DEME THEATERS in ATTICA and the TRITTYS SYSTEM Author(S): Jessica Paga Source: Hesperia: the Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol

Home , Attica, Attica (constituency), Attica (region), Eleusis, Oropos, Paiania

DEME THEATERS IN ATTICA AND THE TRITTYS SYSTEM Author(s): Jessica Paga Source: Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 79, No. 3 (July-September 2010), pp. 351-384 Published by: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40981054 . Accessed: 18/03/2014 10:15

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ABSTRACT

Analysisof the physical form and geographic distribution of deme theaters in Atticademonstrates their multiplicity offunctions during the Classical period. A patternof one théâtral area per trittys per phyle is identified,pointing to the use ofthe trittyes as nodesof communication within the broader framework ofAthenian society and democratic organization. The authorargues that the multifunctionalnature of thetheaters is integrallylinked to theirrelation- shipwith the trittyes, and positsthat the théâtral areas facilitated both deme and trittyesgatherings. The preciserole of the trittyes in organizationaland administrativefunctions is furtherconsidered.

INTRODUCTION

Deme theaters,or théâtralareas, dot both the countryside ofAttica and ourepigraphical sources.1 In thisarticle, I examinethe evidence for 19 demetheaters in Atticaduring the 5th and 4th centuries b.c., combining disparatesources in orderto considertheaters attested in literatureand inscriptionsas well as thosefound in archaeologicalcontexts (Fig. l).The physicalremains of known deme theaters are discussed in detail to establish patternsof construction and form. The overarchinggoal of the first part of theinvestigation is to identify the distribution, shape, and functions of the demethéâtral areas, noting the hybridity oftheir form and the implications ofthe spatial dynamics of the areas. In thesecond part, this emphasis on formand function is developed with respect to the administrative and orga- nizationalmakeup of Athenian society and the democracy, with particular

1. An abbreviatedversion of this thisproject. The twoanonymous references,as well as to MargaretMiles, paperwas presentedin 2010 at the reviewersfor Hesperia provided in- JackDavis, and DenverGraninger. 111thAnnual Meeting of the Archaeo- sightfulcomments and critiques,as YukiFuruya and EmilyEgan lenttheir logicalInstitute of America in Ana- did editorTracey Cullen. Thanks and expertiseand aid in thedrawing of the heim,California. I would like to thank appreciationalso go to RonaldStroud, maps.All translationsof ancient T. Leslie ShearJr. and Josiah Ober for who generouslydonated his time sourcesare my own. theirinvaluable help and advicewith and providedhelpful comments and

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Figure 1. Map ofAttica showing all attesteddéme theaters.J. Paga emphasison the trittys system: the multiplicity ofpurposes implied by the demetheaters helps illuminate the structures and functions of Athenian societyand of the demokratia onboth a demeand trittys level. Rather than viewingthe trittyes interms of military organization and deployment, we canidentify a more administrative use.2 An explorationof the political organization of the Athenian democ- racymust, by necessity, involve an investigationofthe system of demes, partof the Kleisthenic reforms instituted inthe last decade of the 6th centuryb.c. One of the elementsthat may aid our understandingof the demesis thepresence, or lack, of theaters or théâtral areas. The geographic distributionofthe deme theaters represents a crucial link in ourconcep- tualizationof the division of the Attic countryside into bureaucratic or administrativesegments. Additionally, anevaluation of extant and attested demetheaters highlights the role of the théâtral areas and possibly of the festivalof theRural Dionysia in thefunctioning of thedemes, as well as in themore ofthe The of deme generalorganization polis. question 2. Forthe military use and function is in the ofthe Rural and theaters,therefore, tied up question Dionysia, ofthe trittyes, see Siewert1982; Hum- bothare connectedto theelaborate matrix of Athenianritual, society, phreys2008. The problemis discussed anddemocracy. in greaterdetail below, pp. 379-381.

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In the followingpages, I discussand evaluateall knownand attested deme theatersin Attica duringthe 5th and 4th centuriesb.c., also con- sideringthe likelihoodthat these demes celebrated the RuralDionysia. I subsequentlyanalyze the physical layout of the archaeologically identifiable deme théâtralareas, discuss the relationshipbetween form and function in the theaters,and demonstratehow a morenuanced understanding of thesespaces can have a profoundimpact on variousmodels for thinking aboutAthenian society and democracy.There followsa sectiondetailing the Rural Dionysia and the role of cultin extra-as tu activity.The article concludeswith an appraisalof the trittyssystem and, more specifically, of the roleof théâtralareas within the trittysnetworks of Attica. A more preciseadministrative and organizationalrole forthe trittyesis posited, highlightingtheir important,but frequentlyoverlooked, function in Atheniansociety.

DEME THEATRAL AREAS: THE EVIDENCE

It is an unfortunatecircumstance of preservationthat of the 139 Attic demes,only six have yielded archaeological evidence for a theateror thea- tralarea, and only threeof these extantsites have been thoroughlyand authoritativelypublished.3 It seemsnot onlypossible, but entirelyreason- able,however, to extrapolatebackward from texts to remainsin the case of the deme theaters:textual evidence for the celebrationof the Rural Dionysia,or epigraphic evidence for a systemoichoregoi, for example, could be an indicationof a theaterin those demes in which remainshave not yetbeen found.David Whiteheadtakes this approach in his discussionof the RuralDionysia, when he suggeststhat evidence regarding the staging of performancesand contestsimplies the existenceof a theater,and vice versa.4Given thispresupposition, then, it is possibleto identify19 demes in whicha theateris in someway attested(Fig. 1). There is currentlyno scholarshipthat synthesizesall of the most recenttextual and physicalevidence for theaters into a singlediscussion, butcombining the evidence of Pickard- Cambridge, Whitehead, and Jones withmore recent discoveries makes it possible to arriveat a comprehensive list of theaters.The literaryand epigraphicevidence indicates theaters

3. Thorikos,Ikarion, and Rhamnous ologicalevidence for attested théâtral havebeen extensively documented and areasbut lack definitive publication. published.Of thetwo theaters at Piraeus, The remainsat Euonymonhave been thelater theater in Zea (ca. 150 b.c.) publishedin briefreports in BCH and has beenexcavated and published,but Ergon,and aresummarily treated in theearlier one nearMounychia (ca. variousother publications (see nn.42- 450 b.c.),although known since at least 47, below),whereas the theater at the19th century, was coveredover Acharnaihas onlybeen briefly men- byan apartmentbuilding in theearly tionedin Kathimeriniand inArchaeo- 20thcentury and itsremains are no logicalReports. longervisible. Euonymon (modern 4. Whitehead1986, p. 219. Trachones)and Acharnaihave archae-

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 354 JESSICA PAGA in the followingdemes: Acharnai,Aigilia, Aixone, Anagyrous, Eleusis, Euonymon,Hagnous, Halai Araphenides,Ikarion, Kollytos, Myrrhinous, Paiania,Piraeus, Phlya, Rhamnous, andThorikos.5The demes of Cholleidai and Lamptraiare occasionallyposited as demes with theaters,although the evidenceremains problematic and positiveidentification is doubtful.6 Sphettosis likewiseconsidered a candidatefor a théâtralarea by some, althoughthe assignationis tenuousand unlikely.7There is also evidence fora theateron Salamis.8This list,if we are to trustin thevalidity of the propositionthat an epigraphiclisting of, for example, a grantoìproedria in a specificdeme impliesthe presence of a theater,is helpfulin plottingthe locationsof deme theaters and seeingtheir geographic distribution (Fig. 1). Of thedemes with textual evidence for a theater,there are sixthat present archaeologicalevidence as welhThorikos,Ikarion, Euonymon, Rhamnous, Piraeus,and Acharnai.9An examinationof the archaeologicalremains in

5. Pickard-Cambridge1968, whetherthe inscription refers to Up- theannouncement of some undeter- pp.42-56; Whitehead1986, pp. 219- peror LowerPaiania. Lower Paiania minedsubject at Lamptrai(it is unclear 221;Jones 2004, pp. 129-136.This list is assumedthroughout this article due whetherthis refers to Upperor Lower is basedon epigraphicaland textual to itshigher bouleutic quota (11 for Lamptrai)at theDionysia. The phyleis evidence;the archaeological evidence LowerPaiania versus 1 forUpper notidentified, although we can assume is treatedseparately below. Acharnai: Paiania).Piraeus: IG IF 380, 456, 1035, it to be Erechtheis.It is also unclear /GIF 3106,3092, 1206;ArchEph 131 1496,1672, 1176 (=AgoraXJXyL 13, whetherthe Dionysia in questionis the (1992) [1993],pp. 179-193 (= SEG line 106), 1214;Ael. VH2.13; Arist. Ruralor theCity. The textis heavily XLIII 26). Aigilia:IG IP 3096.Aixone: Ath.Pol. 54.8; Dem. 21.10; Lys.13.32; restored. /GIF 1197,1198, 1200, 1202;^M66 Thuc. 8.93;Xen. Hell 2.4.32. Phlya: 7. SEG XXXVI 187 (fragmentof (1941),pp. 218-219, no. 1. It is worth- Isae. 8.15.Rhamnous: IG IF 3108,3109, a stelefrom Philati, possibly assigned whileto note,however, with Moreno 1311;SEGXXll 120,129; SEGXXX1 to Sphettosby Jones [2004, p. 135]). (2007,p. 72, n. 153),that only IG IF 118 (thereference to thetheater is re- Associationwith the/a Dionysia de- 1202 specificallymentions the theater stored).Thorikos: SEG XXVI 136, pendson therestoration of lines 10-11. in Aixone,whereas the other inscrip- XXXIII 147,XXXIV 107,XXXIV 174, The findspotand extensiverestorations tionssimply refer to "thetheater." LV 128. A recentpublication by Lasag- makethe connection extremely tenu- Anagyrous:IG II2 1210 (fromVari ni (2004) discussesseveral of the hono- ous,and Sphettos,like Lamptrai, = Anagyrous;Whitehead 1986, p. 220, rificdecrees listed above, dividing them shouldprobably not be considereda n. 261). Eleusis:IG IF 949, 1185,1186, intofour categories based on theiden- likelycandidate for a demetheater. 1187,1189, 1192, 1193, 3090, 3100, tityof the honorands (= SEG LV 39). 8. /GIF 1008,1011, 1227, 3093; 3107; Hesperia8 (1939),pp. 177-180 6. Cholleidai:the deme may be as- Arist.Ath. Pol. 8. Forthe purposes of (= IG IF 1194 + 1274 + newfragment). sumedto havea theateronly if the pro- thisarticle, the Salaminian theater will Euonymon:SEG XXXII 267. Hagnous: tagonistof Aristophanes' Acharnians, notbe considered. IG IF 1183,previously attributed to Dikaiopolis,did in factcome from this 9. All ofthe demes with archaeo- Myrrhinousand reassignedby Traili northerndeme (see lines202-279 for logicalevidence of a théâtralarea have (1975,p. 132). Halai Araphenides: theperformance of the festival, line 406 textualattestations as well(see n. 5, ArchEph1932, pp. 30-32 (briefly forDikaiopolis's demotic: AimiórcoÀiç above).Recent excavations at Acharnai mentionedin Whitehead1986, p. 220, kocÀ-còg' ó XoÀA,f|8r|çéyco). For discus- haverevealed the remains of a theater, n. 263); Ergon1957, pp. 24-25 (the sionof the problems with positing butas it has notyet been published decreeis notedhere, and mentioned Cholleidaias a demethat celebrated and is notaccessible, it is notexten- inJones 2004, p. 133,but is otherwise theRural Dionysia, see Compton- sivelydiscussed below. There are two unpublished).Ikarion: IG V 253,254 Engle 1999,pp. 364, 366-367;Jones theatersat Piraeus(see n. 3, above);the (= SEG LIV 57, 58), IG II2 1178,2851, 2004,p. 131. Cholleidaihas beenre- latertheater, near Zea, is notdiscussed 3094,3095, 3098, 3099; Hesperia17 tainedas a possibledeme with a thea- here.The théâtralarea at Euonymon (1948),pp. 142-143,no. 1 (= SEG tralarea in themaps and tablesfor this has beenonly cursorily documented, XXII 117). Kollytos:Aeschin. 1.157; article,although its uncertain identifi- so discussionof this theater is likewise Dem. 18.180.Kollytos, as a citydeme, cationis indicatedby a questionmark. limited,although not to thesame representsan exceptionalcase andwill Lamptrai:IG IF 1161,a frag- extentas Acharnaiand Piraeus,as it be treatedin greaterdetail below. Myr- mentaryhonorary decree from the was possiblefor me to viewmuch of rhinous:IG IF 1182.Paiania: IG IF Acropolis,dated to theend ofthe theexcavated area in modernTrachones 3097,although note that it is unclear 4thcentury b.c. The decreecalls for in November2009.

