The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China: Centered on the Post-1980S

The 4th JASCA International Symposium

Keynote Lecture 2

The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China: Centered on the Post-1980s

Zhengai Liu Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Abstract: This paper aims to summarize the academic influence of Japanese anthropology in the Mainland of China. It focuses on the post-1980s and also involves The Customary Practice Survey of China Village (中国農村慣行調査) by the prewar South Manchuria Railway Company (満鉄 — hereinafter referred to as “SMRC”). The “Japanese Anthropology” mentioned in this paper refers to that based in Japan. The researchers include not only ethnic Japanese nationals, but also their Chinese counterparts working in Japan, Japanese people studying (or working) in China, and also Chinese Mainland scholars with anthropology training in Japan. The results of the research are not restricted to the Japanese language; there are more anthropology works in Chinese translation or published in Chinese.

Key words: Chinese anthropology, Japanese anthropology, Academic Translation.

This essay has been divided into several topics, with several representative scholars listed in each topic and introduction of the influence of their major research findings, theories and methods on the Chinese Mainland. First, I introduce the Japanese scholars’ ethnic minority studies of China, rice cultivating culture, Laurisilvae Culture Theory (照葉樹林文化論) and the ecological civilization concept. Second, I take up the South Manchuria Railway Company survey (The Customary Practice Survey of North China villages). Next, I consider research into Chinese society, including village communities, lineages, folk religions and Hakka studies, etc. Fourth, I move on to anthropological subfield research, such as tourism anthropology, ecological anthropology, religious anthropology, business anthropology, economic anthropology, landscape anthropology and sport anthropology, etc. Although theory is the key factor that determines the academic influence on research and its products, language is also important. The language in which an academic work is

Japanese Review of Cultural Anthropology, vol. 18-2, 2017 126 Zhengai Liu published determines to a degree the depth and breadth of its influence. Therefore, this paper also places emphasis on introducing the translation situations of Japanese ethnology and anthropology works and its influences on the Chinese academy.

1. Minority Studies

1.1 Studies of postwar minorities in southwestern and southern China Of the prewar Japanese ethnology investigations in China, most were conducted in the northeast, except for Ryuzo Torii’s research on southeast minorities. After the War, the focus of study began shifting to southern China. Because Chinese mainland fieldwork was not allowed before the 1980s, Japanese academia depended mostly on pre-existing texts for studies of China. For example, Yoshiro Shiratori’s study centered mainly on mountainous northwest Thailand areas because there lived Chinese minorities—such as Yao, Miao, Akha, and Lisu—frequently mentioned in Chinese literature. It was not until 1979 that Shiratori first stepped onto the Chinese Mainland and conducted first-hand investigations there. Shiratori’s studies (1979) of Yao literature in Thailand’s mountainous northwestern area, especially a kind of document named “King Ping’s Charter (Register for Yao Crossing the Mountains)”, have been highly valued in the international academia. Chinese scholars had little focused on Yao peoples documents until the 1980s, although some Chinese scholars referred to the existence of Yao documents during the Ming Dynasties, Qing Dynasties, the Republic China period, and collected King Ping Charter during the minority people social history investigation in the 1950s, Shiratori’s books and articles (Shiratori 1980, 1982, 1984) were successively published in the Chinese language. In the First International Symposium of Yao People Research in Hong Kong in May, 1986, Hong Kong scholars drew attention to the Shiratori-compiled Yao People’s Documents (1979). This drew the attention of Chinese scholars to the situation of Yao People in Thailand and to the academic importance of printed document research. Inspired by Shiratori, Chinese scholars have since begun to study the Yao People’s Documents1. The research into the Yao by Yoshiro Shiratori, Takuji Takemura and Shigeyuki Tsukada over three generations has not only promoted the development of Yao research in Japan, but also in China2 . Particularly, Shiratori’s Ethnography of Southeast Asian Mountains ― the Yao and their Neighbouring Peoples (Shiratori 1980) and Takemura (1986) have become “must reads” for new learners of Chinese Yao research. The argument between Shiratori and Tatsumi Makino over ethnic belongings of Nanzhao and Dali groups also attracted much attention in Chinese academia and gave rise to many academic discussions (Jin 1999: 67-70).

