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The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role As an Ethnic Interest Group
The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role as an Ethnic Interest Group Author: Margaret Katherine Henn Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/568 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Introduction Since the 1960s, Cuban Americans have made social, economic, and political progress far beyond that of most immigrant groups that have come to the United States in the past fifty years. I will argue that the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) was very influential in helping the Cuban Americans achieve much of this progress. It is, however, important to note that Cubans had some distinct advantages from the beginning, in terms of wealth and education. These advantages helped this ethnic interest group to grow quickly and become powerful. Since its inception in the early 1980s, the CANF has continually been able to shape government policy on almost all issues related to Cuba. Until at least the end of the Cold War, the CANF and the Cuban American population presented a united front in that their main goal was to present a hard line towards Castro and defeat him; they sought any government assistance they could get to achieve this goal, from policy changes to funding for different dissident activities. In more recent years, Cubans have begun to differ in their opinions of the best policy towards Cuba. I will argue that this change along with other changes will decrease the effectiveness of the CANF. -
The 1970S: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland
ch4.qxd 10/11/1999 10:10 AM Page 84 CHAPTER 4 The 1970s: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland As hopes of returning to Cuba faded, Cuban exiles became more con- cerned with life in the United States. Exile-related struggles were put on the back burner as more immediate immigrant issues emerged, such as the search for better jobs, education, and housing. Class divisions sharpened, and advocacy groups seeking improved social services emerged, including, for example, the Cuban National Planning Council, a group of Miami social workers and businesspeople formed in the early 1970s. As an orga- nization that provided services to needy exiles, this group de‹ed the pre- vailing notion that all exiles had made it in the United States. Life in the United States created new needs and interests that could only be resolved, at least in part, by entering the domestic political arena. Although there had always been ideological diversity within the Cuban émigré community, it was not until the 1970s that the political spec- trum ‹nally began to re›ect this outwardly.1 Two sharply divided camps emerged: exile oriented (focused on overthrowing the Cuban revolution- ary government) and immigrant oriented (focused on improving life in the United States). Those groups that were not preoccupied with the Cuban revolution met with hostility from those that were. Exile leaders felt threat- ened by organized activities that could be interpreted as an abandonment of the exile cause. For example, in 1974 a group of Cuban exile researchers conducted an extensive needs assessment of Cubans in the United States and concluded that particular sectors, such as the elderly and newly arrived immigrants, were in need of special intervention.2 When their ‹ndings were publicized, they were accused of betraying the community because of their concern with immigrant problems rather than the over- throw of the revolution. -
Cuba 2017: El Fin De Una Era
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 38 / N° 2 / 2018 / 259-279 CUBA 2017: THE END OF AN ERA Cuba 2017: el fin de una era TERESA GARCÍA CASTRO Washington Office on Latin America, USA PHILIP BRENNER American University, USA ABSTRACT In 2017, Cuba prepared itself for a momentous change that was coming in 2018: the first time in 59 years that a Castro would not be leading the government. No one expects Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, whom the National Assembly elected as Cuba’s president in April 2018, to chart a course dramatically different from the one President Raúl Castro had established. However, given the economic, demo- graphic, and international political challenges Cuba faced in 2017, the year had to be viewed as the end of an era. Change is inevitable in order to sustain the Cuban Revolution. Keywords: Cuba, Castro, Díaz-Canel, U.S.-Cuba, elections RESUMEN En 2017, Cuba se preparó para un cambio trascendental que venía en 2018: la primera vez en 59 años que un Castro no lideraría el gobierno. Nadie espera que Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, a quien la Asamblea Nacional eligió como presidente de Cuba en abril de 2018, trace una ruta radicalmente diferente a la que había establecido el presidente Raúl Castro. Pero dados los desafíos económicos, demográficos e internacionales que enfrentó Cuba en 2017, el año tiene que ser visto como el final de una era. El cambio es inevitable para sostener la Revolución Cubana. Palabras clave: Cuba, Castro, Díaz-Canel, Estados Unidos-Cuba, elecciones TERESA GARCÍA CASTRO • PHILIP BRENNER I. INTRODUCTION A visitor to Cuba at the beginning of 2018 would have experienced a far different country than when Raúl Castro became president ten years earlier—more open, vibrant, and bustling. -
Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms with Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 2003 Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Francisco Valdes, Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas, 55 Fla.L.Rev. 283 (2003). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DIASPORA AND DEADLOCK, MIAMI AND HAVANA: COMING TO TERMS WITH DREAMS AND DOGMAS Francisco Valdes* I. INTRODUCTION ............................. 283 A. Division and Corruption:Dueling Elites, the Battle of the Straits ...................................... 287 B. Arrogation and Class Distinctions: The Politics of Tyranny and Money ................................. 297 C. Global Circus, Domestic Division: Cubans as Sport and Spectacle ...................................... 300 D. Time and Imagination: Toward the Denied .............. 305 E. Broken Promisesand Bottom Lines: Human Rights, Cuban Rights ...................................... 310 F. Reconciliationand Reconstruction: Five LatCrit Exhortations ...................................... 313 II. CONCLUSION .......................................... 317 I. INTRODUCTION The low-key arrival of Elian Gonzalez in Miami on Thanksgiving Day 1999,1 and the custody-immigration controversy that then ensued shortly afterward,2 transfixed not only Miami and Havana but also the entire * Professor of Law and Co-Director, Center for Hispanic & Caribbean Legal Studies, University of Miami. -
