Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind Latin American Program | January 2020 A portrait of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez in between the Cuban and Venezuelan flags.Credit: Chávez Fusterlandia (On the left) A silhouetted profile of Fidel Castro in his military cap says “the best friend.” Dan Lundberg, March 18, 2016 / Shutterstock Venezuela and Cuba: The Ties that Bind I. Two Nations, One Revolution: The Evolution of Contemporary Cuba-Venezuela Relations By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich CONTENTS “Cuba es el mar de la felicidad. Hacia allá va Venezuela.” I. Two Nations, One (“Cuba is a sea of happiness. That’s where Venezuela is going.”) Revolution: The Evolution —Hugo Chávez Frías, March 8, 2000 of Contemporary Cuba- Venezuela Relations Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- II. The Geopolitics of Cuba–Venezuela-U.S. ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the Relations: relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s An Informal Note role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about By Richard E. Feinberg the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security professionals operating in Venezuela. In fact, Havana claims that there are no Cuban security personnel in Venezuela, but merely medical staff supporting humanitarian missions.1 At the same time, the United 1 Sergio Alejandro Gómez and Ismael Francisco, “Cuba no puede retirar sus tropas de Venezuela, porque no existen, asegura el Minrex,” Cuba Debate, May 1, 2019, http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2019/05/01/cuba-no-puede-retirar-sus-tropas-de-venezuela-porque-no- existen-asegura-el-minrex/#.XUF5C3dFyUl; Yuniel Labacena Romero, “Emociones con los «militares» cubanos que están en Venezuela,” Juventud Rebelde, May 23, 2019, http://www.juventudrebelde.cu/internacionales/2019-05-23/emociones-con-los-militares-cubanos- que-estan-venezuela. CUBA-VENEZUELA RELATIONS 1 States and others have at times exaggerated the number of Cuban security forces in Vene- zuela for political purposes.2 Despite the lack of transparency and exaggerations regarding Cuban security professionals operating in Venezuela, it is evident that Cuban security training and technical assistance has aided the Venezuelan government to establish a firewall against internal and external threats. At the outset of this partnership, Castro provided mentorship to Chávez in the areas of health, politics, and security and intelligence. In return, Chávez helped underwrite Cuba at a time of economic hardship and diminishing relevance in the international system follow- ing the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the texture of Cuban-Venezuelan relations remains consistent with the areas of cooperation borne of the Chávez-Castro relationship, the intensity and depth of engagement slowly faded under presidents Raúl Castro and Miguel Díaz-Canel in Cuba and Maduro in Venezuela—with the notable exception of Cu- ban security and intelligence support to the Venezuelan leadership. Although it is difficult to assess the number of Cubans assisting the Venezuelan government and their precise roles, it is clear that Havana has a compelling economic and political interest in the Maduro government’s survival. This essay will explore three periods of Cuban-Venezuelan relations during the past 20 years. The first period comprised a series of bilateral agreements, including the Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement (Convenio Integral de Cooperación), and spanned Chávez’s arrival to power in 1999 and lasted until 2004. The second period involved an increase in the exchange of goods and the institutionalization and regionalization of relations. It began with rising oil prices and the creation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Alianza Bo- livariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América, ALBA) in 2004 and lasted until Chávez’s death in 2013. The third stage spans the Maduro presidency from 2013 to the present. This period coincides with a fall in oil prices, Venezuela’s economic and political crisis, and a stronger role for Cuban political, military and intelligence advisers in Venezuela. Two Nations, One Revolution (1999-2004) Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez first met in 1994 following Chávez’s release from prison after his failed 1992 coup attempt against President Carlos Andrés Pérez. In his visit to Cuba, Chávez gave an impassioned speech at the University of Havana in which he praised the country as a “stronghold of Latin American dignity” that must be emulated.3 However, the relationship did not begin to take form until Chávez’s election to the Venezuelan presidency 2 This includes the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States and anti-Castro civil society organizations, which have exaggerated claims about the size of Cuban military and security forces in Venezuela. 3 Marco Aponte-Moreno and Lance Lattig, “Chávez: Rhetoric Made in Havana,” World Policy, 2012, https://worldpolicy. org/2012/03/26/chavez-rhetoric-made-in-havana/. 