A Differing Shade of Green

REVIEWS A differing shade of green Adrian Parr, The Wrath of Capital: Neoliberalism and Climate Change Politics, Columbia University Press, New York, 2013. 224 pp., £20.50 hb., 978 0 23115 828 2. This book is a welcome addition to the spate of recent amount of available oil diminishes on a regular and books on the ecological and resource calamities cur- predictable basis. He doesn’t tell us how to get there rently facing the planet. Unlike so many others – one from here, though, other than through, presumably, thinks in this context of authors as disparate as Bill the reading of his book and the activation of our McKibben and Richard Heinberg – Parr analyses the individual consciences. McKibben, in Deep Economy: crisis in the context of global inequality and social Economics As If the World Mattered (2007), proposes injustice. Her analysis is firmly rooted in a Marxism a small-community ethic as a way of living a healthier that allows a more comprehensive grasp of why and life: growing one’s own food, driving less, and so on. how the current state of affairs has developed. She McKibben sees the ideal social unit as that of a small makes it clear that the worsening state of the envi- community, but his solution ultimately entails people ronment is the effect of global capitalism; the crisis voluntarily, and presumably individually, choosing to therefore cannot be effectively addressed within the live in progressive small towns or the countryside: parameters of capital. She does not propose, as do so rural Vermont is his home, and apparently his ideal. many, the mere importance of individual initiative, It’s unclear how one can live in Vermont, however, if without any contestation of larger economic and social one is living in poverty in a major urban centre, or in injustices that are inseparable from the workings of the rural India. neoliberal order. Counting on individuals alone to solve I mention these two authors not to condemn them, the ‘environmental problem’ is itself a symptom of the but to indicate the difficulty that lies before any pro- overarching problem: the current ideological triumph gressive social/ecological critic who does not firmly tie of a relentless capitalist neoliberalism, grounded above his or her analysis to a critique of global capitalism. all in the supposed wants and needs of the (consumer- As Parr makes clear, one can indeed make individual ist) individual. choices, but how individual is individual? How indi- In eight closely argued chapters, Parr presents vidual can any choice be in the current economic the interrelated crises currently facing us: climate regime? The individual will always be the creature change; flawed carbon-offset schemes; population of larger market forces and logic. The individual’s growth and income inequality; looming water scar- response, then, will always have to be framed in a city; looming food scarcity and expanding worldwide larger, inclusive, political context, as political action. hunger; the food-industrial complex, with genetically Here I would point to chapter 6 of Parr’s book, modified food and factory-raised animals; the green ‘Animal Pharm’, which focuses on agribusiness as it city movement and attendant social inequality; and is currently constituted. McKibben’s solution to the the oil industry and its lamentable, indeed apocalyp- woes of junk food, unhealthy meat, fast food, geneti- tic, environmental record. Typically, authors focus on cally modified food – all harmful both to the human individual responses to these problems: for example, body and to the environment in general – entails changes proposed include eating less meat; driving the voluntary withdrawal from the current regime, less or not at all; living in a compact city; recycling, and participation in community-supported agriculture dumpster diving, and so on. Only if a significant schemes (CSAs), backyard gardening, the support of portion of the world population decides on these small local organic farmers, and so on. All laudable, changes, individually or in small groups, will the to be sure: anyone who has read Michael Pollan world somehow be ‘saved’. Heinberg, for example, in knows that eating good food can certainly improve The Party’s Over: Oil, War and the Fate of Industrial one’s life. Parr, on the other hand, stresses some Societies (2003), recommends a radically restrained obvious problems with small community reform that (constrained?) lifestyle as a way of enabling humanity somehow never seems to get beyond ‘identity politics’ to survive longer with a much smaller carbon footprint – that is, beyond the improvement of the lives of – necessary if we are to continue to ‘flourish’ as the certain types of people (vegans, foodies, small-town 36 Radical Philosophy 179 (May/June 2013) inhabitants, farmers, ‘creative class’ types, etc.) rather Omnivorous capitalism, in other words, works through than all people. She notes, for example, that ‘ethical both individual oppression and exploitation but also food choices cannot be separated from the material through a kind of personal thralldom to consuming conditions determining food production and modes not just reified or fetishized objects but all the images of subjectification (race, class, gender, species).’ Most packaged and sold by an ever-resilient capitalism. In vegans have soybeans as a central part of their diets, the case of vegans, singled out by Parr, a seeming and yet ‘soybean production is responsible for the revolt against capitalism is immediately reappropri- razing of large parts of the Amazon rain forest that ated by it: if we reject meat as individuals and go to is facilitating the institutionalization of North–South the local wholefood stores to buy soybeans we have power relations.’ Hence, ‘the vegan approach runs the merely switched consumable signs; we have not radi- risk of facilitating the culture of consumption that cally changed our activity as passive consumers and capitalism advances.’ She then goes on to cite the supporters of the neoliberal regime. Identity politics intolerance of certain vegan groups when it comes to is not even politics; it’s consumerism as social action. people who have tried veganism and rejected it, for The new signs are contestatory only as signs; thus health reasons. This would seem to be the nub of the they are the problem (elements of the ‘spectacle’), problem: the vegans constitute themselves as a special not the solution. This is the genius of ever-renascent interest/identity group, they feel confident about it, but capitalism: it mutates endlessly, always capable of they quickly become exclusivist, seeing others as not reappropriating contestation, no matter how seemingly quite up to their moral or ethical standards. They have radical, and turning it to its own (exploitative) ends. to, because they don’t have any overarching political The vegan feels superior eating soybeans; meanwhile, standards, based on rigorous social and economic the Amazon rainforest is stripped for profit. analysis. The irony is that they are themselves fully This example is extended in the following chapter, caught up in the individualistic consumerism that ‘Modern Feeling and the Green City’. The current is the very heart of the ‘society of the spectacle’. ‘greening’ of the city, from Parr’s perspective, is capitalist business as usual, with a green tint. Her example is Chicago, where a massive energy efficiency initiative has been undertaken, thanks to the efforts of Mayor Daley. But, obviously, Chicago’s transformation has less to do with ‘saving the planet’, in the noble abstract, than it has to do with turning the city into an economically efficient and lifestyle-friendly metropolis that will attract the ‘creative class’ types that nowadays are held to be the salvation of agglomerations in the age of knowledge- based industries. As Parr writes, The green roof on Chicago’s City Hall is just another code, alongside other codes such as the LEED-rated buildings, housing voucher schemes, bicycle paths, and so on and so forth. What grounds all of these codes and the shifts they undergo over time is the axiomatic of capital, for in all cases capital serves as the justification for urban development and change. As with the vegans, the walkable-city types are less concerned with social justice than with establishing their own turf in the most pleasant parts of the gentrified city. And, though Barr does Radical Philosophy 179 (May/June 2013) 37 not stress it, gentrification itself is really the index espouses? How to convince everyone, including those of the failure of the ‘greening’ ideal of the city, poor whose definition of progress is consuming more, because it merely replicates social inequality under that there must be a fairly low-lying ceiling to their the guise of urban efficiency. When neighbourhoods consumption? Who will do this convincing? What role are ‘revitalized’, when the LEED-style amenities are will constraint play in it? Say what you will, part of the introduced, those who are not ‘creative class’ hipster genius of capitalism is to make true believers out of geniuses are forced out, and the neighbourhood, which people – make them consumers – while all the while indeed becomes more pleasant to live in, also becomes motivating them by convincing them that it is entirely unaffordable for most people. Gentrification and green in their interest. Capitalism has solved the problem of urban renewal seem to be locked in a tight embrace; motivation, if not much else. Marxism and its various how would one go about separating them? avatars have never come close. How in short do you If I have a criticism of Parr’s book, it is in the get people to feel solidarity with everyone, when lack of specifics she provides in response to this type everything in the global culture persuades them to of question.

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