trail. Recently a young German scholar, Otto Homburger, of Karlsruhe, was good enough to send me photographs of part of the manuscript, which he examined
1 The Fabric Rolls of York Minster, p. 142, Surtees Society, voL ixxv, 1869. It is to all appearances tho volume described in a fifteenth-century inventory as ' anus teztus ornatas cam argento, non bene deaurato, super quem iuramenta decani et aliarum dignitatum ac canunicorum in principio insemntur' (Raine, Memorial) of York, Rolls Series, iii. 387). In the passage quoted in the text Raine has ascribed too early a date to the manuscript. VOL. XXVTI.—NO. CV. B * All rights reserved. 2 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January in connexion with his studies of Old English palaeography and illuminations of the tenth and eleventh centuries, a Bubject upon which he is working with an energy and enthusiasm worthy of his master, the great Traube. From these photographs I wan pleased to find that the deeds referred to by Raine are in early eleventh-century hands, and that they are of very great interest for the history of land-owning in the Danish districts of England, a subject that lies shrouded in almost complete darkness outside the range of the glimmering and uncertain light reflected upon
it by the Domesday Survey. Upon my recognizing the impor- Downloaded from tance of these documents, Mr. Homburger consented in the most generous way to my publishing what is really his discovery.8 I have since had an opportunity, thanks to the kindness of the chapter clerk (Dr. J. Ramsay), of inspecting this manuscript
at York. It is a parchment volume bound in smooth calf some http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ two centuries or so ago, when the leaves appear to have been cut down in the execrable manner of the old binders, but the binder's knife has not impinged upon the text. The leaves at present measure about 10J by 8 inches. The Latin gospels, which form the greater part of the volume, are written in Caroline minuscules of an English character in a very early eleventh-century hand. The preface of St. Jerome is written in a different but con-
temporary hand of the same description, in which the Hiberno- at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 Saxon form of r occurs. At the beginning are bound up several pages of parchment, upon which are written copies of deeds, charters, forms of oaths, and the like in hands of the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. In the same way there are bound up at the end of the volume several pages of parchment containing the eleventh-century entries, followed on a fresh page by a con- temporary copy of the proceedings in Quo Warranto concerning the archbishop's privileges in the great eyre of William Herle in 1330.3 This is followed by a list of the relics in St. Peter's Minster, York, written about the middle of the thirteenth century.* The publication of the Old English documents in this volume has proceeded slowly. Raine commenced it in 1859 by printing the Sherburn inventory (No. IV, below). Bishop Stubbs gave a translation of the charter of Cnut (No. Ill) in his Select Charters, 1870, and in 1873 s printed the text and translation under the titlo ' A Charter of Canute from the York Gospels. In usum amicorum. W. S.,' without date, comment, or preface. In 1875 1 Since writing this I find that Professor Napier copied the whole of the documents in question some thirty years ago. • Placita de Quo Warranto, Record Commission, 1818, ii. 197, 221. • Printed by Raine, Fabric Roll*, p. 150 stqq. ' According to W. A. Shaw, Bibliography of ihe Historical Work* of Dr. CrtigUon, Dr. Stubbs, Dr. S. B. Gardiner, and Ike laic Lord Acton, p. 19 (1903). 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 3 Dean Henderson published the Bidding Prayer (No. V). The list of ^Elfric's ' festennen' (No. VI) was published by the eccentric George Stephens in 1881, from a photograph sent to him by Canon Simmons. The three homilies (No. II) were edited by Professor Napier in 1883. With the exception of Cnut's charter and the homilies the printed texts of these documents are either inaccurate or in- accessible, and I therefore give a new text based directly upon the manuscript, as these texts have an important bearing upon the question of date of the whole of the entries in Old English hands. The contents occur in the following order : Downloaded from
I (fo. 149 verso, 150.) Three documents, to which I have
given the name of surveys, of the archbishop's estates at Sherburn- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ in-Elmet, Otley, and Ripon, all in Yorkshire. The texts of these surveys form the staple of this article, and will be given below. It is important to notice that they commence upon the verso of the last leaf of the gospel of St. John, a position that precludes any suggestion that these documents have been brought into connexion with the gospel by later binding or by any other accident. at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 (fo. 150 recto and verso.) Three homilies of Lupus, that is Wulfstan, archbishop of York, 1003-23. These so-called homilies, which have been edited by Professor Napier,9 are mainly con- cerned with the exposition of ecclesiastical and civil laws, and it is doubtful whether they are the works of Wulfstan, although these copies are almost contemporary with him.
Ill (fo. 152 recto and verso.) Cnut's charter of liberties, addressed to his archbishops, bishops, Earl Thorcyl, and all his people, clerical and lay, in England. This mention of Thorkel, the gigantic Norwegian, ' the tallest of all men,'7 and a famous figure in history and saga, fixes the date as earlier than 1021, when he was exiled from England, and as later than Cnut's return from Denmark in 1020.8 It has been published from Stubbs's privately printed text by Pauli in 1874,9 and is now accessible in Lieber- mann's text, by whom also it is assigned to 1020.10 No other
* Wulfrtan, Sammluug dcr ihm zugachriAenen Homilien, nos. 50, 60, 61 (pp. 307- 11), Berlin, 1883. 1 Ol»f» Saga Trygjjvaronar, a. 133 (Flaleyjarbot, i. 168). " Stubtw, Select Charters. 8th edition, p. 75. * FoTtthungtn zur deuUcJien QeaehichU, xiv. 390. '* Die Quttze der Angdsochten, i. 273, Berlin, 1898-1903. B2 4 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January text of this charter is known, and its preservation in the York Gospels would be alone sufficient to confer upon that manuscript a very high rank in English historical sources. Historically and diplomatically it is the most important document contained in the manuscript. It is, in substance and in form, the direct lineal ancestor of the Anglo-Norman charters of liberties and, in consequence, of Magna Charta. For in form these documents are developments of the Anglo-Norman writ-charter, and that in its turn is, as I maintained fifteen years ago,u merely the Anglo-
Saxon writ translated into Latin. At that time I was able onty Downloaded from
11 Ante, xi. 735. The opinion of Giry, Manuel it Diplomatique, p. 796, there cited, that tho charters of William the Conqueror do not differ from those of the dukes of Normandy except by the addition of the title Sex Anglorum, is an illustra- tion of the pitfalls that beset tho path of the compiler of manuals, however learned he may be. This statement, wh ich in probably an extension of that of the author* http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ of the Nouveau. Traite. it Diplomatique, v. 760, Paris, 17fi2, overlooks the most important difference between the two. the use in the Anglo-Norman charters of the pendent double-faced great seal instead of the seal plaque, a single-faced seal affixed to the surfacu of the document, that was characteristic of French royal charters until the time of Louis VI (1008-1137), when the pendent great seal was, according to Giry himself (p. 640), introduced into the French chancery. In the imperial chancery it did not come into use until a much later time (Bresslau, Handbuch dtr Urkundenlehrt, i. 942). Thus Edward the Confessor's nso of the double-faced BC*1 was not derived from the Norman*, the usual facile conclusion based upon the ascription to the Normans of a more highly organized administration than was known at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 in England (as to which the wise remarks of Stubbs, Constiluiiona History, fifth edition, i. 23.1), may be recommended). It is noteworthy in this connexion that tho double-faced seal, which was in UKO in Lower Italy from the end of the ninth century, disappeared under the Norman domination (Bresslau, i. 942). The charters of the dukes of Normandy before the conquest of England of which we have record are few in number, and are mostly derived from later copies. They are, like those of tho other great foadatories, imitations of tho Capetian royal charters, and are validated by crosses, frequently autograph (Nouveau. Traitt, v. 760 ; iv. 227 ; Girt", p. 795). They omit tho reference to the seal, which was plaque in the royal charters. If the seal was used on a Norman charter it should accordingly appear in this shape, not as a pendent double seal. An original charter of Robert Curthose in 1106, in the possession of the town of Bayeux, which is drawn up on continental Xorman lines, has the seal so fixed (BibliolMquede TScole da Charles, xlviii. 