2 CUBA-VENEZUELA RELATIONS in 1998. Castro attended Chávez’s inauguration in 1999 and later that year, the two govern- ments began to establish vital economic, political, and security ties. The two leaders also visited each other frequently between 1999 and Chávez’s death in 2013; Chávez was especially fond of making un- scheduled stopovers in Havana, and Castro celebrated his For Castro, Chávez appeared as 75th birthday in Venezuela. one of the last champions of the Cuban-inspired revolutionary Castro long sought revolution in Venezuela as well as pref- erential access to Venezuelan oil.4 Castro’s first trip after social and political movements coming to power in 1959 was to Venezuela, where he so- that had swept Latin America licited $300 million in oil from then newly elected President and the Caribbean during the Rómulo Betancourt.5 Betancourt declined and tensions be- Cold War. Chávez identified as tween Havana and Caracas grew.6 In late 1961, Betancourt a socialist and often employed a broke relations with Cuba altogether following a new doc- trine of severing ties with governments that had come to highly charged “anti-imperialist” power via non-electoral means; in 1962 Venezuela voted rhetoric. He viewed himself as a to expel Cuba from the Organization of American States revolutionary in keeping with the (OAS). For its part, Cuba provided more than $1 million in fi- precedents set by Simón Bolívar nancial support, including arms and military equipment, to and Fidel Castro… Venezuelan insurgent movements such as the Armed Forc- es of National Liberation (Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacion Nacional) between 1961 and 1964.7 Tensions came to a head in 1967, when the Venezuelan Army and National Guard were forced to repel an attack by a small contingent of Cuban and Venezuelan guerillas on the beach of Machurucuto.8 Carlos Andrés Pérez reestablished diplomatic relations with Cuba in 1974 at the beginning of his first term in office.9 4 “‘Venecuba,’ a single nation,” The Economist, February 11, 2010, https://www.economist.com/the-Wamericas/2010/02/11/venecuba- a-single-nation. 5 Stephen G. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America (Uni- versity of North Carolina Press, 1999), 100-108; Patrick Oppmann, “The History That Chains Cuba to Venezuela’s Crisis,” CNN World, February 2, 2019, https://www.cnn.com/2019/02/02/americas/venezuela-cuba-history-oil/index.html; 6 “Betancourt Say He Denied Castro a $300 Million Loan,” New York Times, July 20, 1964, https://www.nytimes.com/1964/07/20/ archives/betancourt-says-he-denied-castro-a-300-million-loan.html. 7 Central Intelligence Agency, “Foreign Intervention by Cuba,” https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP- 77M00144R000400100003-7.pdf; Kevin Ginter, “Truth and Mirage: The Cuba-Venezuela Security and Intelligence Alliance,” Interna- tional Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 2013, https://doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2013.758003. 8 Kevin Ginter, “Truth and Mirage: The Cuba-Venezuela Security and Intelligence Alliance,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 2013, https://doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2013.758003; Jim Wyss, “From Failed Invasion to Red Carpet, Castro’s Ideals Still Pushed by Venezuelan Government,” Miami Herald, December 1, 2016, https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation- world/world/americas/venezuela/article117749768.html. 9 lsa Cardozo da Silva and Richard S. Hillman, “Venezuela: Petroleum, Democratization and International Affairs,” in Latin American and Caribbean Foreign Policy, eds., Frank O. Mora and Jeanne K. Hey (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003), Pgs. 158-60. Harold Trinkunas, “What is Really New about Venezuela’s Bolivarian Foreign Policy?,” Strategic Insights, Volume V, Issue 2 (February 2006). CUBA-VENEZUELA RELATIONS 3 Chávez and Fidel Castro in Sandino, Cuba, inaugurating the new Simón Bolívar community. Photo: ©Cubadebate Chávez’s rise came nearly 30 years after the Machurucuto event. For Castro, Chávez ap- peared as one of the last champions of the Cuban-inspired revolutionary social and political movements
Recommended publications
  • No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
    No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
    Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Celts and the Castro Culture in the Iberian Peninsula – Issues of National Identity and Proto-Celtic Substratum
    Brathair 18 (1), 2018 ISSN 1519-9053 Celts and the Castro Culture in the Iberian Peninsula – issues of national identity and Proto-Celtic substratum Silvana Trombetta1 Laboratory of Provincial Roman Archeology (MAE/USP) [email protected] Received: 03/29/2018 Approved: 04/30/2018 Abstract : The object of this article is to discuss the presence of the Castro Culture and of Celtic people on the Iberian Peninsula. Currently there are two sides to this debate. On one hand, some consider the “Castro” people as one of the Celtic groups that inhabited this part of Europe, and see their peculiarity as a historically designed trait due to issues of national identity. On the other hand, there are archeologists who – despite not ignoring entirely the usage of the Castro culture for the affirmation of national identity during the nineteenth century (particularly in Portugal) – saw distinctive characteristics in the Northwest of Portugal and Spain which go beyond the use of the past for political reasons. We will examine these questions aiming to decide if there is a common Proto-Celtic substrate, and possible singularities in the Castro Culture. Keywords : Celts, Castro Culture, national identity, Proto-Celtic substrate http://ppg.revistas.uema.br/index.php/brathair 39 Brathair 18 (1), 2018 ISSN 1519-9053 There is marked controversy in the use of the term Celt and the matter of the presence of these people in Europe, especially in Spain. This controversy involves nationalism, debates on the possible existence of invading hordes (populations that would bring with them elements of the Urnfield, Hallstatt, and La Tène cultures), and the possible presence of a Proto-Celtic cultural substrate common to several areas of the Old Continent.
