Epicurean Ethics: a Relook
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Cyrenaics and Epicureans on Pleasure and the Good Life: the Original Debate and Its Later Revivals
Cyrenaics and Epicureans on Pleasure and the Good Life: The Original Debate and Its Later Revivals Voula Tsouna Both ancient and modern historians of philosophy contrast the ethics of the Cyrenaics and the Epicureans with each other. And although this opposition often derives from doxographical interventions, there is no doubt that it reflects a historical fact, namely a longstanding and persistent rivalry between the two schools. Philosophical as well as chronological factors appear to have favored its development: both schools posit pleasure as the supreme good and pain as the supreme evil. And they temporally overlap: Epicurus was a near contem- porary of the later Cyrenaic sects, whose leaders were Paraebates, Theodorus, Anniceris, and Hegesias. As for the last known representatives of these sects, they coincide in time with Epicurus’s immediate successors. The purpose of this paper is to lay out the initial controversy and exam- ine its revivals in the late Hellenistic and Roman eras. Part One offers some necessary background about the earlier stages of interaction between the two schools. Part Two explains how the Academics Cicero and Plutarch appeal to the Cyrenaic doctrine in order to pursue their own anti-Epicurean agendas. Parts Three and Four examine the ways in which two late Epicurean authors, Philodemus (first century BCE) and Diogenes of Oinoanda (second century CE), target the Cyrenaics for their own philosophical and dialectical purposes. Part Five argues that both the original debate and its reenactments qualify as cases of philosophical polemics. Also, it speculates on the reasons why the Epicureans and their critics resurrect the Cyrenaics to advance their own aims. -
Leven: Een Kwestie Van Genieten1
Leven: een kwestie van genieten1 Ik wandel door het bos. Het is een stralende, winterse dag. De zon schijnt. De bladeren kleuren bruin, geel, oranje, rood. Er ligt een dun laagje ijs op het water. Mijn vijf maanden oude zoontje bungelt in zijn draag- doek op mijn buik. Ik voel: het lichaam dat ik ben geniet op dit ogenblik. Ik zit thuis aan tafel. Kaarslicht werpt schaduwen op het muurkleed. Muziek uit Mali klinkt uit de luidsprekers. Ik eet een bord heerlijk gekruide Thaise vissoep en drink een glas Chardonnay. Ik voel: het lichaam dat ik ben geniet op dit ogenblik. Ik loop - vijf jaar geleden, ik herinner het mij als de dag van vandaag – ‘s ochtends vroeg van Thorung Phedi naar Thorung La (in de Himalaya), meer dan vijf duizend meter hoog. Overal om mij heen verblindend witte sneeuw, de blauwe hemel – letterlijk: “on top of the world”. Ik voel: het lichaam dat ik ben geniet op dit ogenblik. Ik zit op een rots, aan een kiezelstrand aan de kust van het Griekse eiland Amorgos. De Aegeïsche zee ligt diep blauw voor mij. Mijn vriendin zit op haar knieën voor mij. Zij pijpt mij. Ik kom klaar. Ik voel: het lichaam dat ik ben geniet op dit ogenblik. Vier momentopnamen uit mijn leven die ik niet beschreven vind in het ‘meest succesvolle Filosofieboek van 2002’, de door Joep Dohmen ver- zorgde bloemlezing Over levenskunst 2. Waarom niet? Zouden grote filosofen deze ogenblikken niet kennen? Zouden ze deze momenten van genieten niet beschouwen als behorende tot het goede leven? En ‘kleine filosofen’ dan? 1 Deze tekst verscheen in het tijdschrift Filosofie, (april/mei 2003) 2 Joep Dohmen: Over levenskunst. -
Introduction
CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1.1. A Cyrenaic Parable: The Choice of Pleasure If we are to believe Xenophon, Socrates did not entirely approve of Aristippus of Cyrene. Xenophon and Aristippus were both among the crowd of young men who passed their leisure time with Socrates. However, Xenophon felt that he and Socrates agreed on the importance of self- control, which was the foun- dation of responsible management of one’s body, soul, household, relationships, and polis. By contrast, he narrates how Socrates “had noticed that one of his companions [i.e., Aristippus] was rather self- indulgent” with regard to food, drink, sex, sleep, cold, heat, and hard work (Mem. 2.1.1). So Socrates tries to show Aristippus the error of his ways. His admonishment concludes by recall- ing the wisdom of the poets Hesiod and Epicharmus, who concur that sweat and suffering are the price of all good things (2.1.20). He then paraphrases Prodicus’s story about “the choice of Heracles,” in which the hero is confronted with two allegorical figures. The figure of Vice promises every sort of pleasure without effort, while Virtue reiterates that there is no happiness without exer- tion (2.1.21– 34). Socrates does not tell us which choice Heracles made, but we all know he chose the path of suffering and glorious virtue. The question is, which choice did Aristippus make? Xenophon’s way of presenting Aristippus leads most readers to conclude that he chose the path of easy pleasure. Of course, this is not a reliable ac- count of the historical Aristippus’s thoughts. -