176 [ 1887]). It was not until the eleventh century that the use of seals began to hprcad from the royal chancery to the great feudatories, although Arnulf I, count of Flanders, the grandson of King Alfred, used one in the early part of the preceding century (Novveau Traitt, iv. 219eeqq., 423 ; Giry, p. 637). The original charter of Duko Richard II of Normandy, anit 1024, of which a facsimile is given in the Musit des A rchives de'partemtniales, Paris, 1878, plate 16, no. 21, has no seal or seal-clause. But the authors of the Nouveau Twite, v. 226, give an engraving of a seal of this duke affixed to a charter made by him toDudoof St. Quintin, the first Norman historian. They and Giry, 641, accept the authenticity of this charter (which is also printed in OaUia Christiana, xi, instrum. col. 284), about which one would like to know more. The seal seems to have been suspended by two cords, which is suspicious at so early a date. This appears to be the only seal, whether genuine or not, of a Norman duke prior to 1060 of which we have any notice in modern times. In 1304 Philip V recited in a. Vidimus a carlo rum sigiBata of Duke Robert I, dated 10.V), which contained, despite this description, the royal clause confirmamut et annvli nostri impressiont roboramus (OaUia Christiana, xi, instrum. col. 327). In 1035 William is said in a later document to confirm a grant by his seal (ibid. col. 229 = Round, Calendar of Documents preserved in France, p. 341, where this clause does not appear). 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 5 to cite an early copy of a writ of Cnut's investing a bishop with the rights of his see, a form of writ that continued in use, sometimes in Old English with a Latin version, but generally in Latin only, until the time of John. The form of the present writ-charter is an interesting anticipation of what became the form of the compellation of the royal charter when, at the end of the twelfth century, the writ was differentiated into charters, letters patent, letters close, and the ordinary judicial writs. The Anglo-Saxon writ was in its origin a letter from the king to a shire-moot, and this characteristic clung closely to the Anglo-Norman writ-charter of the twelfth century. Gradually it ousted entirely Downloaded from the formal charter or diploma, of which we can still trace some use in Norman times. The writ or epistolary charter had the great merit of adaptability to all purposes, and thus its great progeny in the later middle ages is intelligible. It is clearly older than Cnut's time, for we hear of Alfred delivering his ' hond- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ seten ' as testimony of his confirmation of a private grant, and this document is described as an ' insegel' or seal.u In a con- temporary record of 990-4 King /Ethelred sends his ' insegel' to a shire-moot, greeting all the witan there assembled.18 In 995-1005 the same king sends his ' gewrit and his insegel' to the archbishop and thanes in Kent, bidding them to bring to agreement the parties in a suit.1* This has been already adduced by Dugdale as a proof of the antiquity of the j udicial writ.18 In manuscript E at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 of the Chronicle under 1048 ' gewrit and insegel' is the description applied to the king's writ of investiture of a bishop.19 As this must imply a seal, since we have several original writs with pendent great seal of Edward the Confessor, and ' breve et sigillum ' is a term frequently used in Domesday to describe the writs of Edward and William in connexion with land transfers, we are driven to conclude that the earlier ' gewrit and insegel'
11 CaH. Sazonicum, ii. 237 ; Ordnance Survey Facsimiles of Anglo-Saxon Charters, i, plate 13. It is a letter of a contemporary of King Alfred to the king (Edward the Elder), and is in a curious rough hand of the tenth century, hardly, I think, from the linguistic evidence that of a contemporary of Alfred's. " Codex Diplomatic*!*, iii. 292 ; Thorpe, piplomatarium Anglieum, 288 ; British Museum Facsimiles oj Ancient Charters, iii, plate 37. Hickes, Dissertalio Epistolaris, p. 5, n. u, proposed to render ituegel (which is derived from sigillum) by monogram, on the analogy of the imperial signatures. This, it need hardJy be said, Is quite inadmissible, for wo could hardly have failed to have a record of such monograms had they been used by the Anglo-Saxon kingx. " Codex Diplomatieus, iv. 286; Thorpe, fJiplomatarium Anglieum, 302. This is derived from the trustworthy Textus Roffensia. " Origines luridicialts, 1671, 34. " The writ of .Ethclred to the shire-moot of Hampshire, derived from the twelfth- century Codex Wintoniensis, a cartulary containing numerous forgeries, is the earliest writ of which wo havo the text (Cod. Diplom. iii. 203). Even if the recapitulation of the estates is an addition due to the copyist of the charter, the text is still open to suspicion as it relates to the reduction of hidage of a hundred hides to one, a claim of the monks that necessitated a long series of twelfth-century forgeries. 6 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January also bore a seal. No example, however, of the use of a seal by the kings before Edward the Confessor in known.17 But the use of seals by the Anglo-Saxons is proved by the existence of the matrices of several seals.18 Among these is one of Cenwulf,
" Thomas Klmham, writing in the early years of the fifteenth century, states that he had met with no seals of Englixh kings in the archives of St. Augustine't>, Canterbury, earlier than the Norman Conquest, with the exception of a carta of Cnut, ' qul fuit alienigena et conquestor ' (Hisloria Mm. S. Augvstini, p. 118, Rolls Series). like Hickes (Praefaiio, p. ix), I cannot accept this testimony as conclusive, although on different grounds to his. Walter Manex'H story of Earl Godwine's breaking Cnut's seal and substituting another message, a remarkable parallel to Saxo's story of Downloaded from Hamlet, need not detain us (Dt NugiH Curialinm, p. 208, Camden Society). It is a very remarkable circumstance that the Saga of St. Olaf ascribes to Cnut a seal (Flateyjarbdk, c. 191, ii. 253). In the older form of thin saga in Fagrskinna, c. 113, p. 91 (ef. Flatey- jartx'Jc, c. 210, ii. 278), there is a story that Queen Emma got hold of Cnut's Real and caused a letter to be sealed with it ordering thu Danes to make her son Harthacnnt king of Denmark. We are told how Jarl Ulf (the brother-in-law of Earl Godwin) caused this letter, which was addressed, in the manner of the Old English writ, to all the http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ greatest chiefs of Denmark (' ii Jewm brefi viiru nefndir allir hinir stoerstu hoftSingjar i Danmorku'), to be read by bis chaplain before the 'thing' at Viborg. The Crowland story of a confirmation under King Edgar's wal of a grant to that abbey (Ordericus Vitalis, iv. 16, e Westminster, plate 1, 693, Cart. Sax. i. 116, has a ' step ', but the charter http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ is in a much later hand than its ostensible date, and the charter of Edgar, Westminster, plate 4, Cart. Sax. iii. 260, is not in a contemporary hand.23 Three contemporary royal charters with ' steps ' may be seen in this same volume : Eadwig, 957, Winchester, plate 2, Cart. Sax. iii. 202 ; Edgar, 965, Ilchester, plate 1, Cart. Sax. iii. 418, and Cnut, 1024, Ilchester, plate 2, Cod. Dipl. iv. 29. In the third volume another charter of Cnut, 1035, has a ' step', Ashburnham, plate 42. In addition to these there are many charters that have lower corners, sometimes the right one, torn off, and at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 there are others with irregular edges at the bottom, but some of these may be due to accidents of another nature than that of the tearing away of the seal tongue, and some may be due to the irregular shape of the parchment used to write the text upon. We may find confirmation of Cnut's use of the writ in the fact that the Anglo-Saxon writ obviously was the model upon which the early Scandinavian kings formed their charters,24 since they are not likely to have borrowed the use from the Anglo-Norman kings. On the other hand it was probably from the latter that the use spread into the royal chancery of Scotland, although even here a direct borrowing from the English before the Norman Conquest is possible. The writ-charter is therefore, as Professor Bresslau has pointed out to me, the greatest English contribution to diplomatics. It occupies accordingly a position in reference to continental diplomatics curiously resembling that of English law in comparison with the continental developments from Roman law. " Ordnance Survey Facsimiles, i, piste 9 ; Cart. Sax. ii. 128. " Plato 16 ; Cod. Dipl iiL 304. " Plato 18 ; Cod. Dipt, iii 361. •• Crauford Charier), p. 90. *• Cf. L. M. Larson, The. King's Household in England before the Norman Conquest, Madison, Wisconsin (Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin), 1904, p. 198, where it i» pointed out that the Norwegians uBod the word insigli, representing the Old English insigel, instgel, for the so*]. 