    [Show full text]
  • Addressing Risks of Exploitation for Venezuelan Women and Children Seeking Refuge
    The Time to Act Is Now: Addressing Risks of Exploitation for Venezuelan Women and Children Seeking Refuge April 2019 The Time to Act is Now: Addressing Risks of Exploitation for Venezuelan Women and Children Seeking Refuge Research. Rethink. Resolve. The Women’s Refugee Commission (WRC) improves the lives and protects the rights of women, children, and youth displaced by conflict and crisis. We research their needs, identify solutions, and advocate for programs and policies to strengthen their resilience and drive change in humanitarian practice. Acknowledgments This report was written by Melanie Teff, an independent consultant for the Women’s Refugee Commission (WRC), who led the field mission. Input into the report and review were provided by Omar Robles, WRC senior program officer, adolescents in emergencies, who participated in the field mission. The report was further reviewed by Dale Buscher, senior director for programs at WRC, and Joan Timoney, senior director of advocacy and external relations at WRC. The author extends deep thanks to UNHCR, IOM, UNICEF, UNFPA, and UN Women, and to the following NGOs and faith-based organizations in Ecuador and Peru—ADRA, Cepaz, Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos Peru, Diálogo Diverso, Encuentros, FUDELA, Haciendo Futuro, HIAS, Jesuit Refugee Service, Presente, Prosa, and the Scalabrinian Missionary Sisters—for their kind support and assistance for this study, as well as to the Peruvian Government Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Prosecutor’s Department of Lima, and the many individuals who helped to facilitate this research. Special thanks are due to the refugees and migrants who participated in focus groups and individual interviews, who generously shared their time and experiences.
    [Show full text]
  • The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
    Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuba 2017: El Fin De Una Era
    REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 38 / N° 2 / 2018 / 259-279 CUBA 2017: THE END OF AN ERA Cuba 2017: el fin de una era TERESA GARCÍA CASTRO Washington Office on Latin America, USA PHILIP BRENNER American University, USA ABSTRACT In 2017, Cuba prepared itself for a momentous change that was coming in 2018: the first time in 59 years that a Castro would not be leading the government. No one expects Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, whom the National Assembly elected as Cuba’s president in April 2018, to chart a course dramatically different from the one President Raúl Castro had established. However, given the economic, demo- graphic, and international political challenges Cuba faced in 2017, the year had to be viewed as the end of an era. Change is inevitable in order to sustain the Cuban Revolution. Keywords: Cuba, Castro, Díaz-Canel, U.S.-Cuba, elections RESUMEN En 2017, Cuba se preparó para un cambio trascendental que venía en 2018: la primera vez en 59 años que un Castro no lideraría el gobierno. Nadie espera que Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, a quien la Asamblea Nacional eligió como presidente de Cuba en abril de 2018, trace una ruta radicalmente diferente a la que había establecido el presidente Raúl Castro. Pero dados los desafíos económicos, demográficos e internacionales que enfrentó Cuba en 2017, el año tiene que ser visto como el final de una era. El cambio es inevitable para sostener la Revolución Cubana. Palabras clave: Cuba, Castro, Díaz-Canel, Estados Unidos-Cuba, elecciones TERESA GARCÍA CASTRO • PHILIP BRENNER I. INTRODUCTION A visitor to Cuba at the beginning of 2018 would have experienced a far different country than when Raúl Castro became president ten years earlier—more open, vibrant, and bustling.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Hugo Chávez's Use of Mimetisation to Build a Populist
    Exploring Hugo Chávez’s use of mimetisation to build a populist hegemony in Venezuela Elena Block Rincones MSc, BA A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of Journalism and Communication Abstract “You too are Chávez”… (Hugo Chávez, 2012i) This thesis examines the political communication style developed by Hugo Chávez in his hegemonic construction of power and collective identity during the 14 years he governed Venezuela. This thesis is located in the field of political communication. A culturalist approach is used for the case, which prioritises issues of culture and power and acknowledges the role of human agency. Thus, it specifically focuses on the way the late President appears to have incrementally built an emotional, mimetic bond with his publics in a process that culminated in the mimetisation of the leader and his followers in a new collective, but top-down, identity called Chávez. This process expresses a hegemonic dynamic that involved the displacement of former dominant groups and rearrangement of power relations in Venezuela. The logic of mimetisation proposes an incremental logic of articulation whereby I tried to make sense of Chávez’s political communication style and success. It involves the study of the thread that joined together key elements in Chávez’s political communication style: hegemony and identity construction, political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicational government. It is a style that appears to have exceeded classic populist forms of communication based on exerting an appeal to the people, towards more inclusive, participatory, symbolic-pragmatic forms of practising political communication that may have constituted the key to Chávez’s political success for 14 years.