In the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA JOSE J. BASULTO 5790 S. W. 84th Street Miami, FL 33143 Plaintiff, v. Case No. _____________ THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA c/o The Permanent Representative of Cuba to the United Nations 14 East 79th Street New York, N.Y. 10021 and FIDEL CASTRO RUZ c/o Presidential Palace Havana, Cuba and GENERAL RAUL CASTRO RUZ c/o Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces Havana, Cuba Defendants. COMPLAINT Plaintiff, Jose J. Basulto, by counsel, for his complaint against Defendants The Republic of Cuba, Fidel Castro Ruz and General Raul Castro Ruz alleges as follows: I. CAUSES OF ACTION. 1. Plaintiff brings this action for assault and intentional infliction of emotional distress seeking money damages and other relief, jointly and severally, against the Defendants. 2. This action arises out of an act of terrorism by the Defendants and their agents on February 24, 1996, in which two Cuban Air Force fighter planes ("MiGs"), intentionally shot down two unarmed, civilian planes of Hermanos al Rescate [or “Brothers To The Rescue” (BTTR) in English] in international airspace in an unprovoked aerial ambush, killing four BTTR aviators, while two other Cuban Air Force MiGs chased a third unarmed, civilian BTTR plane, piloted by Plaintiff Basulto, unsuccessfully attempting to shoot it down before it returned to Opa Locka airport in Florida. 3. The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act enables suits for money damages against foreign states that cause "personal injury or death that was caused by an act of…extrajudicial killing, aircraft sabotage… or the provision of material support or resources (as defined in section 2339A of title 18) for such an act." See 28 U.S.C. -
Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind
Latin American Program | January 2020 A portrait of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez in between the Cuban and Venezuelan flags.Credit: Chávez Fusterlandia (On the left) A silhouetted profile of Fidel Castro in his military cap says “the best friend.” Dan Lundberg, March 18, 2016 / Shutterstock Venezuela and Cuba: The Ties that Bind I. Two Nations, One Revolution: The Evolution of Contemporary Cuba-Venezuela Relations By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich CONTENTS “Cuba es el mar de la felicidad. Hacia allá va Venezuela.” I. Two Nations, One (“Cuba is a sea of happiness. That’s where Venezuela is going.”) Revolution: The Evolution —Hugo Chávez Frías, March 8, 2000 of Contemporary Cuba- Venezuela Relations Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- II. The Geopolitics of Cuba–Venezuela-U.S. ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the Relations: relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s An Informal Note role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about By Richard E. Feinberg the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security -
Thesis US Cuba.Pdf
BEING SUCCESSFULLY NASTY: THE UNITED STATES, CUBA AND STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM, 1959-1976 by ROBERT G. DOUGLAS B.A., University of Victoria, 2005 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History © Robert Grant Douglas, 2008 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. BEING SUCCESSFULLY NASTY: THE UNITED STATES, CUBA AND STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM, 1959-1976 by ROBERT G. DOUGLAS B.A., University of Victoria, 2005 Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Perry Biddiscombe (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Jordan Stanger-Ross (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Michelle Bonner (Department of Political Science) Outside Member ii Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Perry Biddiscombe (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Jordan Stanger-Ross (Department of History) Departmental Member Dr. Michelle Bonner (Department of Political Science) Outside Member Abstract Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro‟s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere‟s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. -
State of Ambiguity: Civic Life and Culture in Cuba's First Republic
STATE OF AMBIGUITY STATE OF AMBIGUITY CiviC Life and CuLture in Cuba’s first repubLiC STEVEN PALMER, JOSÉ ANTONIO PIQUERAS, and AMPARO SÁNCHEZ COBOS, editors Duke university press 2014 © 2014 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-f ree paper ♾ Designed by Heather Hensley Typeset in Minion Pro by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data State of ambiguity : civic life and culture in Cuba’s first republic / Steven Palmer, José Antonio Piqueras, and Amparo Sánchez Cobos, editors. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-5630-1 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-5638-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Cuba—History—19th century. 2. Cuba—History—20th century. 3. Cuba—Politics and government—19th century. 4. Cuba—Politics and government—20th century. 5. Cuba— Civilization—19th century. 6. Cuba—Civilization—20th century. i. Palmer, Steven Paul. ii. Piqueras Arenas, José A. (José Antonio). iii. Sánchez Cobos, Amparo. f1784.s73 2014 972.91′05—dc23 2013048700 CONTENTS Introduction: Revisiting Cuba’s First Republic | 1 Steven Palmer, José Antonio Piqueras, and Amparo Sánchez Cobos 1. A Sunken Ship, a Bronze Eagle, and the Politics of Memory: The “Social Life” of the USS Maine in Cuba (1898–1961) | 22 Marial Iglesias Utset 2. Shifting Sands of Cuban Science, 1875–1933 | 54 Steven Palmer 3. Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Cuba: A View from the Sugar District of Cienfuegos, 1886–1909 | 82 Rebecca J. Scott 4. Slaughterhouses and Milk Consumption in the “Sick Republic”: Socio- Environmental Change and Sanitary Technology in Havana, 1890–1925 | 121 Reinaldo Funes Monzote 5. -