1 For example, see Renyao Xu and Wiwang Hu (1981:29-36), Edit group of “Register for Crossing the Mountains” (1984), Yuya Huang (1990), Zi Mu (1990: 47-52), Zhaorong Peng (1994: 54-57), Junhua Ren (1997: 54-56), Bengao Li (1995), Hui Zheng (2011, 2015:176-186), Yue Zhang and Zehong Zhang (2016: 58-71), Jihong Xiao (2016: 68-72). 2 Yoshiro Shiratori’s Chinese translation works include one book and eleven papers; Takuji Takemura’s Chinese translation works include one book (three versions) and four papers; Shigeyuki Tsukada authored 19 papers. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 127 published determines to a degree the depth and breadth of its influence. Therefore, this Since the 1980s, young Japanese scholars have also become active in fieldwork, and their paper also places emphasis on introducing the translation situations of Japanese ethnology research subjects include multiple minorities like Miao, Yao, Yi, Tong, Dai, Bai, Naxi, Qiang, and anthropology works and its influences on the Chinese academy. Tibetan and Hani, etc. Most of their research findings have been published in Japanese, which greatly restricted their influence in China3. But there are exceptions. While studying 1. Minority Studies at the Institute of Nationality Studies in Guangxi University for Nationalities in 1987, Kotaro Matsumoto conducted surveys of Pinghua performers in eight or nine counties and 1.1 Studies of postwar minorities in southwestern and southern China cities of Guangxi province, which led to the publication of a paper entitled Study of Han Of the prewar Japanese ethnology investigations in China, most were conducted in the Pinghua (Zheyuan) Performers in Chinese (Kotaro Matsumoto 1997:51-64). This earned northeast, except for Ryuzo Torii’s research on southeast minorities. After the War, the focus popularity in China’s Han Nationality research circle. Matsumoto also became the first of study began shifting to southern China. Because Chinese mainland fieldwork was not scholar to anthropologically study Pinghua performers. Many of Hiroko Yokoyama’s papers allowed before the 1980s, Japanese academia depended mostly on pre-existing texts for have been translated into Chinese. Above all, her research on the Bai people is now heavily studies of China. For example, Yoshiro Shiratori’s study centered mainly on mountainous cited by Chinese scholars studying the Bai people4. The Chinese anthropologist Yongjia northwest Thailand areas because there lived Chinese minorities—such as Yao, Miao, Akha, Liang put forward the concept of “Compound Culture” in studying the Dali society; and Lisu—frequently mentioned in Chinese literature. It was not until 1979 that Shiratori Yokoyama’s Bai culture research culture provides a critical factual basis for Liang’s concept first stepped onto the Chinese Mainland and conducted first-hand investigations there. (Liang 2005: 25-31). Shiratori’s studies (1979) of Yao literature in Thailand’s mountainous northwestern area, especially a kind of document named “King Ping’s Charter (Register for Yao Crossing the 1.2 Studies of Northern Ethnic Groups Mountains)”, have been highly valued in the international academia. Chinese scholars had Since the 1980s, although Japanese ethnologists have switched their interests from the little focused on Yao peoples documents until the 1980s, although some Chinese scholars prewar northeast nationalities (56 ethnic groups recognized by the government) to those of referred to the existence of Yao documents during the Ming Dynasties, Qing Dynasties, the the south, some Japanese scholars have ventured to Inner Mongolia and the northeast to Republic China period, and collected King Ping Charter during the minority people social investigate local minorities. The Mongolian women’s oral history study and Mongolian food history investigation in the 1950s, Shiratori’s books and articles (Shiratori 1980, 1982, 1984) study by Yuki Konagaya of the National Museum of Ethnology Japan, are influential in were successively published in the Chinese language. In the First International Symposium Mongolian and pastoral area research, and five of her papers have been translated into of Yao People Research in Hong Kong in May, 1986, Hong Kong scholars drew attention to Chinese(Konagaya 1999;2003;2008a;2008b;2009). In addition, Sachiko Hatanaka has visited the Shiratori-compiled Yao People’s Documents (1979). This drew the attention of Chinese places like Inner Mongolia and Heilongjiang province multiple times since 1986 to scholars to the situation of Yao People in Thailand and to the academic importance of investigate the national culture of the Daur, Oroqen and Manchus, and proposed a printed document research. Inspired by Shiratori, Chinese scholars have since begun to “Compound Culture Theory” for the northern ethnic groups (Hatanaka 1989: 94-97; 1992: study the Yao People’s Documents1. The research into the Yao by Yoshiro Shiratori, Takuji 89-93). Takemura and Shigeyuki Tsukada over three generations has not only promoted the During the 1990s, anthropologists, folklorists and historians from China and Japan development of Yao research in Japan, but also in China2 . Particularly, Shiratori’s cooperated in a multidisciplinary family habitus investigation in the Manchu Autonomous Ethnography of Southeast Asian Mountains ― the Yao and their Neighbouring Peoples (Shiratori 1980) County of Xinbin, Liaoning Province. The resulting book (Aisin Gioro and Emori 1996) is the and Takemura (1986) have become “must reads” for new learners of Chinese Yao research. richest on postwar Manchu family and society. However, because it was published in The argument between Shiratori and Tatsumi Makino over ethnic belongings of Nanzhao Japanese, though among the study participants were scholars from both China and Japan, and Dali groups also attracted much attention in Chinese academia and gave rise to many the book has received little attention within China’s Manchu study community. Fortunately, academic discussions (Jin 1999: 67-70). the Chinese scholar Zhengai Liu has published a series of Manchu research reports in Japan