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Figure2. Thorikos,plan ofthéâtral area. AfterGebhard 1974, p. 430,fig. 1. thesedemes will help shed light on thegeneral makeup of deme theaters CourtesyAmerican School of Classical Studiesat Athens and,in turn,aid in an understandingofdeme theaters on a broaderlevel. The remainsat Thorikos are the earliest treated here and the struc- turesare well preserved, providing a clearexample of theoverall form andlayout of the théâtral space (Figs. 2, 3). The areawas firstexcavated in 1886,but the ruins, at leastin part,had longbeen visible.10 The first stageof construction and use ofthe orchestra is datedto theend of the 6thcentury, between 525 andjust after 480.11 Herman Mussche, in fact, wouldprefer a datecloser to thebeginning of the 5th century.12 At this time,the theater consisted of a smallrectilinear orchestra, delineated to thesouth by a terracewall, A- A (Fig.2; all referencesto wallnames and structurelettering are taken from Elizabeth Gebhard 's 1974 plan,with modificationsbythe author). The naturalslope of the hill was most likely usedfor seating; there are no permanentremains to indicatea prescribed caveaduring this period, although the existence of ephemeral architectural components,such as woodenikria, or benches,is possible.13It is worth notingthat this first phase in Thorikos is nearlycontemporary with the firstTheater of Dionysos in Athens.14 The theaterwas enlargedand alteredbetween 480 and 425. A new retainingwall, B-B, was addedjust south of A- A, andthe lower part of

lO.Trwlos,Jttika, p. 430. For 13.Trivios, Attika, p. 430; Gebhard forthe skene and cavea.Only the ele- excavationdetails and discussionof the 1974,p. 429. mentsthat were structurally necessary theater,see Hackens1963, 1965. 14. Gebhard1974, p. 429 (with forthe utilization of the site or that 11. Hackens1965, pp. 80-84; Geb- n. 6). Note also thatat thisstage both wouldbe labor-and cost-intensiveto hard1974, p. 429. theatersconsisted primarily of tempo- reconstructfor every use (e.g.,retaining 12. Mussche1975, p. 46. raryfeatures, i.e., timber constructions walls)were built in stone.

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3. Thorikos,aerial view of thecavea was articulated with stone theentire théâtral com- Figure seats,giving théâtral area. Photo© ThorikosArchive, plexan ellipticalshape.15 A smalltemple dedicated to Dionysos,G, was GhentUniversity builtto thewest of the theater and an altar,H, wasplaced on theeastern sideof the orchestra, forcing the cavea at thispoint to divergefrom its projectedtrack to createa spacebetween the lowest line of seats and the altar.A smallcomplex of rooms of unclear purpose, E andF, extends from theeastern wing of the cavea.16 In themid-4th century (after 350), more alterationstook place, including the enlargement ofthe cavea to the north alongwith the construction of a newanalemma wall, an extensionthat allowedeven greater numbers of spectators to fillthe area (Fig. 3).17Two entranceswere also addedto therear of the extended cavea, permitting easieraccess to theupper tiers of seatsfrom the hillside (Fig. 3: upper centerand right).

15. It is worthstressing that thzpro- seatsemphasize the rectilinear form of 17. See Mussche1990, and 1975, edriaseats and, in general,the lower theorchestra area. p. 52, fordiscussion of the population tiersof the cavea run in a relatively 16. Dilke (1950,p. 26) postulates ofThorikos and itsrelation to the straightline, southwest-northeast, and thatthese rooms were used as a type seatingcapacity of the theater. See it is onlythe flank ends (to thewest of"green room" for actors to change n. 67, below,for details regarding the and eastof the two stairways) that form costumesor wait. Mussche (1994, populationand capacityof the theaters a slightlycurvilinear shape. The cen- p. 214) callsthe set of rooms a "ban- atThorikos and Euonymonand the trality and straightnessof theproedria quetinghall." possiblefinancial ramifications.

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Ikarionis thenext theater in chronologicalorder, if we areto acceptthe mid-5th-centuryinscription IGV 253, 254 as an indicationthat dramatic performanceswere undertaken in thedeme at thistime.18 The fragmentary inscriptionrecords the choosingof two choregoifrom those in the deme who have not undertakena liturgybefore, with specificreference to the performanceof tragedy.19There are fiveother inscriptions from Ikarion thatrefer to dramaticcompetitions and the institutionof choregoi,all of whichdate to the4th century:/GIF 1178, 3094, 3095, 3098, and 3099.20 There thus appearsto be a strongtradition of dramaticperformance in this deme throughoutthe Classical period. Ikarion has furthermytho- logical and historicalconnections with Dionysos and acting:it was the site of the god's firstlanding in Attica,where he was hostedby Ikarios, to whom he impartedthe artof viniculture.21Ikarion is also said to have been thehome demeofThespis, the figure associated with the beginnings of tragedyand comedy.22 The remainsof the stone theater at Ikarionare dated to the4th century, althoughit seems possible that some sort of nonpermanent construction was - in place previously(Fig. 4).23The primaryconstituents of thetheater or - moreprecisely, théâtral area as it appearsnow includea stonewall, O, and a proedriaof fivethrones, K.24Wall O is a retainingwall to support the packed-earthfloor of the orchestra,again of a rectilinearshape. The placementoí theproedria indicates the western boundary of theorchestra and thebeginning of the cavea. Carl Buck,the originalexcavator, noted a line of stones,possibly for stelai bases, continuing to the southwestof the proedria,but these have now disappeared (cf. Fig. 4, featureN, and Fig. 5).25 There does not appearto be anydelineation of the orchestrato the north or south,although the slightly protruding obtuse legs ofwall O (wallsb-d

18. Originalpublication of inscrip- drinkingthe new beverage, killed him, (1974,p. 436), notingIG I2 186,187 tion:Buck 1889,pp. 307-315,no. 9. believingthat he had triedto poison (= I3 253,254), datedto around440 b.c., Buck,on thebasis of the letter forms, them.For the ancient references to remarksthat "the theater was built datesthe inscription between 447 and Ikarios,see Hyg.Poet. astr. 2.4, Fab. aroundthe same time."Travlos (Attika, 403,Dilke (1950,p. 31) datesit to 130; Eratosth.Erigane frr. 22-27 Pow- p. 85) commentsthat the first building "about440 b.c.,"and Gebhard(1974, ell;Apollod. Bibl 2.14; Arist.fr. 515 phaseprobably dates to theend ofthe p. 436) concurswith Dilke. Whitehead Rose;Ael. NA 7.28. 6thcentury (he comparesit to thefirst (1986,p. 215) assignsit moregener- 22. Pickard-Cambridge(1962, phaseof construction on thePnyx), but allyto the"second half of the fifth pp. 69-89) discussessources for Thes- notesthat all theother buildings in the century"(emphasis original). Dramatic pis;the ancient references for his origin areaare of 4th-century construction. performancesseem to havecertainly in Ikarionare Ath. 2.40a-b and the 24. Biersand Boyd1982, p. 14: takenplace before this time, though, Suda,but see Pickard-Cambridge's "We believethat, lacking positive as is impliedby the stipulation that the discussionfor critiques of these late evidenceof the use ofthis area as a choregoibe thosewho havenot served attestations,as wellas forthe problem theater,it wouldbe bestto consider before.The inscriptionis also discussed ofthe reality of "Thespis" himself. it as a 'théâtralarea,' recognizing that in detailand a newtext is publishedin Pickard-Cambridge(1968, pp. 48-49) in a demecenter secular activities are Makres2004 (= SEG LIV 57-58). discussesthe deme of Ikarion and the just as likelyas théâtralactivities to 19.Whitehead (1986, pp. 215-216) beginningsof traeedv and comedv. havebeen carried out in sucha space." discussesthe significance of the ap- 23. Biersand Boyd1982, p. 18: Throughoutthis article, I use "theater" pointmentof a pairof choregoi. "Mostof the stone construction on the and "théâtralarea" interchangeably, in 20. Whitehead(1986, p. 216) de- site[of the ancient théâtral area] . . . orderto emphasizethe fluidity of space scribesthese dedications in greater probablydates no earlierthan the 4th and to avoidthe limitations of certain detail. centuryb.c." Bulle (1928,p. 6) suggests typologicallabels. 21. Notoriously,Ikarios gave this a 4th-centuryb.c. date,with which 25. Buck 1889,pp. 176-177;Biers wineto hisfellow villagers, who, upon Dilke (1950,p. 31) concurs.Gebhard and Boyd1982, p. 12.

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This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 360 JESSICA PAGA and a-c) mayhint at thegeneral parameters.26 We are leftwith an area of roughlyrectilinear form, but as Gebhardnotes, "regularity and symmetrydo notappear to havebeen importantto thebuilders."27 Perhaps this seeming lackof concern with symmetrical shape belies the more fundamental purpose and functionof the space: a théâtralarea or meetingplace need not be a perfectcircle or square,as long as it facilitatesthe requirementsof itsuse. Put anotherway, a circulardance can be performedin a rectilinearspace, and thedemands of visibility and communalgathering are more important thanprecise symmetry. The formof the orchestra at Ikarionshould not be considereda carelessaccident or oversight,but an adaptiveuse ofthe space forspecific purposes. Possiblycontemporary with Ikarion, the remains of the early theater at Piraeusare tentatively dated to themid-5 th century,about the time of the Hippodamianlayout for the city.28 Thucydides (8.93.1) refersto thetheater as "theDionysiac Theater at Mounychia,"but it laterbecame knownas "theold theater,"after the mid-2nd-century construction of the theater at Zea.29Following the original excavation in 1881,the remains were covered and a housingdevelopment was builtover the area,but the reportsat the timeand shortlyafterward indicate a cavealocated approximately halfway up the side of theMounychia hill, oriented to facenorthwest (toward the harbor).30Nineteenth-century discussions of the remainson Mounychia, bothprior to and followingthe excavations, do notspecify whether the orchestrawas rectilinearor circular,although it is shownin an ellipticalform in Kartenvon Attica, map IIa, and thesame form is reproducedin Judeich's plan III.31 Perhapsmore important to thecurrent purpose of this discussion, the theaterat Piraeuswas closelyassociated with politicalrallies and deme assemblies,particularly in the lateryears of the 5th century.Thucydides (8.93.1) refersto the oligarchiccoup of 411/10 and the democraticre- sponse:"The hoplitesin Piraeus . . . went to the Theater of Dionysos

26. Biersand Boyd(1982, p. 14) whichmay represent the scant remains placeof assembly and generalgather- wereagain unable to findclear indica- ofwall L or (lesslikely) M. ings,concluding with the comment tionsof Buck's walls b-d and a-c, as 27. Gebhard1974, p. 435. that"we maydeduce that it was a wellas wallsL and M, furtherto the 28. Garland1987, p. 161. buildingof some importance" (p. 394). northand west. If we considerBucks 29. IG IP 1035,line 44 refersto the Milchhöfer(1881, p. 63) can provide originalplan, however, it seemsclear old theater:xcòi áp%aícoi Geáxpcoi. The no detailsof the theater but mentions thatthese walls served as thenorthern inscriptionis datedin the2nd century thatthere is a waterchannel around the limitsof the cavea, with the altar (I) or early1st century b.c. (thearchon's perimeterof the orchestra, which he furtheremphasizing the closure of the nameis unknown). has heardof but not seen. Judeich théâtralarea. In Bucksinitial report of 30. Fora briefdiscussion and bib- (1931,p. 451) brieflydiscusses the ter- 1888,he remarksthat they had opened liographyof the Mounychia theater, see minologysurrounding the "alte The- severaltrial trenches, one ofwhich Garland1987, pp. 161,221 (s.v.The- ater"and thelater Hellenistic theater, containedtraces of a wallthat "makes aterof Dionysos). See also limiteddis- butlike Milchhöfer, he is unableto a curveas ifit mightenclose the or- cussionby Tïwîos, A ttika, pp. 342-343 supplyany details regarding its con- chestraof a theatre"(p. 46). I visited (s.v.Piräus). struction,plan, or form.Both Milch- thesite in December2009 andwas 31. Leake (1841,pp. 394-395) pro- höfer'sand Judeich's portrayal of the likewiseunable to findclear traces of videsthe topographical siting of the orchestraas ellipticalis basedpurely thesewalls, although there was an theater,ca. 400 yardsfrom the south- on thestandard assumption and well- undefinedarrangement of stones, westcorner of the Temple of Diana, founded(at thetime) belief that the possiblyin a line,near the structure and commentson thereferences to the orchestrasof Greek theaters were identifiedby Buck as thealtar (I), theaterin Lysiasand Thucydides as a circular,not rectilinear.

