Trotsky's Diary in Exile
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Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1
Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1 The Revolution of 1905 came to be not only the “general rehearsal” of 1917 but also the laboratory in which all the fundamental groupings of Russian political life were worked out and all the tendencies and shadings inside Russian Marxism were projected. At the core of the arguments and divergences was, needless to say, the question concerning the historical nature of the Russian Revolution and its future course of development. That conflict of concepts and prognoses has no direct bearing on the biography of Stalin, who did not participate in it in his own right. The few propagandist articles he wrote on that subject are utterly devoid of theoretical interest. Scores of Bolsheviks who plied the pen popularised the same thoughts, and did it considerably better. Any critical exposition of Bolshevism’s revolutionary concepts naturally belongs in a biography of Lenin. But theories have their own fate. Although during the period of the First Revolution [1905] and subsequently, as late as 1923, at the time when the revolutionary doctrines were elaborated and applied, Stalin had no independent position whatever, a sudden change occurred in 1924, which opened an epoch of bureaucratic reaction and radical transvaluation of the past. The film of the revolution was unwound in reverse order. Old doctrines were subjected either to a new evaluation or a new interpretation. Thus, rather unexpectedly at first glance, attention was focused on the concept of “permanent revolution” as the prime source of all the fallacies of “Trotskyism”. For many years to come criticism of that concept formed the main content of all the theoretical – sit venio verbo – writings of Stalin and his collaborators. -
Beretning 1913
.. " . DET NORSKE ARBEIDERPARTI ........................................................................................................ BERETNINGFOR 1913 I AARET UT ARBEIDET VED SEKRET ÆREN I Il'i ,, ........................................................................................................ KRISTIANIA 1914 :: ARBEIDERNES AKTIETRYKKERI Indholdsfortegnelse. Centralstyrets beretning. ide Hedemarken. 'ide Solør arbeiderparti . 28 .\.aret 1913 (over igt . 1 Eidskog, Vinger og Odalen arb.p. 30 Landsstyret . 2 . Søndre Hedemarkens kredsparti 30 Centralstyret . 2 Nordre Hedemarkens arb.parti . 31 Nye organisationer . 2 Søndre Østerdalen arb.parti . 31 Strøkne organisationer . 3 Xordre Østerdalens kredsparti 32 Amtspartternes omorganisation . 3 Kristian. 1. 8maalene amtsparti . 3 Jevnaker arbeiderparti . 32 2. Akershus amtsparti ... 4 Bu�kerud. 3. Hedemarkens amt parti . 4 Buskerud amtsparti . 33 4. Buskerud amtsparti . 5 Numedals kredsparti . 35 5. Brat berg amtsparti . 5 Jarlsberg og Larvik. Agitationen . 5 koger kred arbeiderparti . 35 1. mai .. ...... 9 Brunla kredsparti . 35 Kommunevalgene . 9 Bratsberg. 1. Landkommunerne . 10 Brat berg amtsparti . 36 2. Byerne . 11 Vest-Telemarkens kred parti 37 3. ICvinderne og valget . 11 Nedenes. 4. Valgets hovedre ultat 12 Nedene amtsparti . 37 Brochurer . 13 Lister og Man dal. Partiets forlag og bokhandel . 14 Oddernes kreds arbeiderparti 38 Det tyvende aarhundrede . 15 .Mandalens kred sparti . 38 Kommunalt tidssknft . 15 Stavanger amt. Partiet pre se . 15 Stavanger amtsparti . 38 Haand -
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article Extrait De La Revue Recherches Contemporaines, N° 5, 1998-1999
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article extrait de la revue Recherches contemporaines, n° 5, 1998-1999 Le Rassemblement comme rassemblement Éric DUHAMEL De toutes les formations politiques, le RGR est probablement celle qui a le moins retenu l’attention des historiens. Les histoires générales de la 4e République se contentent de le qualifier de cartel électoral quand il n’est pas purement et simplement assimilé au Parti radical1. Or, le RGR, sans avoir été un parti politique stricto sensu, a été beaucoup plus qu’un cartel électoral ; en fait une confédération de forces politiques comparable à l’UDF. Mais si l’UDF, à l’origine cartel électoral, s’est transformée en "groupement politique"2, le RGR, ainsi que nous le verrons, a été pensé d’emblée comme une formule originale de regroupement de forces politiques. A ce titre, le RGR a joué un rôle et remplit une fonction non négligeable durant la 4e République. En outre, il constitue un type d’organisation dont la connaissance peut utilement enrichir les études sur les associations partisanes. Le lecteur ne trouvera pas dans les lignes qui suivent une étude exhaustive de cette formation mais, à l’occasion de la publication des notes politiques de Pierre de Léotard dans ce numéro de Recherches contemporaines, une brève présentation. L’histoire du RGR est celle de ses paradoxes. Le moindre n’a-t-il pas été de voir associés dans une même formation radicaux et manifestants du 6 février 1934, survivants de Vichy et résistants parmi les plus authentiques ? Que ce Rassemblement ait eu une influence certaine au Parlement, quand bien même ses principales composantes sont sorties discréditées de la seconde guerre mondiale, à l’exception 1. -
Heftet Ringerike 2002