NY-Times-Magazine-1-4-1981.Pdf
FIGHTING CASTRO FROM EXILE By R. Bruce McColm and Francis X. Maier New York Times (1923-Current file); Jan 4, 1981; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York Times (1851-2009) pg. SM7 By R. Bruce McColm and Francis X. Maier ast September, FtHix Garcia Rodriguez, an attache to the Cuban Mission to the United Nations, was killed by a sniper while driving in rush·hour traffic through the Woodside section of Queens. Credit for his murder, the first assassi· nation of a United Nations diplomat in the U.N.'s 35-year history, was immedi· ately claimed by the Cuban exile terror· ist group Omega 7. The killing of Rodriguez was not an isolated act 01 terror. Since 1976. Omega 7 has carried out more than 40 bombings of Cuban airline offices. diplo matic missions, press agencies and businesses. The group has been linked by law-enforcement officials to at least 10 murders since 1973. Last year, Omega 7 made repeated attempts to bomb the Cuban Mission to the United Nations. On March 25, 1980, after an abortive plot to plant plastic explosives in the Iimou· sine of Raul Roo, the chief Cuban delegate to the United Nations, the group vowed, In a letter to The Hudson Dispatch, to continue Its assassination ef· forts until It succeeded. Omega 7 is the most extreme element in a clandes tine war being waged by small groups of anti·Castro exiles. This war takes many forms, from the bomb ing of Cuban embassies and the murder of alleged Cuban intelligence agents both here and abroad. -
Visual Culture and Us-Cuban Relations, 1945-2000
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository History ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 9-10-2010 INTIMATE ENEMIES: VISUAL CULTURE AND U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS, 1945-2000 Blair Woodard Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds Recommended Citation Woodard, Blair. "INTIMATE ENEMIES: VISUAL CULTURE AND U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS, 1945-2000." (2010). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds/87 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in History ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INTIMATE ENEMIES: VISUAL CULTURE AND U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS, 1945-2000 BY BLAIR DEWITT WOODARD B.A., History, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1992 M.A., Latin American Studies, University of New Mexico, 2001 M.C.R.P., Planning, University of New Mexico, 2001 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy History The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico May, 2010 © 2010, Blair D. Woodard iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of my dissertation has given me the opportunity to meet and work with a multitude of people to whom I owe a debt of gratitude while completing this journey. First and foremost, I wish to thank the members of my committee Linda Hall, Ferenc Szasz, Jason Scott Smith, and Alyosha Goldstein. All of my committee members have provided me with countless insights, continuous support, and encouragement throughout the writing of this dissertation and my time at the University of New Mexico. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 142 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 1996 No. 29 House of Representatives The House met at 11 a.m. Mr. TRAFICANT led the Pledge of required that he remove those sections The Chaplain, Rev. James David Allegiance as follows: of the Palestine National Covenant Ford, D.D., offered the following pray- I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the Unit- which call for the destruction of Israel. er: ed States of America, and to the Republic for Until such time as Arafat lives up to Your goodness to us, O God, is be- which it stands, one nation under God, indi- those agreements he has signed and yond our measure and Your grace to us visible, with liberty and justice for all. eliminates Hamas from areas for which is not restrained. In spite of missing f he bears responsibility, the United the mark and seeing too much our own MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE States should know that there is little way, You allow your blessings to flow A message from the Senate by Mr. good in negotiating with him. and Your mercies never to cease. We Lundregan, one of its clerks, an- f pray that this day we will open our nounced that the Senate agrees to the hearts and minds to the daily gifts of report of the committee of conference HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE faith and hope and love and pray that on the disagreeing votes of the two (Mr. -
Cuba: Travel Regulations and Civil and Political Rights, August 2017
BEREICH | EVENTL. ABTEILUNG | WWW.ROTESKREUZ.AT ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & Asylum Research and Documentation Cuba: Travel Regulations and Civil and Political Rights COI Compilation August 2017 This report serves the specific purpose of collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. It is not intended to be a general report on human rights conditions. The report is prepared within a specified time frame on the basis of publicly available documents as well as information provided by experts. All sources are cited and fully referenced. This report is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. © Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD An electronic version of this report is available on www.ecoi.net. Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD Wiedner Hauptstraße 32 A- 1040 Vienna, Austria Phone: +43 1 58 900 – 582 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.redcross.at/accord TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Travel regulations .................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Implications of the change in political relations with the United States and migratory patterns ........................................................................................................................................ 4 1.1.1 Consequences of the abolition of the “Wet foot-Dry foot” policy ............................ 4 1.1.2 Government control measures towards the population ........................................