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nearMounychia and, grounding their arms, held an assembly,and it was decided to marchto the citystraightaway."32 This passage is important because it providesa clear glimpseof the varioususes to which a deme theatermight be put,a functionalaspect of theirform and locationthat is treatedin greaterdetail below. Anotherdeme for which we havevisible and documentedevidence of a theateris Rhamnous,the northernmost garrison site in Attica(Figs. 6-8). The théâtralarea is locatedwithin the fortress, near the gate to theacropolis, and consistsof a fewtrace remains, the mostnotable of which is the line ofthe stone pro e dria y similar to thatat Ikarion(cf. Figs. 4, 7). It is thisline ofseats, along with epigraphical evidence, that forms the basis of the iden- tificationof the entirearea.33 Three stonethrones remain, although Jean Pouillouxsuggests that there were originally seven and VasileiosPetrakos reconstructsthe proedria with five.34 An inscription(IG IP 2849) running in two lines across the frontof the proedriathrones identifies them as dedicatedto Dionysosby the priestof the heroArchegetes.35 Additional inscriptions,both from this area and fromthe Acropolis in Athens,indicate the performanceof comedyand make explicitreference to tcoGeaxpcp.36 On the basis of the inscriptions,the théâtralarea has been dated to the lastquarter of the4th centuryby Pouilloux, following the previous dating by Bulle.37 To thewest of 'the proedria, the east-west line was continuedby a series ofbases forstelai, and to the eastby a marblebase fora votivededication, furtherdefining the northernboundary of the orchestraand dividingthe entirearea intotwo halves:orchestra to the southand cavea to the north. The cavea itselfis constitutedof the roughslope of the acropolishill and displaysno tracesof permanent seat construction (Fig. 8).38Thenorthern limitof the cavea is indicatedby the acropolisterrace walls. The southern limitof the orchestrawas originallydescribed by HeinrichBulle as a wall 11.40 m southof theproedria; Pouilloux, however, was unableto findany definitetraces of such a feature.39There is a retainingwall, indicatedon Bulle's plan as 6.20 m furthersouth of the firstwall (in total,17.60 m

32. oí ô'év icoFleipaieî cmXîxai . . . 36. These threeinscriptions contain 37. Pouilloux1954, p. 142; Bulle éç xòTtpòç xr' Mcrovixíoc àiovuguxkòv explicitreference to thetheater at 1928,p. 3. Dilke (1950,p. 30) agrees 0éaxpovéX0óvxeç Kai 0é(ievoixà onXa Rhamnous:IG II2 1311,lines 7-8 withBulle but remarks that "a kindof é^8KÀr|GÍaGávxeKai ôó^av aùxoîç (= Pouilloux1954, no. 13,pl. 49:1; Pe- theater,however, may have existed here ei)9')çéxcápo-uv éç xò aoxi). trakos1999, vol. 2, no. 19; EM 4213): earlier,though without stage or seating 33. Pouilloux1954, p. 73. àvaypá'|/aiôè xóôexò '|/fi(pio I jua év ofany description." 34. Pouilloux1954, pp. 74-76; GXTj^eiÀi0ív8i Kai GxfJGaiév xcò[i6] 38. Dilke 1950,p. 29. Pouilloux Petrakos1999, vol. 1, pp. 90-91. Petra- eáxpcoi;SEGXX11 129; Petrakos1999, (1954,p. 76) commentsthat access to kosstates (vol. 2, p. 74) thatin addi- vol.2, no. 55, lines13-14 (= SEG thecavea was gainedon thewest by a tionto thethree surviving thrones, XXXI 118) has beenreconstructed to passagebetween the stelai and square thereare remains of a fifth(the east- read[àvaypáxf/ai ôè xóôe]xò 'j/r)(piGuxx I base,and on thesouth between the ernmostthrone), the actual chair hav- èvGxfiXrji Ài0ívi mi GxfJGaia-òxrjv év stelaiand proedria. Petrakos (1991, ingbeen lost sometime after 1923. xcòi[0eáxpcoi] (dated to thesecond half p. 50) remarksthat the theater is Travlos{Attika, p. 403,fig. 507) follows ofthe 3rd century). IG IP 3108 and "unusualfor the simplicity of its form," Pouillouxand reconstructsthe proedria 3109 (= Pouilloux1954, nos. 41 and 39, and hypothesizesthat the spectators sat withseven thrones (Fig. 7). respectively)both refer to victoriesin directlyon thehillside itself. 35. Pouilloux1954, no. 25, pls.52:1, comedyin Rhamnous.See Pouilloux 39. Bulle 1928,p. 2; Pouilloux1954, 53:1,2, 55:1; Petrakos1999, vol. 2, 1954 forall inscriptionsfrom the site, p. 77. no. 82. nowsupplanted by Petrakos 1999, vol. 2.

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[o] onstefjznées Gelinde. ffihMí 1 : ' : I í * 4

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Figure7. Rhamnous,revised plan of théâtralarea, showing restored south stoa. Tiavlos,Attika, p. 403,fig. 507. CourtesyGreek Archaeological Society

southof the proedria, not accounting for the possible thickness of the missing wall), and Pouillouxconfirms its existence.40Petrakos delineates the orchestrato thesouth by a reconstructedstoa, which would haveprovided shadeand shelterduring inclement weather.41 What one is leftwith, then, is a rectilinearorchestra bounded to the northby theproedria and stelai bases and to the southby a stoa,but without clear boundaries on the east and west. In the deme of Euonymon(modern Trachones), a rescueexcavation in 1973 broughtto lightlarge sections of a well-preservedtheater (Fig. 9).

40. Pouilloux1954, p. 77. 11.40 m southof the proedria being 41. Petrakos1999, vol. 1, pp. 89-94. thenorthern (or openfront) end ofthe Althoughit is notstated explicitly, it stoa,the further "retaining" wall being seemsprobable that Petrakos's stoa thesouthern (or rear)end. is whatBulle originallysaw: the wall

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Figure 8. Rhamnous,view of théâtral excavationsin 1980 and 1981 furtherdefined the structure, Subsequent area fromcavea, looking south toward a full with has to be although publication plans yet presented.42According proedriaand orchestra.Photo J. Paga to theexcavation reports, the theater consists of 21 rowsof seats preserved in thekoilon, carved into the naturally sloping rock of the site, and fronted byfour stone thrones delineating the proedriay one ofwhich is said to have an inscriptiondated to thebeginning of the Hellenistic period, and an ad- ditionaltwo thronesof gray"Hymettian" marble, dated to the end of the 4th century.43There is a rectangularorchestra with a beaten earthfloor, sharplydelineated on threesides by the cavea seats,and backedby a skene building(12.65 x 3.65 m,preserved to a maximumheight of 1.95 m) with openingsfor three doors. The preliminaryreports also mentiona proskenionof eight Doric columnsin antis.44The notices furtherdescribe two flankingparadoi,

42. Forexcavation reports, see Tou- excavationnotices and providesa few to findthe inscription mentioned in the chais1977, 1981, 1982; Mylonas 1980, additionaldetails. initialreports. Illustrations in Reed 1981;Tzachou-Alexandri1980, 1981. 43. The excavationreports are un- 1993 (p. 326,pls. 26, 27), Ashby1998 The siteis also discussedin Reed 1993, clearas to whetherthere are four, six, or (p. 37, fig.19), andWiles 1997 (p. 30, p. 326 (witha photographby the tenthrones. I understandthe reports to fig.4, pl. 1) all indicatesix thrones total. authoron p. 327,fig. 27) , andWiles indicatesix thrones total, one ofwhich Goette(2001, p. 186) likewisediscusses 1997,p. 29. Thereis a briefmention is inscribed,all ofwhich are dated to sixthrones. The rowsof the cavea seats ofthe theater in Goette2001, p. 186, thelate 4th century or earlyHellenistic did notall seemto be cutinto the bed- in whichhe describesthe small skene period,and eithertwo or all ofwhich rock:the lowest few tiers show signs of ofashlar masonry covered in stucco areof "Hymettian" marble. When I vis- havingbeen built up, rather than cut and theoblong orchestra and cavea, itedthe site in November2009, there down.I was able to traceonly about and fullerdiscussion in Goette1995, weresix thrones (two thrones per single 10-12 tiersof seats. pp. 16-17,fig. 4, pl. 12:2.Moreno blockof stone) and all wereof a grayish 44. The unusualshape and con- (2007,pp. 43-46) summarizesthe marble,possibly Hymettian. I was unable structionof the proskenion seems to me

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Figure9. Euonymon,plan ofthéâtral fragmentsof two Archaic,or archaizing,bases and statuesof Dionysos, area. Wiles 1997,p. 30, fig.4. Courtesy and variousceramic and coinfinds.45 An inscriptiondedicated to Dionysos Press CambridgeUniversity was also foundin the area of the theaterand helps securethe identifica- tionboth of the deme and of the structure.46Due to the site'spropensity forflooding and thegeneral nature of therescue excavations, much of the stratigraphywas mixed,although the ceramicfinds seem to indicatean initialconstruction and use aroundthe middle of the 5 th century,with re- buildingactivity in the 4th century.47 A sectionof the cavea fromthe theaterof Acharnaiwas discovered duringconstruction work and partiallyexcavated in 2007. The uncovered area has a formthat would indicatean elliptical,rather than rectilinear, to pointto a datequite late in theHel- thetheater at Euonymonamong the See alsoTouchais 1982, where sherds lenisticperiod, although it was difficult earliestknown deme théâtral areas. fromthe 4th and 3rdcenturies are to ascertainthe precise nature of the 45. See, in particular,Touchais 1977 reported.As withthe other deme structure,given the vegetation over- fora listingof the initial finds. The theatersalready explored, this area at growth.The skeneand proskenion are twobases are still in situ,one on each Euonymonwas probablyutilized as a similarin formto thosein thetheater sideof the cavea, near the paradoi theaterand as a generalgathering area at Oropos.There is no mentionof the entrances. forsome time before the first stone dateof the Euonymon proskenion in the 46. SEG XXXII 267. The dedication constructionswere built, although there excavationreports, although Moreno is byOlympiodoros, son ofDiotimos, is no wayof definitively proving this (2007,p. 44) reportsthat the original and has beententatively dated to the hypothesisgiven the current state of constructionof the theater took place early3rd century. excavationand publication.For the first in thefirst half of the 5th century, 47. Forthe later dating, see Mylonas constructionphase as belongingto the followedby refurbishment in the 1980,p. 25; Touchais1981. Both reports mid-5thcentury, see Goette1995, 4thcentury, including the addition indicatean initialconstruction date in pp. 16-17; Moreno2007, p. 44; the at thistime of 'the proskenion. If this themid-4th century and continueduse datingis also discussedin n. 44, above. datingis correct,that would make forabout a centuryand a half(or less).