2. Laurisilvae Culture Theory and Ecological View of History

After World War II, the Japanese Society of Ethnology rallied, riding a tidal wave of member enthusiasm. In May of 1948, the Association held a symposium (“The Japanese Nation: Culture Origin and State Formation”) hosted by Eiichiro Ishida and attended by researchers such as Masao Oka, Namio Egami and Ichiro Yahata. Oka presented his ideas, since upheld as the “Ancient Japanese Cultural Layer” of the Japanese national culture system theory, which helped to invigorate the depressed postwar Japanese Society of Ethnology and triggered the interests and vitality of numerous researchers (Shiratori 1983: 4-7). Following this, an energetic campaign focused on exploring the origins of the Japanese nation grew and thrived. Findings of this symposium, published in 1958 as Origins of the Japanese Nation by Heibonsha, resulted in much heated discussion (Oka 1958). The “Origin of Rice-farming Theory” and “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” sprang from, and were nourished by, this dialogue. The Laurisilvae Culture concept received positive responses from Japanese academic circles and gave birth to many discussions (Ueyama 1969; Sasaki 1971; Ueyama et al. 1976; Sasaki 1982; Ueyama and Watabe, 1985; Nakao and Ueyama 1982) since it was first postulated by ethnobotanist Sasuke Nakao (1966: 192; 1967: 329-494). As Chinese scholar Gang Liu put it, the Laurisilvae Culture research is interdisciplinary; it has involved scholars from a wide range of fields, such as ethnology, folklore, archaeology, cultural anthropology, food anthropology, agronomy, crop science, botany, religious studies, mythology, linguistics and geography, etc. Komei Sasaki, one of the proponents of Laurisilvae Culture, was himself a geography major. Owing to this academic heterogeneity,