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY «J IV (fo. 153 recto.) Inventory of church goods at Sherburn (in Elmet), co. York. Printed by Raino in 1859tt and from his text by Mr. Birch.*9 27 pis syndon J>a cyrican in ad mas on Scirburnan : \at synd twa Cttilea bee, ond ii. rodan, ond i. ' aspiciens,'M ond i.' ad te levavi,' M ond ii. pistol - bee, ond i. msesse-boc, ond i. ymener, ond i. salter, ond i. calic, ond i. disc, ond twa msesse-reaf, ond iii. mtcsue-hakelan, ond ii. weoved sceatas, ond ii. overbmedels, ond iiii. handbellan, owl vi. hangende bellan. Downloaded from (fo. 153 verso.) Bidding prayer, over which is written in a hand of the latter part of the sixteenth century ' Bidding of prayer', the older sense of bid meaning ' pray ' having been forgotten at the Reformation. It has been twice printed.80 This is the earliest http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ known form of bidding prayer in English. The only clue to the date, apart from the palaeographical evidence, is afforded by the direction to pray for Thorferth's HOUI and, what has not yet been noticed, for that of Mffilmaerc (genitive singular feminine), possibly his wife. Unfortunately the scanty tenth- and eleventh-century northern records have preserved no record of the Norse-named Thorferth or of Mselmaere, who bears an Irish or Gaelic name.31 " Fabric Rolls of York Minder, p. 142. " Cart. Sax. UL 660. at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 " Translation: ' These are treasures of the church at Sherburn : that is to say two Christ's books, and two roods, and one " agpiciens ", and one " ad te levavi ", and two books of epistles, and one maxx-book, and one hymnal, and one psalter, and one chalice, and one dish, and two masH-vcstments, and three mass-copes (T), and two altar sheets (frontalu !), and two covering)! (altarcloths ?), and four handbells, and six hanging bells.' Raine has mistranslated ttroved-sceaias by ' woven sheets' ; the first word is merely a late form of toeofod ' altar '. ** Aspiciens appears in the Breviary an the response to the first lesson in the first nocturn of the first Sunday in Advent. " In the inventory of the gifts of Bishop Loofric to Exeter there is entered ' i. ad tc levavi', which Canon Warren explains ' an probably an antiphonary, so called from tho opening words of the introit for tho Hr»t Sunday in Advent' (The Ltofric Missal. Oxford, 1883, p. xxii,n.4). •* By Bean Henderson, York Manual, p. 220*(8urteesSociety,vol.lxiii,1876).and by Canon Simmons, Lay Folks Mass Book, Early English Text Society, 1879, pp. 62, 321. 11 Maclmuirc, masc. (literally, the ' whaved servant of Mary'), appears in the Orkneyinga Saga aa Melmaro (W. A. Craigic, ' Gavlie Words and Names in tho Ice- landic Sagas,' in Zeitschrift far kdliache I'hilologie, i. 449). Melmor (from whom Melmerby, Cumberland, probably derives its name) is mentioned as a former tenant in that county in tho curious Old English writ of Gospatric, dating apparently about the time of the Norman Conquest, of which a corrupt thirteenth-eontury facsimile was discovered some few years ago, printed in the Scottish Historical Review, i. 62-9, and with facsimile, by Liebermann, Archiv fur das Studium dor neueren Spraehen, Berlin, 1903, cxi. 275 stgq., who assigns it to e. 1056-67. It is possible that the name may be masculine in the Bidding Prayer, and that it is uninflected, but it would be difficult to find a parallel for this. If masculine, the York benefactor might be identical with the Melmer of Gospatric'8 writ. But the name occurs in Irish also as a woman's name, e. g. MaJmairc, daughter of Kenneth Macalpin, whose death is recorded in the Ulster Annals under 913. 10 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January It is a likely guess that she is the person of this name who is recorded in the village-name Melmerby, near Ripon, or Melmerby, in the parish of Coverham. 31 Wutan we gcbiddan God ealiniutine, heofena heah cyning, and Sancta Marian, and ealle Codes halgan \wl we moton Godes aelmlhtigea willan gewyrcan pa hwil pe we on jjyssau honan life wunian JHE< hy us gehealdan and gescyldan wi5 ealra feonda costnunga, gesenelicra and ungesenelicra, Pater noster. Wutan we gebiddan for urne papan on Rome, and for urne cyning, and for VI (Ibid.) List of iElfric's ' festermen ' (sureties). The first to refer to this list in print was Bishop Stubbs, whose knowledge of the manuscript was probably due to his friendship and long connexion with Canon Raine. He states that ' an unpublished list of the " festermen " of Archbishop Elfric exists on a fly-leaf of the York Gospels Book ', and argues that priests were required in the same way as laymen to find security for the observance of the peace (the well-known institution of the ' frith-borh ') on the evidence of this list and of the provision in the Northum- Downloaded from brian Priests' Law.86 But there is some confusion here. The Northumbrian Priests' Law, in the passage quoted by him,38 requires every priest to find twelve * festermen ' that he will rightfully observe the priests' law (preost-lagu) ; there is no reference to the lay ' frith-borh '. The provision seems to relate http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ to the ordination of priests, and there is no statement that prelates upon their consecration were required to find ' festermen'. On the strength of Stubbs's identification Stephens dated the list 1023,37 the year of iElfric's consecration as archbishop of York. There is, it may be noted, no statement that ^Elfric was the archbishop, but it is natural to connect the list with him, for the most important landowners in Northumbria appear in it. Finally, we have the fact that the list is entered in a book con- at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 taining important records of about the time of Archbishop iElfric (1023-51). But the hand in which this list is written is considerably later than this date, and has the appearance of a twelfth-century one. If it belongs to the eleventh century at all, it must be assigned to a late period of that century. The philological evidence also points to some such date.38 Palaeo- u Constitutional History of England, lat edition, i, p. 244 (1874). •* Section 2 (ed. Liebermann, by whom it is assigned to 1028-60), i, p. 380. 17 Blandinger vdgivne af Universitets-Jvbilaels Danskt Samjund, Copenhagen, 1H81, pp. 60-6 (reprinted in the Transactions oj the Yorkshire Dialect Society, pt. vii, pp. 44-9, 1906). Stephens's text is inaccurate, and suffers in addition from his extending the final mark of suspension as er in every case. The list has since been printed with » facsimile by Dr. Jon Stefansaon in the Saga Book of the Viking Club, iv. 296-307, under the titk) of ' The Oldest known Lint of Scandinavian Names', which is based upon Stephens's ascription of the list to 1023. Many of the names in this list have been explained by Professor Erik Bjdrkmann of Gothenburg, in Nordische Personennamen in England in alt- und frUhmittel-engliseher Zeit, Halle, 1910 (in Morsbach's Stvdien zur englischen Philologie, Heft 37). " The confusion of a and e, due to the obscurity of pronunciation of the unstressed vowels, such as the genitives Elfricas, Unbainas, Asbeornas, Safttgelas, and in the names Edastan, Foma, Rauan, is common in late eleventh-century and twelfth- century deeds, and is possibly duo to Norman influence. The representation of Old Norse ei by ai, as against tho Old English tge, eg, ti, is also late enough to be due to Norman spellings. The constant use of u for Old English/, which occurs sporadically early in the eleventh century, eventually driving out/altogether by the Middle English period, is in marked contrast to the correct use of/ in the other texts in this collection. 