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 366 JESSICA PAGA orchestra.48A fewbrief mentions of the discoveryof the theaterappeared in Kathimeriniat the time,locating the remainsin modernMenidi.49 A publishedsynopsis of news reports describes at least 13 rowsof limestone, benchlikeseats, as well as remnantsof the orchestraand skene.50Accord- ing to Platonos-Giota,the date forthe theater(on thebasis of pottery)is likelyto be in the4th centuryb.c.

MULTIPLICITY OF SPACE AND FUNCTION IN DEME THEATRAL AREAS

An importantrecurring element in theabove discussion is thepresence of an oblongor rectangularorchestra in fourof thevisible and ascertainable deme theaters:Thorikos, Ikarion, Rhamnous, and Euonymon.51When comparedto the circularorchestra of theTheater of Dionysosin Athens, theserectilinear areas seem unusual,leading some scholarsto label them "primitive."52In fact, however, the circular orchestras of Athens and Epidau- ros,for example, are theunusual ones, the rectilinearform occurring with greaterfrequency and overa longerperiod of use than its circularcoun- terpart.Rather than seeingthe rectilineartheaters as abnormalities,we shouldinstead consider them practical transformations of space to suita multiplicityof purposes. In one ofthe most persuasive treatments of rectilinear orchestras, Geb- hardargues that the rectilinear shape is an earlyincarnation of thetheater and thatthere is no clearevidence for circular orchestras until the end of the4th century.53According to thisthesis, then, the rectilinearorchestras at Rhamnousand Ikarion,both ofwhich date to the 4th century,and the théâtralarea at Euonymon,which mightdate to eitherthe mid-5thor

48. A publiclecture given by the forFebruary 22, 2007,again mentions 53. Gebhard1974, pp. 428-429: excavator,Maria Platonos-Giota,on thetheater. "thereappears to havebeen no fixed November30, 2009, at theMuseum of 50. Whitleyet al. 2007,p. 8. 1 was shapefor the orchestra in theearly CycladicArt in Athenspresented the unableto ascertainthe presence of a Greektheater." Green (1989, p. 20) findsfrom Acharnai and nearbyareas, skenein thephotographs shown at the summarizesher argument thus: "The and concludedwith a discussionof the publiclecture by Platonos-Giota (see rectilinearorchestra is nota designof discoveryof the theater. Her photo- n. 48, above).Whitley et al. (p. 8) give itselfbut a functionof the early form of graphsshowed a theaterwith at least a 5th-centurydate for the theater, but thecavea: the orchestra is simplya space 11 intactstone bench-seats, two pre- it is unclearwhat the evidence is for betweenthe seating and theacting serveddiazomaiy a water channel with thisearlier dating. area."Anti was thefirst to discussthe one preservedcover slab, Kproedria area, 51. The earlytheater at Piraeus phenomenonof the rectilinear orches- and a fragmentaryslice of the orchestra couldhave been rectilinear, although it train his 1947 book,the thesis of which floor.These elementswould seem to is impossibleto be certain.The dimen- sparkedan immediateand long-stand- supporta reconstructionofthe théâtral sionsof the orchestras are as follows: ingdebate among scholars of both areawith an ellipticalorchestra, though Thorikos:13.00 x 19.00-23.50m; archaeologyand theancient theater. it is impossibleto knowthe projected Ikarion:ca. 8.00 x max.20.00 m; Ashby(1998, pp. 24-41) discussesthe curvature,given the present body of Rhamnous:ca. 13.00 x 11.40-17.60m historiographyofthe debate and offers evidence.For other recent finds from (10 x 25 m accordingto Petrakos1999, additionalevidence to strengthenthe Acharnai,see Platonos-Giota2004. vol. 1, p. 89, althoughhe seemsto refer hypothesisof a rectilinearform for the 49. The firstannouncement of the to thegeneral area, not specifically the earliesttheaters, drawing examples discoveryappeared in theKathimerini orchestra);Euonymon: 7.50 x 15.30 m. fromthe Bronze Age and 8thcentury, forFebruary 17, 2007 ("Dig Unearths 52. See, e.g.,Dilke 1948,p. 150; and fromthroughout the Greek world. AncientTheater"). An "In Brief"note 1950,p. 25.

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4th century,are eitherbased on earlierrectilinear structures that are now missing(this seems to be theconclusion favored by Gebhard), or represent spacesthat may not be, strictlyspeaking, theaters. Bulle,followed by Pouilloux and subsequentlyPetrakos, also takessteps towardthe latterline of interpretationwith respectto Rhamnous.The area betweenthe wall 11.40 m southof theproedria and the terracewall was labeled by Bulle "Buleuterion(?)"(Fig. 6), buildingon Milchhöfers assignationof the total area as the "Agorades Demos, den Mittelpunkt des öffentlichenLebens."54 Bulle suggestedthat this space servedmultiple purposes:for the storage of public documents, for the erection of stelai and honorarystatues, as a gatheringspace for the inhabitants of the deme, and as an areafor the dancing of choruses and playingof games.55 Dilke disagrees, remarkingthat "Bulle has no reasonto call it a bouleuterion."56Petrakos, on theother hand, returns to thegeneral idea of Bulle's bouleuterion,and makes a strongargument that the area betweenthe koilonand the stoa to the south servedas both the theaterand the agora of Rhamnous.57 Mussche adoptsBulle's theory with respect toThorikos, and thehesitancy of Biers and Boyd to call Ikarion'sstructure a theateroutright, betrays, I believe,a convictionthat the théâtral area servedcivic and politicalfunc- tionsas well.58Indeed, these théâtral areas seem to have a primarilycivic and politicalfunction, and only a secondaryuse as venues fordramatic performance. TheThucydidespassage regarding the theater in Piraeus(8.93.1) dem- onstratesthe important organizational role a deme theatercould, and did, play:it is a large,open spacewith ample room for seating and speaking;it is a specifictopographical area known well enough to functionas a familiar landmarkand to be used as a rallyingspot for large segments of the population;and the designof the theateritself facilitates communication. The physicalspace of thetheater, whether circular or rectilinear,is particularly conduciveto organizedaction: the area is ideal forarranging a largegroup suchthat the majority can focustheir attention on a singleindividual or on a selectfew. The axes ofviewing within a théâtralarea are orientedwith a centripetalmovement, drawing the spectator'sfocus both downwardand inward,although it is possiblefor the people seatedin thecavea to observe and interactwith each other,in additionto theindividual(s) in theorchestra area.Thus, thespatial and hierarchicalrelationship between the cavea and the area of the orchestraor skeneestablishes a mode ofviewing conducive to deliberativedecision making, as the lines of communicationcirculate throughoutthe space and come to focuson the center. This observationfurther gains strengthwhen one considersthe use made ofthe Theater of Dionysos in Athensduring the 4th century,when, followingthe Lykourganreconstructions, the theaterwas used by the

54. Bulle 1928,p. 2, citingMilch- vol.2, nos.23 (= SEGXUll 35), 43 call forthe erection of stelai with hon- höfer.This is thearea reconstructed (= Pouilloux1954, no. 19; SEGXV orarydecrees év xfji àyo poti and were as a stoaby Petrakos (see Fig. 7, above). 113,XIX 82), and 73 (= SEGXU 73, foundin thegeneral vicinity of the 55. Bulle 1928,pp. 2-3. heavilyrestored, although the preserved théâtralarea.

56. Dilke 1950,p. 29. [ ]yopa[ ] in line 11,restored by 58. Mussche1975, p. 52; 1994, 57. Petrakos1991, pp. 50-51; 1999, Petrakosin 1999 as [évxfji à]yopôc[i], pp. 214-215; forBiers and Boyd,see vol. 1,pp. 89-94. Note Petrakos1999, securesthe assignation), all ofwhich n. 24, above.

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Ekklesiaas a meetingplace morefrequently than the Pnyx.59The function of the théâtralspace is integrallylinked to its form,but thatform itself is adaptableand malleable,particularly in the demes,where the space had to fulfilla multiplicityof purposes. In lightof these visual axes and spatial relationships,it becomesapparent that the rectilinear orchestras and scant permanentarchitectural constructions of the deme théâtralareas are not "primitive"or "unsophisticated," but rather are individually adapted to suit the multivalentneeds of the specificdemes they served. When Kleisthenes"mixed up" the people of Athensin 508/7,he did so by institutingthe systemof 139 demes,30 trittyes,and 10 phylai,in orderthat each phylewould include part of the population.60 Government businessand administrationwas conductedon a largepseudo-representative scalewithin Athens, in theBoule, but also on a personalface-to-face level in the individualdemes.61 It is here,within the demes,that we can see the fullestrealization of the Kleisthenicreforms, as the demesmencame togetherto overseetheir own business,but also theirrole in the business of the polis. Each deme held its own assembliesto take care of matters such as the registrationof new members,the choosingand examination (euthynai)of officials,the administrationof oaths to registeredcitizens, the regulationand managementof deme fundsand property(such as the théâtralareas, sanctuaries, and agorai),and more deme-specificmatters such as the conductingof festivalsand cults,the appointmentof priests and priestesses,and the awardingof honorificdecrees.62 The timesand frequencyof the deme assembliesvaried from deme to deme.Whitehead calculates that the minimumnumber of meetingsfor a demewould be one peryear, but he insiststhat a singleannual meeting is highlyunlikely.63 Indeed, it is evenpossible that the deme assembliesmet just as oftenas, if not morefrequently than, the Ekklesia:there was less distanceto travel,thus making the time commitment of attending a meeting lessonerous, and mattersconcerning the individual demes and demesmen mightcome up often,particularly in therealm of ritual and festival,and be easierto dealwith in briefmonthly or evenweekly meetings than extended annualmeetings. Particularly in the demesthat played important roles in

59. The epigraphicand literaryevi- general,these honorific decrees speak meanto suggestthat the bouleutai acted dencefor the Lykourgan Theater of to theimportance of the theater during as "representatives"oftheir respective Dionysossupplanting the Pnyx as the330s, but they also demonstratethe demesor phylaiin ourmodern sense of hometo theEkklesia is collectedin integralconnections between theater theterm, but that each phyle was rep- McDonald 1943,pp. 44-61. The ear- and politicsat thistime: the decrees are resented,as in "madevisible" or "in- liestknown inscription, IG IP 140, passedby the Ekklesia, meeting in the cluded,"via the50 bouleutai. line4, datesto 353/2,but the majority theater,and at leasthalf were erected in 62. Whitehead(1986, pp. 86-120) ofthe evidence is fromthe Hellenistic thesanctuary of Dionysos. discussesthe deme assembly, remarking and Romanperiods. For the Lykourgan 60. Aûst.Ath.Pol. 21.2: avalai that"although no sourcetells us so di- buildingactivity, see discussionin ßo-uAouevoc,O7i(oç jiexaGxcoai nXeiovq rectly,it maylegitimately be assumed Thompson1982, p. 145; Camp 1996, xfjçTtoÀrceíaç. In otherwords, each of thata provisionfor every deme, great pp. 45-46; Hintzen-Bohlen1997, the139 demeswas affiliatedwith one and small,to meetin assemblyand ad- pp. 31-38. The mostrecent treatment trittys(inland, coastal, or city).Each ministerits own affairs had beenpart ofthe use ofthe Theater of Dionysos phyleincluded three trittyes (one in- ofKleisthenes' inaugural measures." For duringthe Lykourgan period is found land,one coastal,one city).Therefore, thebusiness of the deme assemblies, in Lambert2008, which examines each demewas partof a trittys,which bothinternal and relatingto thepolis 10 honorificdecrees passed by the Ek- was in turnpart of a phyle. at large,see esp.pp. 97-120. klesiain theTheater of Dionysos. In 61. By"representative" I do not 63. Whitehead1986, p. 92.