    [Show full text]
  • CV-Ligia María Castro Monge (EN-Julio2017-RIM)
    LIGIA MARIA CASTRO-MONGE [email protected] [email protected] Telephone: (506) 8314-3313 Skype: lcastromonge San José, Costa Rica COMPETENCIES Prominent experience in the economic and financial fields, both at the academic and practical levels. In the financial field, the specialization areas are financial institutions’ regulation, risk analysis and microfinance. Excellent capacity for leadership, decision-making and teamwork promotion. Oriented towards results, innovative and with excellent interpersonal relationships. EXPERIENCE: CONSULTING May-Sept 17 The SEEP Network U.S.A. Awareness raising & dissemination of best practices for disaster risk reduction among FSPs, their clients and relevant stakeholders • To develop, pilot and finalize workshop methodology designed to raise awareness and disseminate existing best practices related to disaster risk reduction for FSPs, their clients and other relevant stakeholders working in disaster and crisis-affected environments. • Pilot projects to be conducted in Nepal (July 2017) and the Philippines (August 2017) Jan-Sept 17 BAYAN ADVISERS Jordan Establishment of a full-function risk management unit for Vitas-Jordan • Diagnostic analysis and evaluation phase applying the RMGM to define an institutional road map for strengthening the risk management framework and function including, among others, a high-level risk management department structure and the establishment of a risk committee at the board level • Based on the institutional road map to strengthen risk management, development
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Overview of U.S. Sanctions
    Updated July 5, 2019 Venezuela: Overview of U.S. Sanctions For more than a decade, the United States has employed State), and Ramón Rodríguez Chacín (former interior sanctions as a policy tool in response to activities of the minister); in 2011, Freddy Alirio Bernal Rosales and Venezuelan government and Venezuelan individuals. These Amilicar Jesus Figueroa Salazar (United Socialist Party of have included sanctions related to terrorism, drug Venezuela, or PSUV, politicians), Major General Cliver trafficking, trafficking in persons, antidemocratic actions, Antonio Alcalá Cordones, and Ramon Isidro Madriz human rights violations, and corruption. Currently, the Moreno (a Venezuelan intelligence officer); in 2017, then- Treasury Department has financial sanctions on 115 Vice President Tareck el Aissami; and in May 2018, Pedro individuals, and the State Department has revoked the visas Luis Martin (a former senior intelligence official) and two of hundreds of individuals. On January 28, 2019, the Trump associates. Others designated include drug trafficker Walid Administration announced sanctions on Venezuela’s state- Makled, three dual Lebanese-Venezuelan citizens allegedly oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA). Prior involved in a drug money-laundering network, and several to the imposition of the PdVSA sanctions, the United States Colombian drug traffickers with activity in Venezuela. recognized Juan Guaidó, the head of Venezuela’s National Assembly, as the country’s interim president and ceased to Targeted Sanctions Related to Antidemocratic recognize Nicolás Maduro as the president of Venezuela. Actions, Human Rights Violations, and Corruption In response to increasing repression in Venezuela, Congress Terrorism-Related Sanctions enacted the Venezuela Defense of Human Rights and Civil Since 2006, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • The Venezuelan Migrant Crisis: Forging a Model for Regional Response Cindy Huang and Kate Gough Center for Global Development
    The Venezuelan Migrant Crisis: Forging a Model for Regional Response Cindy Huang and Kate Gough Center for Global Development CGD Note August 2018 An economic, political, and humanitarian crisis has driven more than one million Venezuelans across the border into Colombia in the past year. While the crisis has deep roots, the current wave of migrants started fleeing in 2015, after the fall in oil prices and President Nicolás Maduro’s counterproductive responses. After inheriting an already failing economy from his predecessor Hugo Chávez, Maduro resorted to running his government via oil-driven patronage, printing more money, and dismantling democratic institutions. The result has been economic freefall: the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates hyperinflation may reach one million percent this year. A majority of Venezuelans have involuntarily lost more than 20 pounds on average and violent crime is rampant. At some points, the Red Cross estimated an average of 37,000 migrants—both Venezuelans and returning Colombians—were moving across the border each day. Some stay for a few hours or days to gather supplies and access services before returning. Many remain in Colombia at the border or in larger cities, while others migrate onward to other countries. Across the region, there are more than 1.5 million displaced Venezuelans (see table below). The number of displaced Venezuelans may eventually exceed the number of Syrians displaced by the Syrian civil war. There is broad consensus among experts that the situation will get worse before it gets better. Last Saturday’s apparent attempt to assassinate Maduro with drones is likely to escalate political repression and instability.
    [Show full text]