12 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January graphically it ia noticeable for the invariable use of h to mark abbreviations by suspension. This mark is met with occasionally in English manuscripts written in Latin of about iElfric's time, mostly with its original value of in. It is hardly ever found in manuscripts written in English, which are always very Bparing in the use of abbreviations. In the early twelfth century this mark became all but universal. Some of the men named in the list can be identified with men living shortly after jElfric's death. Merleswain, of whose identity there can be little doubt, figures in Northumbrian history in 1067 and 1069 ; Ligulf was the name of a great Northumbrian thane, who has claims to be considered as Downloaded from the ancestor of the great Neville family, and was murdered in 1080. Domesday Book mentions as tenants in Yorkshire in the time of Edward the Confessor, that is in 1066, several men bearing names that occur among the ' festermen ', but here, from the absence of surnames or of other distinguishing features, it is http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ not possible to be sure of the identity of the ' festermen ' and the Domesday tenants.39 It is difficult to understand why this list should have been copied at a later date. Yet I feel that it is a copy, partly modernized in orthography by the copyist, who seems to have been unable to read the whole of the text before him, and consequently leaves spaces blank and appends his mark of suspension to words that he could not fully read. We may perhaps guess that it was copied from an end-leaf at the beginning at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 or end of the volume that had become torn or illegible, and that it was thus copied for no other reason than that the original list had been entered in this official Gospel Book. The list, which is of great interest, is subjoined. *° Dis sindan ]>& festermen Elfricas: Ulfcetel, cyninges rdue, ond Merleswuain, Wulstain, Ulf, Ligolf, BaratS, FartSain greua, ond Ascetel,41 Osulf ond Wulfheh, Folcric ond Elfre(d), Wegga ond Aldflcearl, Gamal prea(byter), Grim ond Grimcetel, Asmund rosS42 Grimcetel in Barnabi,43 Godwina, Folc^,44 BerhtSor, Bretecol ond ArSolf, ond Foma, Menning •* In tho caao of very common names, such as Grimcetel, Gamal, Grim, and the like, it is impossible to establish identity. But in tho case of rare names, such as BaraS, Faitain, Wegga, BUh, the identity with the Domesday tenants may be assumed. ** In the manuscript a point (representing, as usual in Old English manuscripts, a comma) occurs after every name before ' presbyter' and the like, so that it is difficult to decide in some cases whether a name is a nickname or the name of another man. The extension of several of the abbreviations is doubtful, and it is even uncertain whether or not they are nicknames, descriptions, official or local names. The error, corrected by erasure, of writing G for C seems to show that the list ia copied from some older manuscript, and that the scribe was not well acquainted with the personal names thus wrongly copied. Capitals are not always used in the manuscript at the com- mencement of personal or local names, a fact that adds another element of uncertainty to the list. " ond AtcHtl interlined. " For Roacetel or a nickname of Asmund (?). u Barnby, probably Barnby Dun, co. York. *• For Fokwinc, Folchere, or some other compound name in Folc-, or a nickname of God vine (!). 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 13 imd Wulger, p6r in Ca"itt ond Arcetel, SiuerS, Rauan,46 Am1!,47 Colbrand ** ce\*»BUh, Elfwine vdM Snel, Godwine, Left « ESastan, Ulfi, Elnod fre\K Roscetel ond Edric, Grimcetel Haw\» Ascetel, Grim in CirVM Cetel prra(byter), Gunner, Alfcetel65 in Hit1!,86 IoluartS in Burhtun, Ulfcetel pr<«(byter), Alfcetel ond Asmund, LeofnoS in BroSortun, porcetel Un- bainas(una),67 Ulf pres(byter>, pirne beorn, ond Ailaf in Braibatun,58 Wulfric ond Iustan, R6t in Hillum, . .orfana69 ond Gr Thi8 list cannot be cited to prove that the documents that Downloaded from precede it were written down prior to 1023 or even 1051. It is, however, to the episcopate of ^lfric that they can be re- ferred with the greatest probability. A terminus post quern is supplied by Cnut's charter, which cannot be later than 1021. It is to be presumed that so important a document would be http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ entered into this register within a few years of its promulga- tion. The issue of this charter of liberties after the ware and disturbances that preceded Cnut's accession to the throne might well induce the archbishop of York to overhaul his estates, ** No doubt Ca(vruda) ia meant. ** The second a of Snvan has faded. 47 For Amgrim, Arnolf, or some other compound of Am. 41 Colbrand, the initial is altered by erasure from 0. at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 " The meaning ia doubtful. " The usual abbreviation uf for vel. Thero ia no point before it in manuscript, but there is one following, which suggests that it is not intended for the latin conjunction. " It is doubtful whether this represents Old Norse Ltifr, aa held by Bjorkmann, since there ia a mark of abbreviation after the/. M For a compound name in Freo- (!). * For Hii(vxerd) (=«= Old Norse H Cauda ; ond Wicstow eal; ond ufer Seleby eal; ond twa oxna gang Downloaded from on Fleaxlegen; ond healf Bernlegen; ond eal BreitSe-tun,7* butan healf ploges land ; ond eall Byrne7B; ond call Burhtun,76 butan healf ploges Translation: 1. 'This in the soke (pertaining) to Sherbum, with "folk-right" : two parts of Cawood ; and all Wistow ; and all upper Selby ; and two oxgangs in Flaxley; and half Barlow; and all Brayton, except half a ploughland; and all http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ Barn; and all Burton, except half a ploughland ; and all Gateforth ; and all (the) ** Sat-legt seems also to be Northumbrian, if it is a compound of salh, West Saxon aealh,' willow ' (preserved in ' Hallow-willow '). Lege may also be Northumbrian, but is more probably only a late West Saxon form ; the regular West Saxon Uage occur* more frequently. The early Northumbrian form lack (recorded in Beda's Paegna-Uech) became llh by the tenth century. Those forms necessitate in the dative aing. lage, l^gt respectively. But in compound lucal names it seems clear that tirh and lage underwent the usual shortening and so escaped the Anglian ' smoothing' to Uh and Uge. Hence Domesday represents tho num. by lac and the dative by lage, lai, laia at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 (Latinized), hie, &e. The nom. has persisted in Skirlaugh, which occurs in Domesday in the dat. Sehirt{s)lai; and in IJculauyh, near Tadcaster, Hailaga, Htlaga in Domesday Book; and in Healaugh, in the parish of Urinton, Hale in Domesday Book, Hdach in 1280 (Calendar of Inquisition /iort Mortem, ii. 222). Healy (with Sutton) appears in the Nomina Yillnrum, 1316, ax llelayh. There can be little doubt that all three names represent a Northumbrian *Hiu-lah, ' high-lcigh' (Aftj being the weak nom. Hing. feminine). The Healaugh near Tadca»ter has been connected with Beda's Ueiu, the earliest Northumbrian nun known to him, on the strength of an identification of an inscription on a stone found there with her name by the uncritical D. H. Haigh. The drawing of the stone in Htibiier, lvscriptiones Britanniae Christianae, no. 174, xhowB that the reading adopted by HUbncr is obtained by joining throe letters in the first line on to a v in the second, although a great portion of the side of the stono ix broken away. The use of this Old Northumbrian -loth and Norman spelling is responsible for tho appearance (if the nanio of Hclmsley in the strange but easily explained form of Uamlaku in the liarunial title of Boos of Hamlakc Laughton (Domesday Book Lastone, with usual Nnriuan s for the Old English velar spirant) shows Lah (shortened) as the first part of tho compound. " In printing the texts of the wirvcyx 1 have extended the sign for the conjunction as ond in italics, and have used cnpitals where necessary instead of the small letters of the original. Words that are really compounded although written as two 1 have linked together by hyphens. •* Sherburn in Ebnet. ticircburne, J). B. i. 302 b, 1. " Catmda, below. Cawood. Not mentioned in D. B. " Wistow. Not mentioned in D. B. " Selby. Not mentioned in D. B. n Flaxley (Lodge), parish of Selby. Not in D. B. " Barlow, parish of Drayton. Berlai, D. B. i. 326 b, 2, Paganel. This is another instance of the interchange of Northumbrian-/(?A(here producing ioto) and -Icege (seo n. 66). " Br»yton- Not in D. B. " Burn, in the parish of Brayton. See n. 83, below. Not in D. B. " Burton (Hall), Gateforti, parish of Brayton. 