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the broaderpolis (e.g., Eleusis, Piraeus,Thorikos, Rhamnous), frequent deme meetingsmight prove necessary to ensurethe proper functioning of deme-basedincome-generating elements, such as pan-Atheniansanctuar- ies, ports,harbors, and mines,and fordemes concernedwith mattersof protection,such as garrisonsand borderareas. The meetingplace for the deme assembliesvaried fromdeme to deme,but it seems clear thatthe gatheringsdid not,at least duringthe Classical period,take place in Athensitself (with the exceptionof those demes thatbelonged to the citytrittys and were located withinthe city walls).64In the smallerdemes, those with a bouleuticquota of onlyone or two,we mightenvision these assemblymeetings taking place in the largesthouse in the deme,or in anygeneralized open area,either public orprivate, that could accommodatethe registered citizens.65 For medium- sized demessuch as Thorikos(quota offive), Rhamnous (quota ofeight), or Ikarion (quota of five),some sortof facilityor public area was most likelyemployed to allow the registereddemesmen to gather:a space that was possiblydelineated as such,or a space thatwas transitoryin nature. In the largestdemes, such as Piraeus (quota of 9) and Acharnai(quota of22), therefrequently existed individual agorai, in whichmeetings would takeplace (see Table 1 below fora listingof the bouleuticquotas forthe demeswith théâtral areas).66 For those demes that seem to lack an agora,an area generallyun- derstoodfor our purposesas a largeopen space delineated,either topo- graphicallyor figuratively,as an arenaspecifically for public activities, we shouldlook to thethéâtral areas as providingthe necessary venue for deme assemblies.67They are largespaces with ample seatingand are generally

64. Contrathe interpretation of primarilywithin the demes themselves. also expressesthis view, noting the Dem. 57.10 (AgainstEubulides) imply- 65. All referencesto bouleutic largecapacity of the theater at Thori- ingthat deme meetings took place in quotasare taken from Traili 1975, kos (theestimated adult male popula- Athens.The demein question,Halim- pp. 67-69, table2. tionis assumedto be ca. 300-400 based ous,belonged to thecity trittys of phyle 66. As a singleexample for Piraeus: on thebouleutic quota of five, whereas IV, Leontis,and was locatedca. 10 km /GIF 1176,dated to 324/3,instructs thetheater, in the4th century, had a outsidethe as tu, so it is possiblethat thedemarch and treasurersof Piraeus capacityof ca. 3,200) as evidencefor thisparticular deme held meetings to setup theinscribed stone "in the itsuse as a generalmeeting ground, withinthe limits of the city. As one agoraof the demesmen" (line 27)> cited possiblyfor the entire phyle of Aigeis. ofthe anonymous Hesperia reviewers in Whitehead1986, pp. 86-87,n. 4. On theother hand, the théâtral area at observed,it is also likelythat at least See n. 57', above,for similar instructions Euonymonhad a capacityof approxi- somedeme meetings took place within on stelai from Rhamnous. mately2,600 to 3,750,whereas the Athensduring the Peloponnesian War, 67. This viewis notnew; see demehad a populationof ca. 4,000, whencitizens were transferred from the Whitehead1986, p. 87, citingHaus- accordingto Moreno2007, p. 60 countrysideto withinthe Long Walls. soullier1884, p. 5: "Ordinairement, (citingLohmann 1998, p. 289- which Whitehead(1986, p. 90) believesit l'assembléese tenaitau milieudu dème, shouldbe correctedto p. 195,or to - is possiblethat some deme meetings surl'agora ou dansle théâtre."We Lohmann1993, p. 288 forthe capac- tookplace in thecity during the second mightalso recallBulle 's interpretation ityof the theater). It is also worth quarterof the 4th century, but he finds ofthe théâtral area at Rhamnous, brieflynoting the stone thrones that it highlyunlikely that this occurred ear- above,n. 54. It is also possiblethat, werediscovered in situdirectly in front lierand with any amount of frequency. in somecases, the théâtral areas and ofthe Stoa Basileiosin theAthenian Formost of the demes, however, it agoraicoexisted (i.e., the théâtral areas Agora.Their form and locationmay wouldhave been quite impractical to werelocated within the agorai or served haveimplications for activities within havethe deme meetings in theastu, as theagora itself), with the former theopen areadirectly to theeast of the giventhe inconvenience of travel, and servingas themeeting location for the Stoa Basileios. we shouldassume that they occurred demeassemblies. Ober (2008,p. 206)

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions yjO JESSICA PAGA located in the centralnexus of the deme.They are,in certaincases, the depositoryof inscribed stelai (as at,e.g., Rhamnous), and couldthus serve an archivalfunction. Furthermore, these théâtral areas would not be otherwise used, exceptfor performances of the Rural Dionysia. Demesmen would be familiarwith the theater form as a venuefor assembly meetings if they had everattended a meetingof the Ekklesiafollowing the CityDionysia (a meetingthat took place in theTheater of Dionysos in orderto consider infractionsof festivalconduct and vote on the winningproductions) or spentmuch time on thePnyx, the form of which can be consideredthéâtral, particularlyin its thirdor finalphase.68 Indeed, thesethéâtral areas were probablyused as assemblyplaces morefrequently than they were sites of dramaticperformances; perhaps we shouldrefer to themnot as theaters or eventhéâtral areas, but as "civiccenters."69 A "civiccenter" can be understoodin the contextof the currentdis- cussionas an area capable of encompassingthe political,civic, and religious functionsof the deme. It is importantto emphasizethe factthat the agora and the bouleuterion,two of the mostcommon types of "civic centers,"are not form-specific.70 The functionof the space, in thisinstance, is more importantthan whetherthe area is curvilinearor rectilinear:a bouleuterionneed not have fourwalls and a roof,just as a theaterneed nothave a circularorchestra.71 That said,however, we mightinterpret the shape of the extantdeme "theaters"as a hybrid,related to theirhybridity of purpose:a truemultipurpose space, readily adaptable for various uses. The ellipticalcavea at Thorikos,for example, combined with its oblong orchestraarea, is perhapsbest viewed as a marriageof the Pnyxand Old Bouleuterionof Athens. If thefirst use of the area at Thorikoscan indeed be dated to ca. 500, it would,in fact,be contemporarywith both of the Athenianstructures.72 Once a théâtralarea exists,and the financialand laborresources have been expended,we shouldexpect it to be used fora

68. See n. 59, above,for discussion belowthat the ratio between religious businessof the deme. Csapo (2007, ofthe Ekklesia meetings in theTheater and politicalgatherings was probably p. 106) citesan economicangle to the ofDionysos. In particular,Lambert moreequal thanhe supposes. rectilinearform of the early theaters, (2008) discussesthe various matters 70. Compare,for example, the notingthat wooden ikria are more putto thisspecific assembly. For the squareform of the Old Bouleuterion suitableto a rectilinearthan circular thirdphase of the Pnyx, see Camp ofAthens with the apsidal double-hall space,and linksthis relationship to the 1996. "bouleuterion"at Olympia,or thetrian- leasingof théâtral space to theatropolai. 69. Parker(2005, p. 64) remarks gularAgora of Athens with the precise In his calculation,the theaters were that"the demesmen probably assem- Hippodamianagora of Priene. rectilinearbecause the ikria fit better in bledmuch more often for religious 71. ContraDilke's objections to thistype of space, and thedeme or purposesthan for political." While he Bulles identificationofthe "bouleute- poliscould generate income by farming is certainlycorrect in emphasizingthe rion"at Rhamnous(see n. 56, above, outthe construction of the benches on ever-presentrole of ritual within the and accompanyingtext), and also an annualbasis. individualdemes, I believethat it is contraMcDonald (1943,p. 43), who 72. Forthe date of ca. 500 for entirelypossible, as suggestedhere, that assumesthat the Archaic agorai "re- theOld Bouleuterionin Athens,see thedemesmen assembled as frequently tainedthe Homeric sacred circle." Shear1993, pp. 418-424; 1994,p. 236. as neededin orderto discusspolitical A meetingor assemblycan takeplace Forthe first building phase of the matters,potentially as oftenas, if not in anylocation; a circlemay facilitate Pnyxin ca. 500, seeTravlos, Athens, moreoften than, they assembled for a formof equality in discussion(see pp. 466-475.The datingof the theater religiousmatters. There is no evidence Chwe 2001,pp. 5, 31-33), butis not atThorikos is discussedabove on to supportParker's claim, and I show necessaryfor the conducting of the pp. 355-356.

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widevariety of functions, and notleft sitting empty outside of its brief use duringdramatic festivals.73 The multiplicityof spaceand functionimplicit in thedeme civic centers raisesfurther questions regarding deme administrationand therole of the demeswithin the polis ofAthens. It has been suggestedby some scholars thatthe demes are miniaturepoleis, small-scale models of the largersys- tem,with corresponding administrative and organizationalstructures.74 It is beneficial,however, to considerto what degreeand in what respectthe demesfunctioned as microcosmsof the largerpolis withits urbancenter in Athens,and to whatextent they acted more as individualcommunities existingwithin the broader conglomeration of the polis ofAthens. In his mostrecent book, Democracy and Knowledge,Josiah Ober describesthe demes as the areas in which "strongties" are formed(to be understoodas strong,or personallysignificant, social connections),as opposed to the "weak ties"across phylai (taken to mean the weaker,or less explicitlypersonal interactions between people fromdifferent demes).75 This idea of forgingconnections across social networksby means of the phyleticassociations is remarkablywell suitedto understandinghow the Atheniandemocracy worked, as theindividual connections within demes were expandedacross the broaderpolis by means of the phyleticlinks.76 Ober's emphasison the demes as individualcommunities stands in con- trastwith the microcosmmodel and ascribesa moreproscriptive role to the demes,one at odds with the top-downadministrative structure of the mini-polistheory. One element,however, in the communicationand transferenceof knowledgethat Ober does not addressin as greatdetail as the demes and phylaiis the trittyssystem. The trittyes,as the midpoints betweendemes and phylai,play a pivotalrole in understandinghow the democracywas implementedand howAthenian society functioned across the geographicalexpanse of Attica.The deme theaters,as shownbelow, providea potentiallyfruitful avenue of exploration with respect to boththe trittyesand thebroader interworkings of Athenian democratic society.77

73. It is impossibleto overempha- 74. Whitehead(1986) is one such networktheory to theancient world, size themultipurpose character of these prominentscholar who has supported see Malkin,Constantakopoulou, and théâtralareas. We areoften quick to thisinterpretation ofthe demes. Panagopoulou2009, particularly the assignspecific functions to specific 75. Ober 2008,pp. 135-141. introductionto theirvolume, pp. 1-11, buildingsor aspectsof the built envi- 76. Ober (2008,p. 137) remarks and also Vlassoooulos2009. ronmentin theancient world, without that"small-scale networks based pri- 77. Ober and I haveindependently fullytaking into account the nuances of marilyon strongties [i.e., demes] are investigateddeme theaters as possi- spaceand flexibilityofmany of these verygood at distributinginformation ble conduitsof information (Ober's structures.Although it is frequently internally,but they are poor conduits "bridgingties"). The conclusionsar- helpfulto affixcertain labels to partic- forimporting or disseminatinguseful rivedat herediffer in severalrespects ularbuildings and spaces,overreliance knowledge outsidethe local network fromthose in his2008 book (see esp. on theselabels can resultin blanket itself"(emphasis original). Ober then pp. 205-208,for his treatmentof the assumptionsand a commitmentto pre- proceedsto identify"bridging ties" that demetheaters), largely in thedistribu- conceivedfunctions. A movetoward forgeconnections across demes, thus tionmapping and intermediarylinks. multiplicityofform and functioncan facilitatingthe movement of informa- Ober positsonly 14 theatersand notes provefar more advantageous, particu- tionfrom the local, "strong ties" of the theirgeographic distribution exclusively larlyin areassuch as thedemes of demesto thebroader, "weak ties" of the withrespect to thephylai, an assigna- Attica,which are not as wellstudied phyleticassociations. For other recent tionthat bypasses the integral role of and documentedas othersites. workon theapplicability of this sort of thetrittyes as identifiedhere.