Aristippus and Xenophon As Plato's Contemporary Literary Rivals and The
E-LOGOS – Electronic Journal for Philosophy 2015, Vol. 22(2) 4–11 ISSN 1211-0442 (DOI 10.18267/j.e-logos.418),Peer-reviewed article Journal homepage: e-logos.vse.cz Aristippus and Xenophon as Plato’s contemporary literary rivals and the role of gymnastikè (γυμναστική) Konstantinos Gkaleas1 Abstrakt: Plato was a Socrates’ friend and disciple, but he wasn’t the only one. No doubt, Socrates had many followers, however, the majority of their work is lost. Was there any antagonism among his followers? Who succeeded in interpreting Socrates? Who could be considered as his successor? Of course, we don’t know if these questions emerged after the death of Socrates, but the Greek doxography suggests that there was a literary rivalry. As we underlined earlier, most unfortunately, we can’t examine all of them thoroughly due to the lack of their work, but we can scrutinize Xenophon’s and Aristippus’ work. All of them, Plato, Xenophon and Aristippus, presented to a certain extent their ideas concerning education. Furthermore, they have not neglected the matter of gymnastikè, but what is exactly the role of physical education in their work? Are there any similarities or any differences between them? Since, Xenophon and Aristippus (as well as Plato) seem to be in favor of gymnastikè, it is necessary to understand its role. Keywords: gymnastikè, Plato, Socrates, Xenophon, Aristippus. 1 Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 12 place du Panthéon, 75231 Paris Cedex 05, France, [email protected] Volume 22 | Number 02 | 2015 E-LOGOS – ELECTRONIC JOURNAL FOR PHILOSOPHY 4 Plato is a prominent thinker, whose influence on philosophy is an incontestable fact. -
For Many of the Ancient Greek Philosophers, the Ethical Life Was
Journal of Ancient Philosophy Vol. III 2009 Issue 1 Pathos, Pleasure and the Ethical Life in Aristippus Kristian Urstad (Nicola Valley Institute & British Columbia Institute of Technology) For many of the ancient Greek philosophers, the ethical life was understood to be closely tied up with important notions like rational integrity, self-control, self-sufficiency, and so on. Because of this, feeling or passion (pathos), and in particular, pleasure, was viewed with suspicion. There was a general insistence on drawing up a sharp contrast between a life of virtue on the one hand and one of pleasure on the other. While virtue was regarded as rational and as integral to advancing one’s well-being or happiness and safeguarding one’s autonomy, pleasure was viewed as largely irrational and as something that usually undermines a life of reason, self-control and self-sufficiency. I want to try to show that the hedonist Aristippus of Cyrene, a student and contemporary of Socrates, was unique in not drawing up such a sharp contrast. Aristippus, I argue, might be seen to be challenging the conception of passion and pleasure connected to loss of self-control and hubristic behavior. Not only do I try to show that pleasure according to Aristippus is much more comprehensive or inclusive than it is usually taken to be, but that a certain kind of control and self-possession actually play an important part in his conception of pleasure and in his hedonism as a whole. For many of the ancient Greek philosophers, the ethical life was understood to be closely tied up with notions like rational integrity, self-control, self-sufficiency, and so on. -
ABSTRACT the Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine's
ABSTRACT The Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine’s Cassiciacum Dialogues Mark J. Boone, Ph.D. Directors: Thomas S. Hibbs, Ph.D., and Michael P. Foley, Ph.D. The philosophical schools of late antiquity commonly diagnosed human unhappiness as rooted in some fundamental disorder in our desires, and offered various therapies or prescriptions for the healing of desire. Among these only the neo-Platonic treatment for desire requires redirecting desire towards an immaterial world. Although Augustine agrees with the neo-Platonists on the need to redirect our desires to an immaterial world, he does not adopt their therapy for desire. Instead he adopts a thoroughly Christian approach to the healing of desire. The conversion of desire results from the Trinitarian God’s gracious actions taken to heal our desires. Augustine does not recommend fleeing from the influence of the body, as neo-Platonism encourages, but fleeing to Christ, immersing ourselves in the life of the Church, and practicing the theological virtues. In this dissertation I examine Augustine’s Cassiciacum dialogues. In Contra Academicos (Against the Academics), Augustine argues that we must vigorously desire wisdom in order to attain it; that we must have hope in the possibility of attaining wisdom; and that our desire for wisdom must be bound in faith to Christ. In De beata vita (On the Happy Life), Augustine argues that the Trinitarian God is the only perennially satisfying object of desire and shows that the pursuit of God is the activity of a prayerful community of believers who are practicing faith, hope, and charity. In De ordine (On Order), Augustine recommends that the reordering of our desires be pursued through a liberal arts education and through Christian morals. -