10 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January land ; ond eall Gteite-ford " ; ond eall twegen porpas78; ond twa Hyrst ealn; ond twa Hatel-sse w eall; ond fif oxna gang on priddan Ha?el-sa? ; ond hcalf Byrcene M ; and eall Suo'tun w ; t»n4 eall Byrnum M ; ond BreiCe- tun eal84; omf FrotSer-tun** eall; ond eall Faren-burne,8* butan healf )>ridde ploges land; ond twa plogea land on Ledes-hatum; ond an on Niwan-porp,88 ond eall Micla-feld »; ond eall Hyllum w; ond eall Fristun M; o«d eall Lundby*2; On Scirebuman toecan fain inlande syndan iiii. hida weorc-landes; Downloaded from ond on Luteringa-tune iii. hida, ond on Barces-tune i. hid ond fif oxna gang, ond of Styfing-tune tune 1Ou (sic) preora oxna gang. Ond on Wic-atowe twegea oxnaganjr, ond on Cawuda twa drel fees landes is agen land into Scirebuman, ond Fentun is lfen ofer healf plogea land.101 102 2. [Fo. 150 recto.] Into Ottanleage iiii. ploga land ; ond on Bfflgel- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ tivo Thorpes; and all (the) two Hiratu; and all (the) two Haddleseys; and five oxgangR in (the) third Haddlesey ; and half Birkin ; and all Sutton ; and all Barn; and allBrayton ; and allBrotherton ; and all Fairburn, except twoand a half plough- lands ; and two ploughlands in Leduham ; and one in Newthorpe ; and all Micldefield ; and all Hillam ; and all Fryst-on ; and all Lumby ; and all Steeton ; and all Milford ; and all Fenton, except half a ploughland ; and two ploughlands and five oxgangs in Barkston ; and all Lotherton ; and all " Hehferthe(s) Hegthe " ; and all Huddleston. I In Sherbum there are in addition to the " inland " four hides of " workland " ; and in Lotherton three hides ; and in Barkstone one hide and five oxgangs; and of at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 Steeton three oxgangn. ' And in Wistow two oigangs ; and in C'awood two parts of the land is "own land"' into Sherburn ; and Fenton is " loan-land ", one and a half ploughlands. 2. ' To Otlcy (pertain) four ploughlandx; and in Baildon two; and in Hawks- " tiateforth, parish of Brayton. Not in 1). B. " Tho ' two thorpes' are, no iloubt, Thorpe Willonghby, parish of Brayton and Thorpe (Hall), parish of Selby. " Temple Hirst and Hirst Courtney, both in the parish of Haddlesey. Not in D. B. " Haddlesey includes West Haddlesey, East Haddlesey, »nd Chapel Haddlesey. Not in D. B. " Birkin. Berchine, D. B. L 373 b, 1, land of Ulf. •* Sutton, parish of Brotherton. Not in D. B. u This seems to be a repetition of Byrne. See n. 75. M Brayton, also a repetition. See n. 74. " Brotherton. Not in D. B. M Fairburn, parish of Ledsham. Fartbunie, D. B. i. 315 b, 1, De Lacy. " Ledsham. Ledaham, D. B. i. 315 b, 1, De Lacy. " Newthorpe, parish of Sherburn. Not in i). B. " (Old and New) Micklefield, a modern parish, formerly a ehapelry of Sherburn. Not in D. B. •• Hillam, pariah of Monk Fryston. Not in D. B. II Monk Fryston. Not in D. B. " Lumby, parish of Sherburn. Not in D. B. " Steoton (Hall), in South Milford, parish of Sherburn. Not in D. B. M South Milford, a modern parish formed from parts of the parishes of Sherburn and Monk Fryaton. Not in D. B. •» Church (older Kirk) Fenton. Fenlun, D. B. i. 315 b, 1, De Lacy. " Barkaton (Ash), parish of Sherburn. BarehestuD, D. B. L 315 b, 1, De Lacy. " Lotherton, parish of Sherburn. Not in D. B. M Unknown. - Huddleaton (cum Luraby), parish of Shcrbunu l" Steeton. See n. 03. '" About half a page is left blank here in the manuscript. *" Otlcy. Uthelai, D. B. L 303 b, 1. 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 17 tune103 ii.; on Hafeces-weorSe10* ii. ; on oCeran Hafecea-weorSe106 ii.; on Dentune u* ii.; on Timbel "^ oCer healf ploges land ; on Ectune w8 healf plogea land, bis is unbc&acen agenland. Ond Jwcrto eacan hyraC }>aa socn- lande109into Ottanleage; on Ottan-leage ii. ploh; ond on Bseldune110 ii.; ond on Hafeces-weorCe ii.; ond on oCeran Hafeces-weorSe ii.; on Scefinge1U i.; on Mensingtuncui iii.; on Burhleagem vi.; on MeSeltuneu* iii.; on Yllic-lcage l15 syx oxna gang ; on Dentune ii. ploh ; on Cliftune U8 i.; on Biceratune U7 iii.118; on Feamleage iiii. m; on Ectune otSer healf; on Pofle1M) iii.; ou Linde-leage m iii.122 worth two; in the second Hawksworth two; in Donton two; in Timblo one and Downloaded from a half ploughlandw; in " Ectun " half a ploughlaud, this is unquestionably "own land ". And thereto in addition belongs the itokc-lands (pertaining) to Otley: iu Otley two ploughlands ; and in Baildon two ; and in Hawksworth two ; and in the second Hawksworth two; in Chevin one; in Menston throe; in Barley ux; in Middlcton three ; in Ilkley nix oxgangs ; in Denton two ploughs ; in Clifton one; in " Biceratun" three (T); in Farnloy four ; in Ecton ono and a half ; in Poole three ; in Lindley throe. http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ 10 This seem* to correspond to Btrldun. Sue n. 110. "* Hawksworth, parish of Otloy. IJcnoehesuardc (orror for Htuoch-), alia Ileno- chesuurde, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. '** See previous note. This second Hawksworth has disappeared. "* Denton, parish of Otley. Dtnlune, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. '" Littlo Timble, pari-th of Otley (detached). Timbe, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. Timmtl (printed Tunmet) in St. Oswald's certificate (see n. 61). "• Unknown. Ectone, D. B. L 303 b, 1. '" So in manuscript. at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 111 Baildon, parish of Otley. Sec n. 103. Bcldont, D. B. L 303 b, 1. 111 The Chovin, hill-range at Otley (T). Not in D. B. 1U Menstone, parish of Otley. "' Burley in Wharfedale, parish of Otley. Burghelai, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. »« Middleton, parish of Ilkley. Midddlune, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. The Old English uiiddcl seems to occur in U. B., the corresponding Old Norso metal in tho survey. llk Ilkley. lletliur, 1). U. i. 303 1>, 1. l'huro U an lUicUia, i. 321 b, 1, among tholanduof William Poiry, which is idi-ntilutl with Ilkley by Skaife, Domaday Book for Yorkshire in the Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 1800. Ilkley appears in Archbishop Oswald's certificate (sec n. 01) as UyHicltg. Tho united testimony of theso forms seems to prove that tho double U of the namo is correct. If this is so, it puts out of court the derivation of tho first part of the name from Olicana, tho name of the Roman station (acceptod by Alois Pogatsvher, Zur Ixxutlehre der grieehisehen, tateinischen und romani- scktn LeJuHcorie m Alteitglixhen, Stransburg, 1888, § 225). The Roman station is probably recorded in tho burh of Burley, and a second commemoration of it by its Roman name so noar at hand is improbable. Oswald writes Oislicleh for the old ruuno of OuUcly, which occurs in D. B. as Oisele. This seems to be a case of tho reduction of tho possessive suffix ing through inc to ie, and it is possible that this is what has happened in tho cano of Ilkley, which in that caao could be compared with lllingworth in Yorkshire and Illington in Norfolk, lUinkeluna, D. B. ii. 164 b^Old English • YUinga- tun. The first part of Oislicleh can hardly be anything else than the Old Norse man's name Old or Olsli. Similarly Patrington appearu in Domesday Book as Patridont, "• Clifton, parish of Otley. Clifiun, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. "' Unknown. Biehertun, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. lu In tho manuscript this is written m with a bottom loop connecting the two first numerals, so that it may be an alteration of iii to ui = vi. "• Farnloy, parish of Otley. Ternelai, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. m Poole, parish of Otloy. Povek, D. B. i. 303 b, I. m Lindloy, parish of Otley. Not in D. B. in In the manuscript a space equal to about three lines is left blank here. VOL. XXVU.—NO. CV. C 18 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January .'J. /Kt, Hypum '-' wrest, mile ni-mct on u.