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THE RURAL DIONYSIA

Beforeturning to the politicalramifications of thisinvestigation of deme theaters,it is importantto considerbriefly the festival of the Rural Dionysia and its role in the demes,particularly because it is this festivalthat has frequentlybeen positedas the catalystfor the constructionof the théâtral areas.78The Rural Dionysia is considerablyless well knownand studied than its grandercounterpart, the City or Great Dionysia,largely due to lack of evidence.Nonetheless, the festivalis an importantaspect of deme activity,both on a culticand administrativelevel, and, as shownbelow, it potentiallyhas ramificationsfor our understandingof the trittyes.The extraurbanfestival took place in the midwintermonth of Poseideon,but therewas no fixedday: each deme (of thosethat did celebratethe festival) conductedthe riteson differentdays according to its own festivalcalen- dar.79The Rural Dionysiawas deme-specific,then, on two levels:in the firstplace, each demeheld the festival on a dayof its own choosingwithin the monthof Poseideon,and second,each deme was responsiblefor the organization,administration, and structureof its own festival.This latter aspectof planning and fundingis one thatlikely created difficulties for some demes,particularly those with less expendableincome and fewercitizens eligiblefor liturgical service than others. A festival,even if conductedfor onlyone or two days,was surelya financialburden, a factorwe should considerwhen evaluating the practicalities of holdingthe RuralDionysia on an annualbasis in everydeme ofAttica.80 The onlycomponent that seems to haveoccurred in everycelebration of the festivaland did indeed play a keyrole, regardless of location,was thepompe, or procession,the centralfeature of which was the conveyance of a largephallus held aloft,alluding to the fertilityaspects of the god.81 It is unclearwhether this procession occurred on the firstor last day of the ruralfestival, and it is likewiseunclear for how manydays the festival

78. See, e.g.,Whitehead 1986, limitationsfor many demes. pp.212-222; Wiles 1997,pp. 23-62; 81. See Pickard-Cambridge1968, Jones2004, pp. 124-158.Whitehead, pp. 42-43. Our mostcomplete literary however,downplays the connection accountof the procession is in Aris- betweenthe theaters and thefestival. tophanes'Acharnians (lines 241-279). 79. See Pickard-Cambridge 1968, Thereare also a numberof inscriptions pp.42-43; Whitehead1986, p. 212 relatingto thecelebration of the festi- (bothciting PI. Resp.5.475 forthe val in thePiraeus, collected in Pickard- varietyof festival days). Cambridge1968, pp. 44-47. Csapo 80. Parker(2005, p. 64) mentions (1997) discusseselements of the festi- theexample of Kydantidai and Ionidai, val ofthe Rural Dionysia, with partic- who sharedthe celebration of two ularemphasis on thepompe. For further, festivalsto Herakles:IG P 258, SEG and moredetailed, information re- XXXIX 148. Of course,it would be gardingvarious aspects of the Rural possiblefor every deme to holda small Dionysia,see Bieber1961, pp. 51-52; annualfestival to celebratethe Rural Simon1983, pp. 101-104; Henrichs Dionysia,potentially without dramatic 1990. Rehm(1992) discussesthe role performancesor withan abbreviated ofparticipation in thefestivals and the pompe,but the economic factors in- use oftheatrical space, but with specific volvedin celebratingthe festival on a emphasison theCity, rather than largerscale surely created hardships and Rural,Dionysia.

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was celebratedin each deme. A game called askoliasmosis said to have been playedduring the Rural Dionysia,but the sourcesare late and the connectionis tenuous.82In additionto the centralprocession and games, thereis evidencefor the performance of tragedy and/or comedy in certain - demes,although it remainsunclear whether all of the demes of those that celebratedthe festival- held such contests.The referencesconsist mainlyof inscriptionsdetailing the appointmentof choregoi,dedications byvictorious choregoi> and grantsof proedriaP Althoughmost of our evidence dates to the4th century, it seemsfair to suggest,as mostscholars do, that the Rural Dionysia in the5th century was largelysimilar. Pickard- Cambridge associates the burgeoning 4th-century evidencefor deme theaters with the Lykourgan reconstructions at the Thea- terof Dionysosin Athens,and drawsthe conclusionthat theater in gen- eralwas morepopular at thistime, as indicatedby the relativewealth of information,textual and archaeological,from the 4th century as compared to the 5th century.84While it does seem plausiblethat the theatergrew in popularityduring the 4th century,the earlierevidence should not be discountedtoo quickly,and we mighteven posit a connectionbackward, fromdemes to urbancenter: attention to théâtralareas in thedemes during the 5th and early4th centurycould have inspiredgreater attention to the Theaterof Dionysos in the secondhalf of the 4th century.Thorikos, for instance,is one of thebest survivingexamples of a deme theater,and the remainsthere clearly go back to the end of the 6th and beginningof the 5th century.Some of the epigraphicevidence for the othertheaters dates to the mid-5thcentury, and severalof the excavatorsof Rhamnousand Ikarionhave postulatedearlier theaters, all tracesof which were rendered invisibleby the later,more permanent, constructions. In general,it seems safe to postulatethe existenceof the Rural Dionysia and the presence of,at the veryleast, ephemeral théâtral areas in some demes throughout the Classical period,potentially dating back to the late 6th and early 5th centuries.85The théâtralareas were thereforevisible topographical landmarksin thedemes from the early stages of the democracy, just as the Rural Dionysia was an importantritual component of the deme festival calendar.

82. Pickard-Cambridge1968, thewooden ikria that would have con- p. 45; Whitehead1986, p. 214. Ancient stitutedthe seating for théâtral perfor- sources:Verg. G 2.380; Cornutus, mances.His conclusionsregarding the Theol.Graec. 30. The gameseems to use ofwooden architecture during the haveconsisted of jumping onto and 5thcentury in bothdeme theaters and balancingupon a grease-or oil-covered theTheater of Dionysos (pp. 103-108) wineskin. accordswell with the hypotheses put 83. See n. 5, above,for the epi- forthhere, although I do notthink that graphicevidence. theseating in thedeme theaters was as 84. Pickard-Cambridge1968, p. 52. temporaryas he suggests:the wooden Forthe Lykourgan construction activity seatingwas replacedfrequently, not nec- in thesanctuary and Theater of Dio- essarilyin orderto "keepthe wood in nysos,see also Hintzen-Bohlen1997, circulation"(p. 108),but because it was pp.21-29. used consistentlythroughout the year 85. Csapo (2007) is concernedwith and thussuffered damage both from theleasing of théâtral space, specifically theelements and fromhuman use.

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MAPPING DEME THEATRAL AREAS

In additionto theiruse in thecelebration of the Rural Dionysia, the théâtral areasstood as centralizedfocus points for broader deme activities.Closer examinationand analysisof the list of denies with attested théâtral areas (on thebasis of the epigraphical, textual, and archaeologicalevidence provided above)can shedfurther light on thefunctioning of local politics.Figure 10 showsthe geographic distribution that results from plotting the identified théâtralareas. The questionmark for the deme of Cholleidai denotesits uncertainlocation and itsstatus as a possible,but not altogetherconvinc- ing,deme with a theater.The demes of Lamptraiand Sphettosare not includedfor the reasons discussed above. It is helpfulto comparethis map withthose of Trailiin ThePolitical Organization of Attica (see especially his map2) in orderto observethe phyletic and trittyesconnections among the demeswith theaters. A fewthings stand out froman analysisof these maps. In the first place,there is a wide distributionof théâtral areas, within both the coastal and inlandareas of Attica.86There is an even splitbetween théâtral areas locatedalong the coast and thoselocated inland: nine demes near the coast (Eleusis,Piraeus, Euonymon, Aixone, Anagyrous, Aigilia,Thorikos, Halai Araphenides,Rhamnous), and eightdemes inland (Kollytos,Hagnous, Myrrhinous,Lower Paiania, Phlya, Ikarion, Acharnai, and possiblyChol- leidai). There is a greaterconcentration of demes with théâtralareas in thesoutheastern section of Attica, with fewer in thenorthern and western parts,but, in general,the distributionis evenlyspaced acrossthe area of the polis. NicholasJones has remarkedthat such a distributionprobably alludesto interdemeactivities and festivalattendance, with specific referenceto theRural Dionysia.87 It seemsprobable that demesmen from those demesthat did nothave a theateror celebratethe full festival of the Rural 86. Ober (2008,pp. 206-207) also commentson thedistribution of the if attendthe festivalat a deme. Dionysia could, desired, nearby Kollytos demetheaters, but looks at themon a a minor in the coastal/inlandrubric because the deme presents problem phyleticlevel rather than as a specifi- has a citytrittys assignation and is locatedwithin the as tu of Athens itself. callygeographical distribution (see Did the small deme have its own théâtralarea, or was the nearbylarge n. 77y above). For the coastal demes, see Eliot 1962. Theaterof Dionysos on the southernslope of the Acropolis"borrowed" forthe Rural This is a withoutan or 87.Jones 2004, p. 204. He argues Kollytian Dionysia? question easy that, laterrestrictions and answer. despite ready intrademeexclusivity, demes with The secondpoint of interest in themapping is that,with the exceptions theatersand lavishfestivals, e.g., those ofKollytos and Cholleidai(the latter of which probably represents a "false" at Piraeus,most likely catered to and demetheater, depending on theinterpretation of Dikaiopolis's demotic in economicallyexploited demesmen from demes.The theater,in his ÛizAcharnians),all ofthe demes with théâtral areas are ranked in theupper neighboring calculation,thus becomes an "income- divisionsof relativesize and bouleutic (Table 1). It is to quota important producing"institution for the deme. thatthe demes with theaters are not the note,however, necessarily largest Wilson (2007,pp. 128-129) also points withintheir immediate geographic neighborhood, or within their phyle or to activitiesin thetheater as a meansof trittys.For example, Aigilia (bouleutic quota of six) andThorikos (bouleutic financialimprovement for the demes, SEGXXX1V 107 and the"sale" quotaof five) both have attested théâtral areas, whereas Anaphlystos, located citing ofchoregos appointments atThorikos. eitherto the immediatesouth of Aigilia or possiblyin betweenthe two 88. Forthe possible location of is far witha bouleutic of and no either demes, larger, quota 10, yet evidence, Anaphlystos,see Traill's original maps archaeologicalor textual,has surfacedto indicatethat it had a theater.88 in 1975 (maps1-3) and therevised The relativesizes and bouleuticquotas of the demes with théâtral areas are mapin 1986.

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Rhamnoûs^)

Cholleidai? |karion f Acharnai * I

Eleusis 1 Phlya V ^-T^^J^'

y/ Halai Araphenidesl Ç Kollytos *f ^ * ' -j LowerPaiania

Piraeus N. Euonymon «¿-.