The Polemical Practice in Ancient Epicureanism* M
UDK 101.1;141.5 Вестник СПбГУ. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3 The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism* M. M. Shakhnovich St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro- man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con- troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present- ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine, but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac- tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank- ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous opinions. -
Michel Onfray the Atheist Manifesto the Case Against Christianity
CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVES ON SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY ISCAST Online Journal 2010 Michel Onfray The atheist manifesto The case against Christianity, Judaism and Islam Melbourne University Press, 2007, 219 pp. ISBN: 9780522853964, ISBN: 0 522 85396 X Reviewed by James Garth I have a confession to make. Immediately after reading The atheist manifesto I remarked to my wife that I was sorely tempted to brand it as ‘intellectual sewage’ and consign it to oblivion on the bookshelf. But, shocked by the astonishing harshness of my own initial assessment, and determined to strive for objectivity (lest my subliminal theistic sympathies be unfairly biasing my critique), I sought out other learned reviews, desperate for some sort of confirmation that Manifesto really was as bad as it appeared. Regrettably, it was. The Age was scalding, stating ‘It is another deliberately distorted, bile-filled jeremiad’ (Zwartz 2007), while The Sydney Morning Herald was succinct, labelling it simply as ‘a bad, bad book’ (Windsor, 2007). This is a shame, since one would be well within reason to expect much, much more from Michel Onfray, lauded as ‘France’s most popular philosopher’ (Melville 2007). Sadly, The atheist manifesto is an exercise in bridge demolition rather than bridge building. Unremittingly polemic in style, unrelentingly caustic in its castigation of monotheism — ‘Monotheisms have no love for intelligence, books, knowledge, science’ (Onfray p95) — Manifesto was quite clearly written ‘in a fit of anger’ as its author not unashamedly confides (Melville, 2007). One wonders whether Onfray’s palpable anger has been accentuated or diminished in Jeremy Leggatt’s florid translation, whose verbose tirades leave no thesaurus page unturned in their quest for the ultimate verbal skewer. -
A Philosophical Treatise of Universal Induction
Entropy 2011, 13, 1076-1136; doi:10.3390/e13061076 OPEN ACCESS entropy ISSN 1099-4300 www.mdpi.com/journal/entropy Article A Philosophical Treatise of Universal Induction Samuel Rathmanner and Marcus Hutter ? Research School of Computer Science, Australian National University, Corner of North and Daley Road, Canberra ACT 0200, Australia ? Author to whom correspondence should be addressed; E-Mail: [email protected]. Received: 20 April 2011; in revised form: 24 May 2011 / Accepted: 27 May 2011 / Published: 3 June 2011 Abstract: Understanding inductive reasoning is a problem that has engaged mankind for thousands of years. This problem is relevant to a wide range of fields and is integral to the philosophy of science. It has been tackled by many great minds ranging from philosophers to scientists to mathematicians, and more recently computer scientists. In this article we argue the case for Solomonoff Induction, a formal inductive framework which combines algorithmic information theory with the Bayesian framework. Although it achieves excellent theoretical results and is based on solid philosophical foundations, the requisite technical knowledge necessary for understanding this framework has caused it to remain largely unknown and unappreciated in the wider scientific community. The main contribution of this article is to convey Solomonoff induction and its related concepts in a generally accessible form with the aim of bridging this current technical gap. In the process we examine the major historical contributions that have led to the formulation of Solomonoff Induction as well as criticisms of Solomonoff and induction in general. In particular we examine how Solomonoff induction addresses many issues that have plagued other inductive systems, such as the black ravens paradox and the confirmation problem, and compare this approach with other recent approaches. -
Le Testament by Jean Meslier: the Pioneering Work of the Militant Atheism in France