RINGERIKE www.heftet-ringerike.org 2002 (Hefte nr. 74) Utgitt av RINGERIKES MUSEUM RINGERIKE UNGDOMSLAG RINGERIKE HISTORIELAG Redaksjon FRED HARALD NILSSEN (redaktør) TOM BJØRNSTAD OTTO FRYDENLUND BJØRN KNOPH LIV SKRETTEBERG RUNAR JOHANSEN (forretningsfører) BK Grafiske as, Sandefjord Opplag: 4.200 stk. 2 HEFTET ÅR 2002 Hønefoss i sentrum Innholdet i årets hefte er preget av at Navneeksperten Margit Harsson gjør Historien om Hønefoss er også en vi i år feirer at det er 150 år siden tett- et leseverdig forsøk på å finne forkla- historie om konflikter. Komiteen for stedet Hønefoss fikk bystatus. Hvis ringen i artikkelen sin. by-jubileet skal ha honnør for at den noen mot formodning ikke skulle være Stadig flere får øynene opp for hvor har våget å la en omstridt kunstner fornøyd med omfanget, vil vi minne mye fin arkitektur det er i Hønefoss. I slippe til med sin hyllest til hattemaker om at redaksjonen rettet oppmerksom- årets utgave følger vi opp med tredje Halsteen Knudsen gjennom realise- heten mot jubileet allerede i 2000- og del av Jørn Jensens omtale av bybe- ringen av folkegaven og musikkteate- 2001-utgavene. Byens historie har for byggelsen. Denne gangen er turen ret. Asle Raaen skriver om arbeidet sitt. øvrig vært og vil være et stadig tilba- kommet til villaene. Som vanlig har redaksjonen fått kevende tema for heftet. Utflytter Einar Gandrud, nå pensjo- inn flere artikler enn vi har hatt Hønefoss-navnet er og blir en gåte nert lektor på Hamar, gir byens histo- plass til. Noen bidragsytere vil nok bli som vil utfordre både glade lokalhisto- rie et ansikt med sine barndomsmin- skuffet over at vi ikke har funnet plass riske amatører og faghistorikere. -
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: the Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: The Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France By Ronald J. Lienhardt History Departmental Undergraduate Honors Thesis University of Colorado at Boulder April 8, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Martha Hanna Department of History Defense Committee: Dr. John Willis Department of History Dr. Michael Radelet Department of Sociology 1 Song of the Partisans By Maurice Druon Friend, can you hear The Flight of the ravens Over our plains? Friend, can you hear The muffled cry of our country In chains? Ah! Partisans, Workers and peasants, The alert has sounded. This evening the enemy Will learn the price of blood And of tears.1 1 Claude Chambard, The Maquis: A History of the French Resistance Movement (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. , 1976), vii. 2 Table of Contents Abstract---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------4 Introduction--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------5 Chapter 1: Impending War, the fall of France, and the Foundations of Resistance---------------------8 France’s Initiative becomes outdated: The Maginot Line-------------------------------------------------------11 Failures to Adapt to the Progress of War: The Invasion and the fall of France----------------------------14 Collaboration and Life Under Occupation-------------------------------------------------------------------------20 Organization -
Joseph Hansen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. -
Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
The French Communist Party and the Comintern
WILLIAM A. HOISINGTON.JR CLASS AGAINST CLASS: THE FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE COMINTERN A STUDY OF ELECTION TACTICS IN 1928 Since the 1930's the French Communist party has faithfully endorsed the policy decisions of the Soviet Union, oftentimes despite disagree- ment with major Soviet pronouncements.1 In the 1920's, however, the French Communist leadership was divided over the appropriateness of Soviet instructions on matters that appeared to many French Com- munists clearly within the exclusive domain of the French party. The intrusion of the Comintern, the Soviet-dominated international Communist organization, into the pre-campaign discussion of the tactics for the 1928 elections to the French national assembly forced French Communists to re-examine their goals, their position in French politics, and their relationship with the Soviet Union. The decisions of the French party leaders, made amid what was perhaps the last animated and freewheeling public party debate, determined the party's relationship with the USSR for a full forty years. The disagreement over election tactics originated in the concern of a Comintern official for the politics and posture of the French party. Jules Humbert-Droz, director of the Comintern's Latin Secretariat and Comintern representative to the French party congress at Lille in June 1926, was alarmed at the efforts of French Communists to reach election agreements with members of the Socialist party.2 To Humbert - 1 The French Communist party's criticism of the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, and Poland was a rare example of infidelity. See The New York Times, August 22, 1968. -
Trotsky‟S Struggle Against Stalinism
International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2020, Vol. 8, No. 09, 398-408 doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.003 D DAVID PUBLISHING Hero as Pariah: Trotsky‟s Struggle Against Stalinism Dibyajit Mukherjee Prabhat Kumar College, West Bengal, India Leon Trotsky‟s contribution to the Marxist position in philosophy and his role in the Russian Revolution of October 1917 had been politically maneuvered, tampered with, fabricated and covered by a muck heap of Stalinist slander. By Stalinism, I am referring to the narrative which was born from the bureaucratic degeneration of the Soviet Union, after the failure of working class to consolidate and capture state power in Hungary, Germany, Italy and other western countries which was materially in an advanced position than early 20th Century Russia. It was also the political ideology which was born as a result of civil far, famine, pandemic and the invasion of the newly formed