' Myrrhinousc5 ' Aixone • * # 'jj ' Hagñous ^s

N ) «Anagyrous ç

I h' J/ I Aigilia# e I ' Thorikos*/^ 0 5 km VO h Figure10. Map ofAttica showing demeswith positive identification or a highprobability of having a theater. J.Paga

importantfactors given the financial burden of constructing and maintain- inga theater(even with wooden architecture), in additionto thecosts of the RuralDionysia festival.89Thorikos represents a straightforwardexample: it is smallerthan manyof the otherdemes with théâtralareas, but had accessto severallucrative mines, a sourceof incomethat may explain why the earliestremains of the theaterhere were renderedpartially in stone, comparedto otherdemes in whichany postulated earlier construction was 89. See Csapo 2007 forpossible entirelyephemeral. Thorikos has a theaterbecause the deme had reliable waysin whichdemes could supplement and expendableincome from an earlydate. or circumventthese financial burdens, The thirdpoint of interestis the distributionof théâtralareas within butsee n. for with 85, above, problems and (Table 2). Withineach eitherthe coastal or inland his trittyes phylai phyle, suggestions. of 90. In a case thatwill be dealtwith trittys,or both,will containa théâtralarea (withthe possible exception in moredetail below, Ikarion and phyleIV, Leontis,depending on thevalidity of Cholleidai).Three phylai Kollytoscould possibly represent a havea demethéâtral area in a citytrittys: phyle I, Erechtheis,with Euony- "doubling"of théâtral areas in a single mon;phyle II, Aigeis,with Kollytos;90 and phyleVIII, Hippothontis,with Ikarionwas trittys: originallyassigned Piraeus.Kollytos, however, is the onlyattested city deme witha théâtral to an inlandtrittys of Aigeis by Traili area thatis physicallywithin the polis center,whereas the othertwo are in 1975,p. 41, butwas subsequently further Six havea demethéâtral area in an inland movedto a citytrittys in 1978, significantly away. phylai pp. 103-104,along with the nearby trittys:phyle II, Aigeis,with Ikarion; phyle III, Pandionis,with (Lower) Pai- demePlotheia. ania;possibly phyle IV, Leontis,with Cholleidai; phyle V, Akamantis, with

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TABLE 1. BOULEUTIC QUOTAS OF DEMES WITH THEATRAL AREAS

Deme BouleuticQuota Acharnai 22 (Lower)Paiania 11 Eleusis 11 Euonymon 10 Piraeus 9 Aixone 8 Rhamnous 8 Phlya 7 Anagyrous 6 Myrrhinous 6 Aigilia 6 Halai Araphenides 5 Thorikos 5 Ikarion 5 Hagnous 5 Kollytos 3 Cholleidai 2

Hagnous; phyleVI, Oineis,with Acharnai; and phyleVII, Kekropis,with Phlya.Eight phylaihave a deme théâtralarea in a coastaltrittys: phyle I, Erechtheis,with Anagyrous;91 phyle II, Aigeis,with Halai Araphenides; phyleIII, Pandionis,with Myrrhinous; phyle V, Akamantis,with Thori- kos; phyleVII, Kekropis,with Aixone; phyleVIII, Hippothontis, with Eleusis;phyle IX, Aiantis,with Rhamnous; and phyleX, Antiochis,with Aigilia.With two possibleexceptions, there is no repetitionof a théâtral areawithin a trittys(i.e., there is notmore than one théâtralarea per trittys per phyle),although there are a fewtrittyes for which no théâtralarea is attested(almost certainly due to lack of evidence).The two potentialex- ceptionsto the one theaterper trittysper phylehypothesis are phyleI, Erechtheis,with Anagyrous and Lamptrai,and phyle II, Aigeis,with Kolly- tos and Ikarion. To take the firstcase, Lamptraimay have a deme theater,but the evidenceis not as clearas forothers.92 Traili, in ThePolitical Organization ofAttica, originally placed Lower and Upper Lamptraiin the coastaltrit- tysof Erechtheis,which, if Lamptraidoes have a théâtralarea, creates a problemof doubling,as Anagyrousalso has a theaterand is in the coastal trittys.Later, however, Traili removedUpper Lamptraifrom the coastal trittysand placed it in theinland trittys, retaining Lower Lamptraiin the coastaltrittys,93 a solution that removes the doublingproblem only if the

91. If Lamptraialso containeda pp. 162-169) is basedon a reinterpreta- coastaland inlandtrittyes for Erech- théâtralarea, this would present a "dou- tionof Agora XV, no. 42 (= Hesperia30, theis,he is forcedto detacha coastal bling"of the coastal trittys for Erech- 1961,pp. 31-33). His reasons(pp. 166- deme(either Anagyrous or one ofthe theis(with Anagyrous). The problemis 168) fordoing so werelargely driven by Lamptraidemes) and giveit to the treatedin thefollowing discussion. his convictionthat the trittyes should inlandtrittys. Traili originally wanted 92. See n. 6, above. all havea relativelyequal numberof to detachAnagyrous from the coast 93. Iranis reassignment(1982, bouleutai.In his effortto createeven and moveit, as an enclave,to theinland

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TABLE 2. PHYLE AND TRITTYS AFFILIATION OF DEMES WITH THEATRAL AREAS

Phyle CoastalTritty s InlandTritty s CityTrittys

I: Erechtheis Anagyrous ? Euonymon II: Aigeis Halai Araphenides Ikarion Kollytos III: Pandionis Myrrhinous (Lower)Paiania ? IV:Leontis ? Cholleidai? ? V: Akamantis Thorikos Hagnous ? VI: Oineis ? Acharnai ? VII: Kekropis Aixone Phlya ? VIII: Hippothontis Eleusis ? Piraeus IX: Aiantis Rhamnous ? ? X: Antiochis Aigilia ? ?

Lamptraithéâtral area was in the Upper and not the Lower deme.If the postulatedthéâtral area was in UpperLamptrai, Traill's reassignment would createa phylefor which there is exactlyone deme théâtralarea per trittys. The fragmentarydecree IG IP 1161, whichrepresents our onlyevidence fora theaterin Lamptrai,unfortunately does not specifywhether it refers to theUpper or Lower deme,and is likewisesilent regarding whether the Dionysiareferred to in lines4-5 is theCity or theRural festival. In general, the weak evidencefor a théâtralarea in an unspecifiedLamptrai deme shouldwarrant its removalfrom the listof attesteddeme theaters. The secondexception, phyle II, Aigeis,is equallyfraught with problems.In his originaldeme map of 1975,Traili placed Ikarion in theinland trittysand Kollytosin thecity trittys, and underthat scheme there was no problemwith the distributionof théâtralareas in thetrittyes of Aigeis. In his latertreatment of the deme,however, Traili reassigned Ikarion to the citytrittys, thus presenting us witha doublingin thattrittys of the phyle.94 Underthe original distribution, Aigeis was a "complete,"or evenlydistrib- uted,phyle with one théâtralarea per trittys(Kollytos in the city,Ikarion in the inland,and Halai Araphenidesin the coastal).Under the revised distribution,however, Ikarion and Kollytosboth have théâtralareas and both are partof the citytrittys. Traill's later assignation of Ikarionto the citytrittys does not have the solid basis thatsuch a drasticreassignment warrants.95He does remark,however, that it is possible that the original Kleisthenictrittyes were arranged topographically (i.e., meaningthat trittys(1978, pp. 104-105).He revised was located,or evenwhether it was in arecontiguous, thus making it difficult thisview in 1982,retaining Anagyrous Erechtheisat all.Thompson (1970, to decidein whichtrittys certain demes in thecoastal trittys and movingUpper p. 66) mentionsonly a singularLamp- shouldbe placed.His reassignmentof Lamptraiinstead to theinland trittys. trai,but he placesit firmlyin thecoast- Ikarionand Plotheiafrom the inland This rearrangement,however, further al trittysof Erechtheis. to thecity trittys is basedon a rein- forcesTraili to assignthe small deme 94. See n. 90, above. terpretationoí Agora XV, nos.38 and ofPambotadai (bouleutic quota of one) 95. As withLamptrai, Traili is pri- 42. His reading,however, requires to thecoastal trittys of Erechtheis marilyconcerned with creating an even severaltenuous assumptions, not the (1982,p. 167,n. 17) in orderto bring distributionof bouleutai across phylai. leastof which is thetopographical thetotal number of bouleutai up to 16, He notes(1978, p. 103) thatphyle II, illogicalityof creating a cityenclave despitethe fact that it has notbeen Aigeis,is a problematiccase due to the ofIkarion and Plotheiaon thenorth firmlyestablished where Pambotadai factthat the inland and coastaltrittyes sideof Mt. Penteli.

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Ikarionwould be placed in the inland trittys),but the laterxpiiròv xcov TcpDiavecov("trittys of the prytanies") were redistributed such that the trit- tyescontained approximately equal bouleuticquotas (i.e., necessitatinga switchfrom the inlandto citytrittys for Ikarion and Plotheia).96 Forthe sake of argument, however, if we acceptTrailFs reassignment of Ikarionfrom the inland to thecity trittys, and postulatethat such a change occurredat some pointin the later5th or 4th century,we are presented withthe followingsituation: phyle II, Aigeis,originally had an equal distributionof théâtralareas across the trittyes,but the lateradministrative changesand redistributions(in orderto achieverelative numeric equality in thetrittyes representation in thephylai) resulted in a doublingbetween Ikarionand Kollytos.Ikarion, however, given its far-removed location and previousassociations with the other inland demes of Aigeis, might yet re- tainan unofficialconnection with the inland trittys, despite technically, or administratively,belonging to the citytrittys. It seems far more likely, however,that Ikarion (and Plotheia,for that matter) always belonged to theinland trittys of Aigeis. The mappingof the théâtralareas, therefore, demonstrates a roughly equal distributionof deme theatersacross trittyes within phylai. Keeping in mindthe limitations of the sources, both epigraphical and archaeological (afterall, a new discoverycould easilywreck a situationthat now appears quite tidy),the data nonethelessdisplay a balanceddistribution, one that is statisticallyunlikely to be randomor coincidental.97In generalterms, forthe periodof the 10 phylaiin the 5th and 4th centuries,there is one théâtralarea per trittys per phyle. The théâtralareas are not concentrated in a singlearea but are evenly distributed throughout Attica. The demeswith théâtralareas tend to be medium-sizeto large,but they are not necessarily the largestor mostcentrally located demes withintheir trittyes. Ikarion representsone suchexample of a medium-sizeddeme (bouleuticquota of five)that is locatedfar from a centrallocation within the trittys,regardless of whetherit is consideredan inland deme or a citydeme. Ikarion, however,is a specialcase in termsof the Rural Dionysia and theater,given itsclose associationswith Dionysos and theatricalperformance, and these circumstancesmay explainwhy this enclave servedas the trittysdeme witha théâtralarea.98 In the remainingpages, I addressthe politicaland administrativeimplications of thisdistribution.