STUDIA HISTORICA GEDANENSIA TOM VII (2016) Aleksandra Porada (SWPS University of Social Sciences) Le Testament by Jean Meslier: the Pioneering Work of the Militant Atheism in France The ongoing debate of the ‘laicization’ of the Western intellectual production during the Enlightenment seems to be far from being closed. Still, we cannot deny that the attitudes towards both the ecclesiastical institutions and Christian beliefs in Western Europe started to change in the end of the 17th c. In France, one of the centers of the intellectual life of the West, the process called ‘dechris‑ tianization’ was manifest at many levels – beginning from the peasants becoming less generous in paying for masses when losing a relative, up to the disputes of intellectuals about delicate questions of theology. Paradoxically, the most radical thinker of the epoch, Jean Meslier (1664– 1729), remains relatively little known even to the historians of ideas. His life remains rather obscure, for he was just a modest priest working all his life in a village; his work seems to have been far too radical to be printed in an unabridged version till mid‑19th c., but also simply too long to be read by more than a handful of students. And yet, Meslier’s Testament deserves to be studied closely. It is the first known treaty about the non‑existence of God in the French language, and a classic of materialist philosophy as well; and an uncompromis‑ ing attack on religious institutions followed by a radically new vision of an egalitarian society which made Meslier a pioneer of both atheist and commu‑ nist thought. -
The Influence of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Cynicism, and Stoicism on Human Life in the Early Church
Theological Research ■ volume 3 (2015) number 1 ■ p. 25–42 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/thr.1680 Arkadiusz Baron The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow, Poland The Influence of Aristotelianism, Epicureanism, Cynicism, and Stoicism on Human Life in the Early Church Abstract: This article deals with the issue of ancient Greek models of life proposed by Aristotle, Epicurus and the Stoics. The author tries to describe how and which of these models were assimilated by Christian society during the first centu- ries and which were rejected. The purpose of this article is to show how im- portant Aristotle’s, the Stoics and Epicurus’ philosophy was for Christians in the advancement of the Christian lifestyle among the Greek societies. Un- derstanding the development of theology in the early Greek Church requires knowledge of the ideals and values that shaped the thinking and behavior of people before they heard about the Gospel of Jesus. Keywords Aristotle, Stoics, Epicurus, Plato, ancient Greek and Christian models of hu- man life 26 Arkadiusz Baron Introduction In the article Greek Models of Life up to Plato’s Philosophy and its Influ- ence on the Christian Life in the Early Church I presented a brief account of the ancient Greek models of life up to the time of Plato’s philoso- phy as well as their importance for the lifestyle of the first Christian generations. In the present article, I will search Aristotle’s, Epicurus’ and the Stoic’s writings to find the ideals they contained regarding the human person and I will attempt to show their influence on Christian writings in the firsts centuries. -
AUGUSTINE on SUFFERING and ORDER: PUNISHMENT in CONTEXT by SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON a Thesis Submitted in Conformity With
AUGUSTINE ON SUFFERING AND ORDER: PUNISHMENT IN CONTEXT BY SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON A Thesis Submitted in Conformity with the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto © Samantha Elizabeth Thompson 2010 Augustine on Suffering and Order: Punishment in Context Samantha Elizabeth Thompson Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto 2010 Abstract Augustine of Hippo argues that all suffering is the result of the punishment of sin. Misinterpretations of his meaning are common since isolated statements taken from his works do give misleading and contradictory impressions. This dissertation assembles a comprehensive account of Augustine’s understanding of the causes of suffering to show that these views are substantive and internally consistent. The argument of the dissertation proceeds by confronting and resolving the apparent problems with Augustine’s views on sin and punishment from within the broader framework of his anthropology and metaphysics. The chief difficulty is that Augustine gives two apparently irreconcilable accounts of suffering as punishment. In the first, suffering is viewed as self-inflicted because sin is inherently self-damaging. In the second, God inflicts suffering in response to sin. This dissertation argues that these views are united by Augustine’s concern with the theme of ‘order.’ The first account, it argues, is actually an expression of Augustine’s doctrine that evil is the privation of good; since good is for Augustine synonymous with order, we can then see why he views all affliction as the concrete experience of disorder brought about by sin. This context in turn allows us to see that, by invoking the ii notion of divinely inflicted punishment in both its retributive and remedial forms, Augustine wants to show that disorder itself is embraced by order, either because disorder itself must obey laws, or because what is disordered can be reordered.