-lc.e liculfc ; ond Biscoptun l-4 in in on J3um ii. liiilu ; ond Carlo-wicIM v. hida ; ond healf Muneca-tun m his agen land feoifle healf hide ; ond healf Mercinga-tun vn )>ridde healf hide ; on Herelea-ho U8 healf hid ; on Stodlege "• iii. hida ; on SutStune130 ober healf hide ; on Nunne-wio ul iii. hida ; on porntune132 ii. hida.133 Ond bys synd weate land : An is Sal-lege 1M ; oCer is Grante-lege m; bridde is Efes-tun136; ond feortfe is Wifeles-healh137; ond v. is healf Cnearres-weor'S.138 pon' syndan pis preosta land : on Wcst-wic l3tt iiii. hida 14° on NorS 3. ' At Ripon first the space of one mile on each side; and Biahopton is within Downloaded from that twohidoB ; and " Carlcwie " five hides ; and half Monkton is " own land " three and a half hides; and half of Markington two and a half hides; in " Hereles-hoh " half a hido ; in Studley three hides ; on Sutton one and a half hides; in Nunwick three hides ; in Thornton two hides. 'And those are waste, landn: one in Saw ley; tho second is Grantley; the third is Eavestone ; and the fourth in Wilshill (?) ; and the fifth is half (of) " Cnearres- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ weorth ". 'Then these arc the priests" lands: in Went wick four hides; in North Stainley m Ripon. Ripum, I). B. i. 303 b, '-'. 114 BUhopton, pariah of Ripon. Not in D. B. Probably the two carucatea held in demoane by the archbishop in Kipon of D. B. 303 b, 2. m Unknown. » Bishop's Monkton, parish of Ripon. Monuckeion, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "" Markington, parish of Ripon. Merchintone, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. 13 ErUsholi, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. This ia probably tho land occupied by Herelles at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 (' [as o[>ro land j» Horcllos onstandafi') of iSt. Oswald's certificate (see n. 65). It ocouru as Utrlao, 1132, and Herlahowia, 1147-53, in original charters in Walbran, Memorial* of Fountains Abbey, Surteos Society, 1863, xlii. 156, 137, and c. 1200 as villa de llerleshou in the fifteenth-century 'Narratio de Fundatione Fontanis Mona- Bterii', ibid. L 54, where it is doscribed by the editor as ' a lost village by How Hill by Fountains Abbey'. In 1348 it is called MichaeU Howe alias Harlesihaice (ibid. i. 201). m Studley, parish of Ripon. Ettollai (Norman spelling of Studlai), D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "• Button Cirongc, parish of Ripon. Uudtoii, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. ul Nunwick, parishes of Ripon and Kirklington. Nonnewie, D. B. i. 303 b, 1. m Bishop Thornton, parish of Ripon. Torentune, D. B. i. 303 b, •>. "* In the manuscript a space equal to a lino is left blank. "* Sawley, parish of Ripon. Hallaia, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "• High and Low Grantley, parish of Ripon. Orenldaia, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "• Eavestone, parish of Ripon. Eucstonc, D. B. I 303 b, 2. "" Wilsil, pariah of Ripon (?). Wifteihale, D. B. L 303 b, 2. "• Probably near the KenaresfonU of U. B. L 303 b, 2. In 1328 in Archbishop Melton's register there is mention of ' Skeldon, quae quondam vocabatar Knarford ' (Skaife, Kirkby's Quest for Yorkshire, Surtees Society, 1867, vol. xlix. 417). Skeldon was in tho parish of Ripon: it is to bo distinguished from Skelton, which was also in Ripon, and which occurs in D. B. i. 303 b, 2, as Scheldone. The confusion of ' ford' and ' worth' is not uncommon in later times, but does not seem to have occurred so early as thin. Cnearres, which is familiar in Kuaresborovgh, is borrowed from Old Norse knprr, gen. foiarrar, ' a merchant-ship,' and is evidently an English genitive of Knprr, used an a nickname and then in true Scandinavian fashion as a real name. It is recorded as a man's name in late times in Iceland, Sweden, and Norway (E. H. Lind, Norsk-hU'ntdnka Dopnamnoch fngerade Namn fr&n Medcliiden, Uppsala, 1905, tc, col. 6(HI)- In tho manuscript a space equal to one line is left blank after Cnearres-treori. m Wostttick, parish of Ripon. Wertuie, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "• The o has been apparently altered from a. 11)12 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 19 Stanlege M1 iiii.; on Gyfcing-dale 14i i. hide ; ou Mercing-tune Jsreo oxna gang ; on Munccu-tune frco o.\na gang ; on Hotune143 ii. oxna gang. 4. Dia syndun Hocn-land into Rypuiu : on Gybinga deal (sic) viii. hida ; on! ofer call Muneea-tun vii. hida ; otul on East-wii- 1+4 ii. hida ; on Mercinga-tunc j>ridde healfe hide; ond on Heroles-ho bridde healf hide ; ond on Sufttune o$er healf hide ; on Nyrran Stanlege14i v. hida ; ond on NoriS Stanlege i. hide; ond on Nunne-wic i. hide; oml on Heawic us v. hida ; ond, on Sleaninga foi-da l47 ii. hida. four; in Civcndalu one hide; in Murkington three oxgangs; in Monkton three oxganga ; in Hutton two oxganga. 4. 'These are the sokc-landa (pcrtiiining) to Ripon: in Oivendalo eight hides; Downloaded from and over all Monkton seven hidos ; and in Eaatwick two hides ; in Markington two nnd a half hklcs ; and in " Hereles-hoh " two and a half hides ; andinSutton one and B half hides; in the Nearer Stainley five hides; and in North Stainley one hide; and in Nun wick one hide ; and in Hewick five hides ; and in Slcningford two hides.' The estates mentioned were ancient possessions of the arch- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ bishop of York. Eddi records that King Alchfrith granted to Wilfrid, about 6C0, ' terrain decem tributariorum JEt Stanforda, et post paululum coenobium in Hrypi.s, cum terra triginta raan- sionum,' ua which is reproduced by Beda.149 This is the Ripon estate, in which arc included possibly some later acquisitions. King Athelstan is said to have granted to Ripon one mile ' in circuitu' ; uo the survey is the earliest documentary evidence of at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 this Leuga Sancti Wilfridi, as it is called in Domesday. Sherburn is recorded to have been granted by King Edgar to Archbishop Oscytel in 963.m This is the date of Edgar's grant of twenty hides at Sherburn to Eslac, the text of which is preserved in the York liber Albus.1Ba Of the acquisition of Otleynothing is known. "' North Stainloy, pariah of Ripon. Erianlai, StarUai, and Nordstaitlai, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. . "* Qivondale, parish of Ripon. (Jhtrindale, D. B. i. 303 b, 2 (misreading of O. E. r =, / as |> = r ?). 1O Hutton Uonyers. Hottone, D. B. i. 303 b, 2. "* ' Eastwick' (D. B. i. 303 b, 2, h'stuinc, by common error for -tHiic) has disappeared, but Westwick, parish of Ripon, still survives. '*• ' Nyrran' is a late West Saxon form of ntarmn, dat. sing, of the comparative nfarra of n-'ah, ' nigh.' It is probably absorbed in North Stainley, which is mentioned noxt. '*• Copt Howiek and Bridge Hewiuk, parish of Ripon. Havvinc (for •uui'c). Hadewie, L). B. i. 303 b, -'. "' Sleningford, pariah of Ripon. tScUnrJordr, U. B. i. 303 b, 2. 1U Vila Wilfridi Episeopi, c. 8 (ed. lUinc, Hintoriam of York, i. 12). "• Hist. Eccl. lib. v, c. 19. Thoro is great doubt as to the situation of the former place, which is usually, but improbably, identified with Stamford in Lincolnshire. Smith suggested Stamford Bridge, near York. The name ' Stoneford' must have been a fairly common one. As Beda, iii. c. 2T>, states that the gift at Ripon was xL familiarum', it would seem that he regarded Stanford an merged in the grant of land at Ripon. According to D. B. i. 303 b, 2, there were in the ' leuga S. Wilfridi' forty-three caruoates ad gddtan, the three carncates presumably representing acquisitions or improved cultivation after Wilfrid's time. "* Memorials of Ripon, L 33. U1 'Oironicles of the Archbishops of York,' in Historians of York, ii. 340 n. '" Cart. Sax. ui 345, 695. C2 20 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January But it is noteworthy that Simeon of Durham states that after the Danish conquest of Yorkshire in 867 the archbishop retired to Hatyngham,"3 that is Addingham, which appears in Oswald's certificate as part of the estate at Otley.164 The surveys of these estates arc the oldest detailed accounts of lands in Yorkshire or the north generally that have come down to us. On these grounds alone they would challenge the interest of scholars. They have many other points of interest. They contain the earliest account of any of the great sokes so characteristic of the Danish parts of England, and they afford Downloaded from the earliest clear instance of the use of ' socn ' as a descriptive name for the district in which socn (in its abstract and more original sense) was exercised. The sokes are older than the date of these surveys, for the certificate of Oswald speaks of thirteen tunas or parts of tunas that had been taken away (illegally) from http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ Otley, and of six similar losses at Ripon, and of some at Sherburn, where mention is made of the loss of half the socn (evidently