Dialogica Nr. 2, 2020

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Dialogica Nr. 2, 2020 DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.3978078 CZU: 94(498)”1977”+821.135.1.09(091) Doctorandă cu o teză în istorie despre Paul Goma. Cercetător ştiinți- fic la Institutul Național pentru Studiul Totalitarismului, Academia Română. (Co)autoare a 10 cărți, 31 de volume colective, peste 80 de studii şi artico- le, participare la 37 de conferințe şi simpozioane naționale şi internaționale. Ultimul titlu apărut: Securitatea noastră cea de toate zilele (coautor, Cristian TRONCOTĂ), Ed. Corint, 2020. Flori BĂLĂNESCU RELAȚIA SCRIITORILOR CU PUTEREA ÎN ROMÂNIA ANULUI 1977 „Există o problemă majoră în relațiile rămânea de stabilit ce însemna concret noul dintre țara noastră și blocul țărilor socialiste, a concept pentru fiecare dintre ele. spus un altul. Problema imigrării și emigrării Principala teză a cărții lui R. J. Vincent este foarte sensibilă. Noi putem face prea puțin [3] este că drepturile omului trebuie să facă pentru a schimba sistemul politic din Răsărit parte din politica externă a tuturor națiunilor și este mai bine să nu pricinuim necazuri pu- şi să ocupe un loc nelimitat în teoria relațiilor nând în pericol însăși destinderea” [1]. internaționale. Analistul propunea o viziune Retorica drepturilor şi exprimarea li- „ecumenică”, în ciuda celor care susțineau că bertății în „anul drepturilor omului” Con- problematica drepturilor omului devine con- textul diplomatic în care s-au desfăşurat eve- traproductivă când este introdusă în politi- nimentelor din anul 1977 în Europa, în gene- ca externă. Dimpotrivă, legăturile pe care le ral, şi în România, în special, a fost unul din- presupune, ar fi atât necesare, cât şi practice. tre cele mai dificile din istoria secolului XX. Drepturile omului au rămas o preocupare ma- „Începutul sfârşitului” [2] a fost Conferința joră pentru specialişti şi după anul drepturilor de la Helsinki, din 1975. Abordarea proble- omului, cum a fost numit 1977. O explicație melor de securitate colectivă din perspectiva plauzibilă ar putea consta în discrepanța din- noului concept introdus la masa tratative- tre retorică şi pragmatism. Ceea ce, într-un lor internaționale – detentă/ destindere – a fel, reiese şi din abordarea occidentală la Hel- scos la suprafață nevoia de a se discuta des- sinki: nu doar comerț şi securitate, ci şi liber- pre drepturile omului. Termenii introduşi în tate individuală, adică respectarea drepturilor dezbatere subliniază un motiv al polarizării omului. La doi ani după Helsinki, Conferința politico-diplomatice. Dacă destinderea (de- pentru Securitate şi Cooperare în Europa de tenta) presupunea o împăcare între cele două la Belgrad (4 octombrie 1977–8 martie 1978), blocuri ideologice, o aşezare la aceeaşi masă, sau Conferința post-Helsinki, nu a reuşit să Dialogica nr. 2, 2020 50 E-ISSN 1857-2537 evite tensiunile dintre Est şi Vest, tocmai din ducă efecte benefice în mentalul şi atitudinea cauza delicatei chestiuni a drepturilor omu- societăţii până în 1992. „Intriga” declanşatoa- lui, care deranja diplomația sovietică şi pe re a fost arestarea membrilor trupei rock „The sateliții Moscovei [4]. Dispozitivul extins al Plastic People of the Universe”, reprezentantă instituțiilor represive, în speță, al Securității, a subculturii (contraculturii) critice față de re- pentru „pacificarea” Mişcării pentru dreptu- gim. Termenii-cheie ai mişcării civice din Ce- rile omului, inițiată de scriitorul Paul Goma, hoslovacia au fost contracultură-samizdat-so- încurajat de Charta 77 a cehilor şi slovacilor, lidarizare. Ea nu a apărut din senin, doar ca a avut sarcina de a limita cât mai mult efectele nevoie de exprimare oportună în preajma dezastruoase pentru imaginea publică externă CSCE de la Belgrad, ci pe fondul unei mişcări a regimului Ceauşescu. subterane, întreținute în primul rând de inte- Dintr-o necesitate inalienabilă a ființei lectuali şi de scriitori (între ei, Václav Havel, umane [5, p.14], indiferent de caracteristicile Jan Patočka, Pavel Kohout). Numărul mare al sale fizice, istorice, zonale, drepturile omu- semnatarilor în momentul publicării se dato- lui s-au transformat cu timpul într-o uzuală rează practicării samizdatului şi solidarizării. retorică diplomatică, o categorie de mane- În România, scriitorul Paul Goma şi-a vră, chiar de şantaj, la masa tratativelor. Nu creat singur terenul de nealiniat, de necon- întâmplător, Acordul Jackson-Vanick, an- form şi de mereu răzvrătit pentru a ajunge în terior cu un an Actului Final al Conferinței punctul culminant 1977. Respingerea manus- de la Helsinki, condiționa acordarea Clauzei criselor sale de către Cenzură şi piedicile puse națiunii celei mai favorizate de respectarea de chiar lumea editorială, în care funcționau dreptului de emigrare [6, p. 199]. Nu a fost o laolaltă foşti tartori ai săi (de ex., Mihai Gafi- coincidență nici renegocierea în 1977 de către ța) cu foşti colegi de facultate şi de puşcărie Ceauşescu a termenilor acordării Clauzei, pe politică (de ex., Al. Ivasiuc), precum şi scri- care o primise în 1975. itori „cu nume” care practicau o precauție În împrejurările europene politico-diplo- acerbă (de ex., Marin Preda), dar şi oameni de matice şi publice ale discuțiilor despre drep- cultură care păstraseră bunul simț al opiniei turi, libertatea de expresie şi-a dovedit mai oneste, în ciuda experienței carcerale (de ex., bine ca oricând valențele universale. România Al. Paleologu), l-au transformat într-un pro- anului 1977 a cunoscut un singur intelectual scris. În ianuarie 1977, în ciuda încercărilor care s-a solidarizat public cu Charta 77, o miş- de a mai atrage şi alte semnături pe scrisoarea care începută ca inițiativă civică, într-o țară publică adresată lui Pavel Kohout, a fost ne- comunizată, în care de altfel civismul era in- voit să o expedieze în nume personal. Până la terzis. Cu toate acestea, înainte ca documentul 8 februarie, a mai expediat două scrisori des- declanşator să fie publicat în Occident, acesta chise, una lui Nicolae Ceauşescu („la Palatul fusese semnat de peste 240 de cehi şi slovaci. Regal”!) şi una, de data aceasta cu alte 7 sem- În ciuda represaliilor masive şi dure ale auto- nături, CSCE de la Belgrad. rităţilor, mişcarea cehoslovacilor pentru drep- Firava Mişcare Goma, căreia i s-au alătu- turi nu a fost învinsă, ci a continuat să pro- rat până în jurul datei de 1 aprilie (arestarea Dialogica nr. 2, 2020 E-ISSN 1857-2537 51 scriitorului) alte câteva sute de muncitori, pro- spus un diplomat european. Dar dacă noi vom fesori, scriitori din planul secund (nealiniați), începe să acordăm vize oricui care ar vrea să elevi, studenți, peste 400, a fost un adevărat plece, zăgazurile se vor rupe spre distrugerea miracol, ținând cont de absența rezistenței propriei noastre economii şi societăți»” [7]. subterane. Unii dintre aderenți erau foşti deți- Până în zilele noastre, drepturile omului nuți din epoca Gheorghiu-Dej, însă alții erau sunt aplicate selectiv, doar retorica lor tinzând elevi de liceu şi studenți. Intelectualitatea a către un fundamentalism tot mai nuanțat. De oscilat între tăcere profundă şi conformism câte ori un om rosteşte/scrie adevărul, el este persiflant în legătură cu „nebunia” lui Goma, liber, indiferent de regimul politic. În România după cum o arată documentele din arhivele comunistă, după 1965, oamenii au devenit tot Securității, dar şi alte tipuri de documente. mai neliberi, mai conformi ideologic, mai in- Corespondentul din epocă al New York teresați de aranjamente strict personale. Există Times, Malcolm Brown a surprins atmosfera şi un curent de opinie, printre intelectuali şi în „deliciile” diplomației în privința celor mulți și mass-media, că regimul comunist din România lipsiți de putere. La scurt timp după publica- a fost cel mai drastic din Europa, prin urma- rea Scrisorii deschise adresate participanților la re, din cauza represiunii la cote înalte, într-un Conferița de la Belgrad, Brown a transmis prin fel sau altul, toată lumea a cedat imperativelor telex către ziar: „În timp ce guvernele vest-eu- politice şi ideologice, până la o netezire a com- ropene nu doresc să facă afirmații clare în pri- portamentelor, a tipurilor de reacție. Menta- vința politicii lor privind emigrarea, diploma- litatea suferinței şi a rezistenței în comunism ții, în particular, lasă impresia clară că aceste are pe o anumită grilă interpretativă doi poli: restricții au o bază economică şi politică. Euro- 1. nu puteam să fim toți eroi şi 2. România a dat pa de vest şi Statele Unite au în mod permanent cei mai mulți martiri/eroi. Ambele viziuni sunt un număr mare de şomeri şi există sentimen- subsumabile unui alt loc comun din mentalul tul că imigranții şi refugiații politici inclusiv colectiv de după 1989: toți am fost vinovați, în sporesc dificultatea găsirii unui servici[u]. [...] grade diferite, așadar, nu e nimeni vinovat. Ne- «Nu sunt Enoch Powell» (N.T. (nota traducă- asumarea vreunei responsabilități de către inte- torului Securității)) – fost ministru de interne lectualii ajunşi la maturitate până în decembrie britanic care s-a opus cu înverşunare imigrării 1989 a îngreunat procesul analitic şi percepția către Anglia), a declarat un diplomat occiden- cu discernământ a trecutului recent, deodată tal referindu-se la cel mai binecunoscut adver- cu inserarea în spațiul cultural şi public a unor sar politic al imigrărilor spre Marea Britanie. confuzii grave. Una dintre acestea se referă la În acelaşi timp, dacă populaţia Europei Occi- modul interesat în care, mai ales scriitorii, şi- dentale va mai creşte cât de puţin cu refugiaţi au creat/le-au fost create alibiuri postfactum de din oricare
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