Russian worker‟s state by more than fifteen foreign countries with colonial objectives. Trotsky‟s role in creating the Red Army, which was a different to that of a standing army and supporters of Trotsky in the Left Opposition were not only vilified and charged with false accusations but violently purged. In this paper I have highlighted how Stalinism marked a revolution against the revolution of 1917 and how Trotsky continuously struggled against the bureaucratic despotism over the working class in post 1917 Russia. Keywords: bureaucracy, Stalinism, privileged caste, permanent revolution, Trotsky Introduction In his reminiscences of Lenin, Maxim Gorky has related a conversation he had with him. When in the course of it, he mentioned the hostility shown by certain Bolshevists to Trotsky, Lenin banged his fist upon the table and said: Show me another man who could have practically created a model army in a year and won the respect of the military specialists as well. -
Trotsky's 1918-Volume 1, Military Writings Table of Contents the Military Writings of LEON TROTSKY
Trotsky's 1918-Volume 1, Military Writings Table of Contents The Military Writings of LEON TROTSKY Volume 1, 1918 HOW THE REVOLUTION ARMED These writings were first published in 1923 by the Soviet Government. They were translated by Brian Pearce. Annotation is by Brian Pearce. Footnotes are from the original Russian edition. Transcribed for the Trotsky Internet Archive, now a subarchive of the Marxist writers' Internet Archive, by David Walters in 1996 with permission from Index Books/Trade Union Printing Services, 28 Charlotte St, London, W1P 1HJ Introduction to the on-line version This five volume collection of Leon Trotsky's military writings are a major contribution to Revolutionary Marxism. Trotsky was Commissar of Military and Navel Affairs for the newly formed Soviet Republic. In this capacitiy he lead the organization of the Red Army and Navy. This workers' and peasants' army, the first regular army of a workers' state, was to immediatly face its first confict with Imperialism and it's Russian represtitives in 1918. The five volumes represents the sum total of Trotsky's articles, essays, lectures and polemics as the leader of the Red Army. Some of the writings here were given at Red Army academies, at Bolshevik Party meetings and at national and local soviets. These writing represent official Soviet policy in general and Bolshevik Party positions specifically. All the writings represents Trotsky's thoughts in reaction to the events as they were transpiring around him from 1918 through 1922: war, revolution, counter-revolution, all without the calm reflection a historian, for example, would have enjoyed in writing about such events with the advantage of 20/20 hindsight. -
Hotel Bristol” Question in the First Moscow Trial of 1936
New Evidence Concerning the “Hotel Bristol” Question in the First Moscow Trial of 1936 Sven-Eric Holmström Leon Sedov Leon Trotsky John Dewey 1. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to introduce new evidence regarding the Hotel Bristol in Copenhagen, the existence of which was questioned after the First Moscow Trial of August, 1936. The issue of Hotel Bristol has perhaps been the most used “evidence” for the fraudulence of the Moscow Trials. This essay examines the Hotel Bristol question as it was dealt with in the Dewey Commission hearings of 1937 in Mexico by carefully examining newly uncovered photographs and primary documents. The essay concludes that • There was a Bristol located where the defendant in question said it was. This Bristol was in more than one way closely connected to a hotel. • Leon Trotsky lied deliberately to the Dewey Commission more than once. • Trotsky’s son Leon Sedov and one of Trotsky’s witnesses also lied. • The examination of the Hotel Bristol question made by the Dewey Commission can at the best be described as sloppy. This means that the credibility of the Dewey Commission must be seriously questioned. Copyright © 2008 by Sven-Eric Holmström and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Sven-Eric Holmström 2 • The author Isaac Deutscher and Trotsky’s secretary, Jean Van Heijenoort, covered up Trotsky’s continuing contact with his supporters in the Soviet Union. • It was probably Deutscher and/or Van Heijenoort who purged the Harvard Trotsky Archives of incriminating evidence, a fact discovered by researchers during the early 1980s. • This is the strongest evidence so far that the testimony in the 1936 Moscow Trial was true, rather than a frame up. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science «Les Belles Années du Plan»? Hendrik de Man and the Reinvention of Western European Socialism, 1914-36 ca. Tommaso Milani A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2017. 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,843 words. 2 ABSTRACT The thesis discusses the trajectory of the Belgian socialist thinker and activist Hendrik de Man (1885-1953) between 1914 and 1936 ca, with particular attention to his endeavours to renew Western European social democracy after the Great War. The first half of the thesis deals with de Man’s theoretical evolution. Having become convinced of the inadequacy of orthodox Marxism as a conceptual framework for the Left while serving as soldier and diplomat during WWI, de Man sought to overcome the split between reformism and revolutionary socialism by developing an ethical conception of socialism outlined in the book Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) and, subsequently, by elaborating planism, a democratic socialist ideology supposedly more in tune with the socio-economic conditions of the 1930s.