used in the abstract sense) that pertained to that place. Another important contribution to economic history is the proof of the use of ' hide ' in Yorkshire as late as the early part of the eleventh century. I drew attention to traces of the use of this word in the north in the pages of this Review twenty years ago.145 Professor Vinogradoff admits that, ' although the documents in at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 which they occur are open to suspicion, it is by no means im- probable that the ancient reckoning according to hides was still in use [in the north] in the tenth century \158 The hide is the general southern English measurement in early charters and in Domesday, and its occurrence in the north, where Domesday 1U In his account of tho archbishop* of York in Historians of York, ii. 253. The medieval historians of York know nothing of any grant by King Athelatan of Otley to tho archbishop of Y'ork. Tho statement to this effect in Cough's Camden seems to be tho figmont of nomo antiquary, like tho ' King Athelstan's Palace' at Shcrbum on the now ordnance map. Tho statement is repeated without qualification by T. Arnold in his unsatisfactory edition of Simoon of Durham, ii. 58 n., where ho suggests that tho monastery ' MWtcUi', whero Archbishop Eanbald died in 796, is Otley. But it is obvioua that tho first syllabic is merely the preposition ad, merged as usual in Simeon's text with tho local name governed by it, which appears here correctly as a dative singular. Tho place meant may bo Loakc, near Northallerton, written Ltche in tho early years of tho twelfth century (Liber Vitae Dunrlmcnsis, Surtces Soc., vol. xiii. 77), since c frequently appears as (in Simeon's printed texts. 1M Sec n. 65. 1U v. 143. Tho reforoncc to hides by tho Humber in Cod. DijJ. vi. 144 should be struuk out, as tho Humber appears to be the old name of a brook at Haseley, co. Oxford, to which placo tho charter relates. 114 Enjlish Socitly in Ihe Eleventh Century, 147. I can seo no reason for looking with suspioion upon St. Oswald's certificate (see n. 65), which Dr. Vinogradoff adds to the instances given by me, or upon the will of Wulfric Spott, despite the lateness of the manuscript authority. Hides arc mentioned at Sherburn and its dependent villages in the charter of 063 (Cart. Sax. iii. 340, C95), where the manuscript is certainly very late. 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 21 and later documents know only of earucates or ploughlands, can only be explained as a survival of an older system of nomen- clature, and therefore proof of its use in the eleventh century carries with it proof of its employment in the tenth. The state- ment of St. Oswald in his certificate that Archbishop Oscytel bought three hides ' set Bracenan' W7 of King Edgar might be got round by arguing that the word ' hide ' merely represents the chancery equivalent of ' ploughland ', or that it is a familiar West Saxon translation of the Latin word, whatever it was, used in the king's charter. Neither of these objections lies against the York surveys, for they were obviously written down by Downloaded from a Northumbrian in Yorkshire, probably at Sherburn. It is noticeable that.the components of the hide are not the regular ' yards ' or ' yardlands ', more familiar to us as ' virgates ', but ' oxgangs'. From the mention upon two occasions of ' five oxgangs ' it seems clear that the hide contained eight oxgangs http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ instead of the regular four virgates. There is here clear evidence of the encroachment of the ploughland and oxgang upon the hide and virgate system. The mention of oxgangs as the con- stituents of the hide dissipates any lingering possibility that the latter word may be due to the use of West Saxon instead of Northumbrian, for it is only in the Danish districts that the oxgang is met with. at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 It has been generally assumed that the ploughland and oxgang arc due to Danish influence. The word ' plough ' has been found once only in Old English documents in the alliterative legal formula ' ne plot ne ploh 'j168 while the compound ' plough- land ' has not been met with. These surveys afford plenty of instances of this compound, in the form ' plOgs-land', which corresponds exactly to the Old Norse pldgs-kmd, which is said to mean an acre,159 that is, the traditional area ploughed in one •" Cart. Sax. iii. 578. This should bo Brackon, parish of Kilnwick, a possession in later times of the archbishops of York, and in, if correct, probably an Old English form of the northern word ' bracken'. Tho initial in the manuscript is much rubbed, but it svoms to be b. It appears an a small d in the copy in the hand of •Junius (Harl. MS. 6841, p. 129'), whioh has considerably influenced Birch's text, notably in tho reading ' ten ' hides instead of ' one ' (an) hide at Stanleh (Stainley). "• The curious formula beginning ' Hit becwtDfl ond bocwsel' in Thorpe, Ancient Lavot and Institutes, p. 76, Schmid, 408, Anhang li, Liebermann, i. 400, who denotes it by its first verb as ' BecwaS '. He assigns it to c 1020-00. Pl6k, tdfi, and the &raf At-jru/uror ne lates ne landes (cf. Old Norse !<<> ok land) suggest a Danish element in this formula, although it is evidently outsido the wapentake district and within that of the hundreds. I am not certain that pfcA in this case means plough. "* By Cleasby and Vigfusson, no doubt on later Danish evidence (cf.' plogsgang' in O. Kalkar, Dansk Ordbog). But the only reference given by them and by Fritxner, Ordbog over det gamU nortke Sprog, 2nd edition, is to the Orkneyinga Saga, o. 80 (Rolls Series, i. 132, translated in iii. 137), where we are told that Bognvald, earl of Orkney, exacted from every owner of 6Sal (or family) land a mark for every ' plogs- land ', not as a relief but as a redemption of his feudal claims. In the tenth century 22 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January day, while the ' ploughland ' ia that ploughed in a season plutt the fallow. In view of the paucity of the Scandinavian evidence special weight must be given to the evidence of these surveys. The composition of plogs-land with the genitive singular is a proof of its Old Norse origin, the Old English dialects adhering to the older (Indo-Germanic) and more proper stem-composition. The mention in the surveys of two or more plogs-land shows that this word was a compound ; otherwise we should have the genitive plural ploga land, which does occur under Otley. The mention under this soke of ii. plfih shows that ' plough ' was neuter, and not masculine as in Old Norse. This is an early instance Downloaded from of the use of ' plough ' uncompounded in the sense of ' plough- land '. The evidence of the use of the ploughland in the Scandinavian north is very imperfect, owing to the lateness of the records and http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ to the fact that these records obviously disclose an artificial method of denominating land-areas, based upon the amount of money paid by them or the quantity of seed required to sow them. Steenstrup has maintained that the original unit in Denmark was the ploughland, and the same suggestion has been made in regard to Sweden.160 A trace of such a system has been found in the hrokland of Finland, which derived its name 181 from krolc, a Swedish dialectal name for a primitive plough (from at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 Old Norse krokr, the origin of our ' crook '). the Scandinavian mark was worth half an English pound. But it cannot have depre- ciated BO much by 113*1, the dato of this transaction, as to havo been leviable upon au acre of land. It ia probable, therefore, that the Orkney pltysland corresponded ill meaning with tho Anglo-Danish ploughland. In the Egils Saga King iEthelntan in made to offer to Olaf beforo tho great battlo of Vinhoithr a silver shilling from every plough in his realm (c. 52, § 22), which looks like a remombranco of the levying of the Danegeld. It is unfortunate that the history of the Old Norsa word ph~>gr should be BO obscure. It was an improved (probably a wheeled) plough as distinguished from the earlier form, which bore in Old Norse the name ardr (the cognate of wratrum, ifxnfxn), which is still represented in the Scandinavian dialects. See L. B. Falkmann, Om Milt oeh Vigt i Sverige, Stockholm, 1884, i. 140 ; Guthmnndsson's excellent article on early Scandinavian agriculture in HoopB, RraHtxikon der germaniteJien Alterivmskunde, i. 34; Hans Hildebrand, Sveriges Medeltid, Stockholm, 1879, &c., i. 184. Yet the word ' plough ' is not restricted in England and Scotland to the wheeled variety. Pliny describes this latter as a recent invention of tho Rhaetians, and gives plavmoratunt as their name for it, a word that is as great a crux as ' plough '. Tho supersession of nralrum by carruca among the Gauls is clearly due to the introduction of wheeled ploughs, since carruca undoubtedly meant primarily a wagon. Tho all-conquering progress of ' plough ' throughout tho Germanic dialects is probably to be explained in the same way. As the Old English s\Jh, which is cognate with Latin mdcut, continued in urn throughout the middle ages in the south, and still exists in dialects as tuU, it is hardly possible that this term should have meant in Old English solely the wheelless plough, and it in unlikely, if it had this restricted meaning and if pldh was a, native Old Englinh term for the wheeled plough, that the latter should not have found some record in Old English better than the alliterative formula mentioned above. '" Falkmann. i. 13ti. ln Ibid. 132 ; Hildebmnd, Sirri/jn Mrdellid, i. 184, 270 n. 3, 745. 