96. Forthis hypothesis of the politicalscience department at Stanford bya similarstatistical analysis that the changingnature of the trittys system, University,Tomer Perry and ArielT. phyleticdistribution of théâtral areas seeTraili 1978, pp. 98-99,building Méndez,have demonstrated statisti- is too regularto haveoccurred by on thepreviously postulated theory callythat the distribution postulated chance.The refinementof thetrittyes' ofThompson (1966, pp. 8-10; 1969; hereinis notrandom (results unpub- distributiononly further emphasizes and 1971); theproblem is also dis- lished).They analyzed the data, postu- thenonrandom nature of the distribu- cussedby Stanton (1994b), Rhodes latingfour different hypotheses of tionof deme theaters, and showsthat (1971), and Eliot (1967). See further randomdistribution, and were able to theformulation of one théâtralarea treatmentby Siewert 1982, pp. 4-6, rejectall ofthem at a 95% or greater pertrittys per phyle is too regularto 87-105, 122-138. The ancient refer- assurancelevel. I thankthem for their be coincidental. ence tO the TplTT')VTCOV 7tp')T(XV£(OV is interestin thisproject and theirwilling- 98. See nn.21-22, above,for discus- Ath.Pol 44A. nessto workon theproblem with me. sionof the significance of Ikarion. 97. Two doctoralstudents in the Ober (2008,p. 207, n. 58) demonstrates

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TRITTYES AND THEATRAL AREAS

The pseudo-AristotelianAthenaion Politela contains the followingstate- ment (21.4): "He [Kleisthenes]also dividedthe land among the demes into30 parts,10 belongingto thecity, 10 to thecoast, and 10 to theinland district;and callingthese parts 'thirds' (trittys) yhe assignedthem by lot, threeto each tribe(pbyle), in orderthat each tribemight have a sharein all of the districts."99This passage is crucialto our understandingof the implementationof the Kleisthenicreforms and the subsequentfunction ofthe trittyes in termsof Athenian society. The tripartitetrittys divisions, coupledwith the institutionof the 10 phylai,is a clear exampleof how 10° Kleisthenes"mixed up" the populationof Athens(sec Ató. Pol. 21.2). While the phylai constitutedthe broad, overarchingorganization of the citizenry(politically, administratively, and militarily),the trittyes servedas an intermediatephase betweenthe face-to-facetype of political activityand administrationon the deme leveland the moreexpansive politicalorganization of the Boule and Ekklesia.The trittyesare a critical aspectof the Kleisthenicreforms, both revolutionaryin theirnature and crucialin theirimplementation; they are perhaps the mostimportant part of the democraticreforms. They have not,however, been the subjectof muchintensive research into the organization of Athenian democracy; the phylaiand demes are betterunderstood, largely because thereis farmore evidencefor their function within the frameworkof the democracy.A substantialnumber of themodern investigations that do examinethe role ofthe trittyes center on theinterpretation of Ath. Pol. 21.4 and the nature ofthe TpiTTüv t5>v npvxáveodv referred to inAtò. Poi. 44.1: Werethe trittyes originallyenvisioned as geographicunits, without explicit regard to the distributionof bouleuticquotas within each trittys(a divisioncommonly referredto as the "Kleisthenic"trittyes)? Or was therea concern,either fromtheir inception or arisinglater in the5th century,that the trittyesbe relativelyequal, numerically, according to theirbouleutic quotas (a division frequentlycalled the xpuròv xcòv 7tpi)T(iv£COV, thetrittys of the prytanies)?101 In one of the more recentand relativelycomplete examinations of thetrittys system, Peter Siewert has shownthat many of the trittyeswere organizedaround common roads and containedcontiguous demes, an observationthat leads him to concludethat the trittyesserved a military functionand weredesigned in orderto facilitateswift deployment of the army102The AthenianAgora, in Siewert'sconfiguration, becomes the centralpoint toward which Attic roads converge, physically directing and gatheringthe disparatedemes into a topographicaland politicalmiddle

99. Ôiéveifieôè Kai xf|vx^pav mxà this passage, see Eliot 1968. of dithyrambiccontests. Among others, ôf|no')çTpKXKovxa (lèpri, Ôém jièv xœv 100. Bradeen (1955) discusses the Stanton (1984, 1994a) takes a different 7tepìio aaru, ôéra ôè xfjçnapaXiaq, role of the trittyesin the "mixingup" of approach,arguing that the trittyeswithin ôéica Ôè xfjç(XEooyeioD- Kai xaúxaç the populace, although his focus is spe- a phylehelped supportparticular elite 87i;ovo|náaaçxpixxvç eK^ipcoGev xpeíç cificallyon the breakingup of tradi- familiesand traditionalpower bases. eíç xf^v(pt)^f|v 8KaaxT|v, ottcoç £KaGxr| tional,that is to say,aristocratic, power 101. For references,see n. 96, above. 'ieTÉ%r'íiávxcov xcov xÓttcov. For discus- holdings. See also Pritchard2004, for 102. Siewert 1982, particularlysec- sion of the termeK^fipcooev and its an examinationof the practicallogistics tions III and IV. See his map 4 forroad implicationsfor the interpretationof of this "mixingup" via an investigation networks.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 380 JESSICA PAGA point.103While his observationsconcerning the road networksuniting the deniesof Attica are crucialfor our understanding of how the deniescom- municatedwith each otherand with the city center, it seemsto me unlikely thatKleisthenes devised the tripartite "mixing up" ofAttica because of an overarchingmilitary plan.104 Nevertheless, Siewert's work demonstrates that thetrittyes had thepotential to playan importantrole in theadministration ofthe new political system, particularly in termsof communication between the centerand periphery,as well as betweendemes and trittyes.105 To use Siewert'sanalysis as a startingpoint, though, we can envision the trittyesfunctioning as midpointsin the disseminationand collection ofinformation. The trittyes,in thisanalysis, would become nodes of communication,both betweenthe astu and demes,and withindemes of the sametrittys. News, announcements, messages, and thelike could be shared andpassed within the trittys, facilitating the spread of information. Particu- larlyin theearly phases of the democracy, but also throughoutthe 5 th and 4th centuries,the trittyeswould have servedas linkingelements, larger than the individualdemes but smallerthan the phylai.106The théâtral areas,then, are potentiallyanother way in whichthe local politicalorga- nizationof the trittyes and demesfunctioned within the larger framework ofAthenian society. If the distributionsuggested here of one théâtralarea per trittysper phyleis correct,then the demes would have a demonstrableorganizational or administrativefunction on a trittyslevel, another step in the "mixing up"of the population. The théâtralareas or "civic centers," therefore, could havefunctioned as venuesfor discussion and organizationon a trittyslevel, leadingus to the possibilityof trittysmeetings or assemblies,in addition to thosein thedemes and on thePnyx. If we are correctin identifyingthe meaningof xpixxùvxcòv rcpuxocvecov as implying a singletrittys, coastal, inland,or city,sitting in prytany(as opposed to the alternatemodel of the epistateschoosing approximately16-17 of his fellowtribesmen to join him),107the menwithin a singletrittys would, by both necessityand circumstance,have greater familiarity with one another,working together morefrequently than with other members of the phyle.The men sharing a commontrittys would be forgingconnections across demes, and yetstill withintheir phyle, further contributing to the looseningof traditionalor aristocraticties and reducingthe reliance on a strictattachment to a single localityand singledeme populace.108

103. Siewert1982, p. 67. ratherthan a motivatingcause. 106.The trittyesin thisanalysis 104. See also commentsby Rhodes 105. Accordingto Siewert(1982, wouldperform a similarfunction to (1983),in hisreview of Siewert's pp. 66-67), contiguousdemes within whatOber (2008) refersto as "bridging book.This pointis notmeant to be trittyesand contiguoustrittyes were ties"(see n. 76, above). a refutationof Siewert'sconclusions, frequentlylinked by shared roads, a 107. See n. 96, above. manyof which are vital for our topo- factorthat informed the Kleisthenic 108. See, e.g.,Lewis 1963,pp. 34- graphicalconception of Attica. I take divisionof the countryside. Humphreys 35, regardingthe function of the trit- issueonly with the idea thatthe Kleis- (2008) buildson Siewert'sidea ofroad tyesin theweakening of elite ties, thenicdivisions were conceived of networksand attemptsto linkthe roads particularlyin termsof cult. Osborne solelyto effecta concertedmilitary to thenaukrariaiy which she further (1985,pp. 178-181) discussesthe plan.I wouldrather interpret the un- connectsto thetrittyes. In heresti- shareduse ofsanctuaries among some expectedvictory of the Athenians in mation,however, the trittyes "served ofthe demes, a frameworkthat would 506/5over the Boiotians and Chalkid- merelyas administrativecategories fitthe joint celebration of the Rural iansas a fortunateside effect of the withoutorganization, functions, or Dionysiaas postulatedhere. reformsin termsof military success, cults"(p. 21).

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The trittyesare a stepup fromthe insularity of the demes, and yetnot as heterogeneousas thephylai. As such,they represent a formof continu- ityand familiarity,in particularfor those demes within a trittysthat were contiguous,while nevertheless increasing intraphyletic communication. The presenceof théâtralareas distributed according to trittyesimplies a use of the trittysas thistype of intermediatenetworking site, a means through which the men withina commontrittys could forgeconnections above and beyond,or at least in additionto, the servicethey rendered together duringtheir time in prytany. As furtherevidence that the trittyes performed an importantand com- municativepolitical function during the 5th and 4th centuries,we might considerAth. Pol. 26.3, in whichthe authordescribes the reinstitutionin 453/2 of 30 local dikastai,or judges, deployedin Attica presumablyin orderto overseeminor disputes and local legal problems.109The number 30 is surelya referenceto the 30 trittyes.110In the absenceof evidencefor deme dikasteria, or local law courts,it is even possiblethat the théâtral areasthemselves served as makeshiftcourts, allowing the trittysjudge to remainin a singledeme to overseethe cases of his assignedtrittys, rather thantraveling to all of the demes in turnwithin the trittys.The théâtral areascould have easily served this function, allowing many people to gather in a singlecentralized location, with ample room for seating, a "stage"area forthe arguingof cases, and, in some instances,a means of restricting access (as, forexample, at the théâtralarea at Thorikos,where the en- trancesto thewest and east could be monitored,as well as the two upper cavea entrances,added in the second halfof the 4th century;see Fig. 3). Here we have yet anotherdemonstration of the multipurposenature of the formand functionof theseareas.

CONCLUSION

- - The théâtralareas that are scattered nothaphazardly, but deliberately throughoutAttica rendervisible the variousways in which the trittyes functionedwithin the complex political and bureaucraticdivisions devised by Kleisthenesat the close of the 6th century.The line of democracypro- gressesfrom the crowdedmeetings of the Ekklesiaon the Pnyxand the morerestricted "representative" politics of the Boule, out to the trittyes withina givenphyle, and is then furthersubdivided into the individual demes. In termsof both physicaltopography and abstractpolicy, then,

109.Ath. Pol. 26.3: ëxeiôè tatito) perhapsto thetraveling judges under ingthe expulsion of Hippias (p. 331). I (lexòtxaûxoc ènl A-uaiKpáxo-uç ap%ovxoç thePeisistratidai {ci. Ath. Pol. 16.5,not do notbelieve that the expulsion of the oí xpKXKovxaôiKocaxal Kocxéaxr|oav necessarily30 in numberat thattime) Peisistratidairequired the de factoabol- náXwoi KaÀo')|Li£voimxà 8f|uxn)ç. or to a systemof local jurisprudence ishmentof all oftheir policies; it seems 110. Rhodes(1981, p. 331), in his thatwas partof the Kleisthenic reforms plausiblethat the local judges, insti- commentaryto theAth. Pol., remarks butwas shuntedaside during the Per- tutedunder Peisistratos, were retained, thatthe number 30 suggeststhat there sianWars, only to reemergein theafter- butthat their numbers either increased was onejudge per trittys. The factthat mathof Ephialtes' reforms. Rhodes be- or decreasedto resultin 30,with a final Aristotleuses the phrase Kocxéaxrioav lievesthat the earlier dikastai that seem arrangementof one pertrittys. The náXiVytranslated here as "reinstituted" to be referencedhere were those insti- officewas mostlikely disrupted at some or"instituted again," suggests that the tutedby Peisistratos and thatthey were pointduring the Persian Wars, only to 30 dikastaiexisted earlier, an allusion "presumablyabolished" in 511/10dur- be laterreinstituted in 453/2.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:15:29 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 382 JESSICA PAGA thetrittyes are situatedin the middleground, linking the 10 phylaito the 139 demes. Given the distributionof deme theaters,it is furtherpossible to imaginethe RuralDionysia as takingplace on a tritryslevel, rather than beingcelebrated as individualfestivals in separatedemes; instead of being deme-specific,the festivalmay have been trittys-specific.If this were the case,the deme théâtralareas would have servedas venuesfor face-to-face interactionamong demesmenand across trittyes,further strengthening bonds and tieswithin the trittyes. The distributionand formof the deme théâtralareas illuminatetheir multiplicity of functionsand demonstrate how the trittyesserved as the crossroadsbetween deme and phyle,one of the mostimportant links supporting the matrixof the demokratia.

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JessicaPaga Princeton University department of art and archaeology IO5 McCORMICK HALL PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 08544 [email protected]

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