5 Masumi Matsumoto has one book and seven papers in Chinese translation; Kenichiro Takahashi has four papers in Chinese translation. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 129 and China, which have filled in gaps left open by the current relative lack of Manchu many academic schools and theories the world over have been influenced to a degree by anthropology materials (Liu 2004). Laurisilvae Culture research (Liu 1989: 81). Furthermore, Sasuke Nakao (1969) put forward Regarding Mongolian studies, some scholars with anthropological training and familiarity the Yunnan-centered instruction, and he investigated in Lijiang, Yunnan in 1984 to prove with Japanese academia (e.g., Guoqing Ma, Sain, Zhiming Bao, Alateng and Sinjilt) have his theory. Also, in 1982, a southwest China minority culture investigation group formed by made great contributions to the introduction of Japanese anthropology findings. They have Komei Sasaki et al. visited Xishuangbanna and further elucidated common cultural inherited the solid and meticulous academic tradition of Japanese anthropology and written elements in the Laurisilvae Culture Belt in their report, Under the Laurisilvae of Yunnan (Zhang books in Chinese and also proposed theories in Chinese academia. Through their works, 2005: 90-94; Sasaki 1984). Chinese academia has indirectly learned of the methods and theories of Japanese Around the same time, Tadayo Watabe came up with the “Assam-Yunnan” Origin theory anthropology. of Rice-farming. Komei Sasaki and colleagues’ Laurisilvae Culture Belt also has a culture As for research on Hui Muslim nationality, Haruhiko Nishizawa investigated this in center, the “East Asia Crescent”, the core of which also lies in the Assam-Yunnan belt, Nanjing in the 1980s. Additionally, Masumi Matsumoto, Yasushi Shinmen, Mitsuo Sawai, basically coinciding with Tadayo Watabe’s Rice-farming Origin center theory. Watabe’s Kenichiro Takahashi and Takahumi Imanaka conducted field investigations in Hui theory has enjoyed wide influence since it appeared, and it has been greatly valued in China. nationality areas in the northeast5. Matsumoto’s study (2003) has also influenced Chinese Many Chinese scholars’ papers, including very influential works by Wenming Yan (1989), academia. Wenhua Chen (1989), draw heavily on Watabe’s origin theory (Yin 2004: 96). Following the 1980s, many publications by Japanese scholars on “Laurisilvae Culture 2. Laurisilvae Culture Theory and Ecological View of History Theory” and rice farming were translated into Chinese and introduced to China. The “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” has been widely accepted by scholars of Yunnan6. In 1982, After World War II, the Japanese Society of Ethnology rallied, riding a tidal wave of Shaoting Yin arranged to translate Tadayo Watabe’s book The Songs of Rice7 into Chinese. member enthusiasm. In May of 1948, the Association held a symposium (“The Japanese However, after Komei Sasaki’s Seeking the Origin of Laurisilvae Culture and Rice-farming Nation: Culture Origin and State Formation”) hosted by Eiichiro Ishida and attended by Culture (1984) was published, Shaoting Yin immediately translated the book’s foreword. The researchers such as Masao Oka, Namio Egami and Ichiro Yahata. Oka presented his ideas, book Root-seeking Fever of Japan and Yunnan (1985) compiled by Yin presented the main pre- since upheld as the “Ancient Japanese Cultural Layer” of the Japanese national culture 1985 materials and opinions of Japanese scholars on this issue. Since then, papers about system theory, which helped to invigorate the depressed postwar Japanese Society of “Root-seeking Fever” have frequently appeared8. Many relative works by Japanese scholars Ethnology and triggered the interests and vitality of numerous researchers (Shiratori 1983: have since been translated into Chinese (Nakao 2009: 16-21; Sasaki 1998; 2017). Chinese 4-7). Following this, an energetic campaign focused on exploring the origins of the Japanese scholars have also written papers seeking academic discussions with Japanese scholars. For nation grew and thrived. Findings of this symposium, published in 1958 as Origins of the example, Shaoting Yin (1987) and Gang Liu (1989) wrote papers to discuss the Rice-farming Japanese Nation by Heibonsha, resulted in much heated discussion (Oka 1958). The “Origin of Culture and Laurisilvae Culture Theory, and combined research on southwest nationalities Rice-farming Theory” and “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” sprang from, and were nourished by, to support their views. Regarding Yunnan as the origin of Laurisilvae Culture and rice this dialogue. farming, Chinese scholars have also been critical. Gang Liu (1994: 76-83) disputed the The Laurisilvae Culture concept received positive responses from Japanese academic Yunnan Origin Theory, and Songlun Zhou (2014: 130-146) proposed a critical Japanese circles and gave birth to many discussions (Ueyama 1969; Sasaki 1971; Ueyama et al. 1976; Culture Theory, covering Laurisilvae Culture Theory, warning of an “evil flower” hidden in Sasaki 1982; Ueyama and Watabe, 1985; Nakao and Ueyama 1982) since it was first the roots of Japanese historical cognition. postulated by ethnobotanist Sasuke Nakao (1966: 192; 1967: 329-494). As Chinese scholar Gang Liu put it, the Laurisilvae Culture research is interdisciplinary; it has involved scholars from a wide range of fields, such as ethnology, folklore, archaeology, cultural 6 Komei Sasaki has two monographs and eight papers in Chinese translation. anthropology, food anthropology, agronomy, crop science, botany, religious studies, 7 The translation of this book changed Shaoting Yin’s life. In 1979, Kansheng Cheng, president of Yunnan Academy of Agricultural Sciences, asked Yin (who at the time worked at the Yunnan Machinery Research and mythology, linguistics and geography, etc. Komei Sasaki, one of the proponents of Design Institute) for help in translating Tadayo Watabe’s The Songs of Rice. During the translation process, Yin Laurisilvae Culture, was himself a geography major. Owing to this academic heterogeneity, developed great interest in the content of the book. He later studied under Kansheng Cheng, who encouraged him to focus on anthropology and introduced him to senior scholars such as Yingliang Jiang and Ningsheng Wang. Subsequently, Yin began a career as an anthropologist (see Ping Zi, Only by Reform and Innovation can a 5 Masumi Matsumoto has one book and seven papers in Chinese translation; Kenichiro Takahashi has four Subject Develop Healthily: Interview with Anthropology Professor Shaoting Yin, Ethnic Today, 1st Issue, 2007: 42-46). papers in Chinese translation. 8 See for example Shaoping Jin (1986: 35-36), Wen Li (1990: 22-26), and Lijian Zhang (1997: 65-72). 130 Zhengai Liu