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 23 Some countenance for the theory that the ploughland was introduced into this country by the Northmen may perhaps be found in the fact that the Normans used this system of land- measurement. The ploughland is found translated into Latin as terra unius arairi or terra unius carrucae in Norman charters before and after the conquest of England.162 It generally contained sixty Norman acres.163 The Norman acre contains 81 ares 72 cen- tiares against the 40 ares 46 centiares of the English statute acre.16* As the Norman acre contains a little more than two English acres, the Norman ploughland roughly corresponded in contents to the English hide or ploughland. The Normans accordingly had no Downloaded from difficulty in recognizing the identity of these denominations with their own,165 although they usually restricted carrucata, the latinization of the Romance word that they adopted as the designation of the terra unius aratri, to the ploughland of the Danish districts of England. They were also acquainted in http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ Normandy with the oxgang, which is similarly translated into Latin as terra ad unum bovem and bovata.1M It was easy to latinize ploughland and bovate, but when they came to the acre there was no obvious way of converting this Germanic measure into Latin or French. Hence the word retained its Germanic form. It is impossible to derive the Norman word from the Latin ager owing to Romance sound-changes, and for the same reason it is difficult to assign it to the Saxons of Bayeux, who have, according to at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 Meitzen,187 left so enduring a mark upon the map of Normandy. The word can hardly be borrowed from the English, as is assumed in the latest French etymological dictionary,168 and nothing remains but the conclusion that it is Scandinavian. For the same reasons that render the tracing of ploughlands in the north difficult it is not easy to prove that the Northmen used acre as Ia See OrdericuB Vitalis, ii. 31 (tho text of this charter is printed in v. 174), 33, 3tt (text in v. 177), 37 (text In v. 177), 110, 133, 413,426,441, 443; iv. 66 ; Oattia Chri*- tiana, xi. tantrum. coU. 12, 59, 107, 120, 153, 203, 226 (facsimile of original in Musit detArehivadiparUmenlalet, plato 18). Sco alito Leopold Delisle, Etudes rur la Condition de In Clout agricoU ei V&tal de F Agriculture en Normandie au moytn Age, Evrcux, 1851, pp. 298, 538. >•* Delude, p. 538. 1M Henry Moisy, Dictionnairc de 1'atois Xormand, Caen, 1887, s.v. ' acre.' la OrdericuH Vitalia, iii. 311, ' omnes carrueatas, quas Angli hidao vocant.' •** Charter of William the Conqueror to Coutance, 1061, in Lcchaude d'Anisy's CaHuIaire de la Bastc-Normandic, i. 131 (Public Record Office, Transcripts, 140 B), Terra ad trcs bovatat (omitted in Oaltia Christiana, xi. instrum. coL 229, Bound, Calendar, p. 341). See also Guerard, Cartulairc de VAbbaye de Saint-Pirc de Chartnt, p. clxx, § 159. ua Siedelung und Agrarvxten, iii. 237. la Hatifcld and Dannesteter, Dictionnaire gtniral de la langue franfaise, who state in the Traiti, p. 19, that acre ia confined to Normandy. Mackcl, Die germanixAen Element* in der jranzTutischen und provenzaluehen Sprache, Heilbronn, 1887, 63, ascribes the word to a late borrowing from German, which ia excluded by its appearance in Latinized forms in the eleventh century. 24 YORKSHIRE SURVEYS AND OTHER January a measure.169 The Norman acre, like the English, was divided into four parts called vergeex, which correspond in meaning with the English rood, each vergee consisting, again like our English equivalent, of forty square perches or perches (the Norman form is perque).110 The acre, vergee. and perque are still used in Nor- mandy in setting out land, despite the legal prohibition of the ancient customary measures.171 In Latin deeds the Norman acre appears as acra, ager, or accrws,172 the latter preserving the Ger- manic gender. The Normans must also have been acquainted with the furlong (which consists of forty square rods), since they rendered it in Domesday Book and in our English legal Latinity Downloaded from by quarentena.1™ The word inland, which occurs in theSherburn survey, has been explained since the days of Lambarde as equivalent to demesne. It is, however, a word of widely varying meaning, and is some- times mentioned as something distinct from the demesne, and http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ is sometimes applied to land belonging to a manor that lay in another village, sometimes at a considerable distance. In Nun- wick, one of the places mentioned in the Ripon survey, there were in the time of the Domesday survey three carucates of inland ad geldum, and therefore presumably not demesne. In this case the inland is contrasted with the sokeland, and it is possible 17 that the like contrast is intended in the Sherburn survey. * It at Stockholms Universitet on July 15, 2015 is remarkable that in the grant of Sherburn in 963 the boundaries speak of the whole of the twenty hides as inland, and then specify lands in nine villages, which occur in the survey among the soke- lands. The demesne appears to be represented in the surveys "* There are some indications of its existence in the (act that in the thirteenth century and in modern times twenty-four furrows ('lands' or ridges ?) make an acre (ager) in Falkmann, i. 136, 145, thongh this may correspond to the English ' furlong', a division of tho open field consisting of parallel 'lands', which was known in the Danish dUtricts of England as a ' wong', a word that I have been unable to trace with this manning in Scandinavia. The Norman-Latin word for the furlong or wong was cvltura. "• Moisy, ui supra ; Delislc, p. 535 ; Guerard, ut supra, p. cliLx, j 158. in Moisy, ui supra and in his Glossairc eomparatif anglo-normand, Caen, 1889, s. v. ' perque'. m QaMa Christiana, xi. instrum. coll. 12, 59, 04, 153, 203. "* In Godefroy's Dictionnaire it Canciennt langue francaise, x. 454, it is stated that the quaraniaint contained forty perches, but the definition seems to bo taken from the English evidence in Ducange. Another interesting Norman word in MoU3r, Diet, it Patois, wforilrc,' headland of a ploughed field.' This is the source of the/orem of our medieval Latin deeds. Side by side with it we meet with forerda, forertha, forerdum, which are latinixations of the Old English Jor(e)-yr6, a word that has been omitted from the dictionaries, although amply recorded. See my article in tho Transac- tions of the Philological Society, 1898, 630. The Old English word is a compound of fore, ' before,' and iert, ' ploughing,1 connected with the verb erian, ' plough,' which has a cognate in the Swedish Srja. "' Cf.Vinogradoff,p.366. The contrast between inland and sokeland may mean that inland is the land, demesne, and otherwise, actually owned by the lord of the soko, and that the sokeland is that over which he had rights of jurisdiction and little else. 1912 DOCUMENTS OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY 25 by "' Vinogradoff, p. 353, states that the Old English name for demesne was hired. But the passage quoted by him from a lato Old English will, in which the testator emancipates all his men ' on hiredo and on tune', does not prove this. It ia surely more reasonable to take thia as a reference to the serfs living in the house (hired) and those engaged in farm labour on tho manor-farm (i#7n). "* In Cart. Sax. ii. 134 we have a Kentish referenco to a foieriht requiring tho leaving of space for the cvegdrip, where fclcriht would seem to mean a by-law of Canterbury.