Exchanges between Chinese and Japanese scholars also boosted the influence of Japanese anthropology in China. Shaoting Yin and Gang Liu have long maintained contact with Japanese academic circles. Liu even took up a post in a Japanese university and became an active public intellectual in Japan. Yin had a close professional relationship with ecological anthropologist Tomoya Akimichi, the pair having produced remarkable results. Yin was in fact one of the earliest ecological anthropologists in China. As explained above, Japanese Yunnan minority research is largely intertwined with “Laurisilvae Culture Theory”. This, however, fell under attack and gradually declined as postmodernism rose to prominence in the 1990s. Japanese academic research on southwestern areas of China quieted down, and began to break free from the origin theory of Japanese nationality paradigm. Some Japanese scholars have since turned to more realistic topics like Chinese minority groups, ethnic identity, and tourism (Yang 2016: 56). In recent years, researchers such as Kiyoshi Hasegawa, Shigeyuki Tsukada and Masahisa Segawa have broken away from the old analytical framework of national characteristics and boundaries and started to focus on the politics of cultural representation of the nationalities from the perspectives of anthropology and history (Han 2009: 112; Hasegawa and Tsukada 2005). However, it seems that the passion of Japanese scholars for Yunnan has never weakened, and Chinese scholars still have as much interest in the origin of Laurisilvae Culture and its theory and rice-farming culture as before. According to Shaoping Jin, although there are different opinions of the Laurisilvae Culture theory itself in academic circles, it has become common sense for many Chinese and Japanese ethnologists that the Yunnan minority culture and Japanese culture have a certain relevance to one another. Comparative research on the two remains to be promoted and deepened (Jin 2012: 87). Guodong Li believes that, in the 21st century, with the progress of archaeological research in the middle and lower reaches of the Changjiang River, the “Assam-Yunnan Origin theory”, which is closely related to the “Laurisilvae Culture” theory, was overturned. Indeed, the position that rice cultivation originated in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangzi River has received increasing approval. Furthermore, the “Laurisilvae” cultural characteristics emphasized in the “Laurisilvae Culture” theory also can be interpreted as general rice-farming culture characteristics. Komei Sasaki opines that, paddy field rice-farming culture can be called “rice-farming culture”, but that primitive rice-farming culture before the paddy fields appeared should belong to “Laurisilvae Culture”. In other words, Sasaki disputes the geographic point of origin of rice farming but accepts the basic “Laurisilvae Culture” theory concept (Li 2015: 21-22; 2012). Very recently (2017), the Guizhou University Press published Komei Sasaki’s What is Laurisilvae Culture: The Civilization from East Asian Forests? This suggests that a rather large audience for “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” still exists in China. Or, perhaps we need to ask why the interdisciplinary “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” has such strong vitality.

Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 131

Exchanges between Chinese and Japanese scholars also boosted the influence of Japanese 3. Tadao Umesao and the Ecological View of History in Civilization anthropology in China. Shaoting Yin and Gang Liu have long maintained contact with Japanese academic circles. Liu even took up a post in a Japanese university and became an In 1957 Chuo-koron published an article by Tadao Umesao entitled “Preface to the active public intellectual in Japan. Yin had a close professional relationship with ecological Ecological View of History in Civilizations (文明の生態史観) ”, which sparked a heated debate anthropologist Tomoya Akimichi, the pair having produced remarkable results. Yin was in in Japanese academic circles. As Umesao put it, the paper put forth several unprecedented fact one of the earliest ecological anthropologists in China. opinions. In 1967, Chuo-koron published the entire book, Ecological View of History in Civilization. As explained above, Japanese Yunnan minority research is largely intertwined with In 1974, it was again published in Chuo-koron, and in 1998 the book was revised and “Laurisilvae Culture Theory”. This, however, fell under attack and gradually declined as reprinted. Finally, in 2002 Chuo-koron published the book in its Chuko-classics series, with postmodernism rose to prominence in the 1990s. Japanese academic research on the addition of a book: Formation and Development of Modern Japanese Civilization. The southwestern areas of China quieted down, and began to break free from the origin theory of second edition appeared in 2010. The Ecological-History View of Civilization proposed by Japanese nationality paradigm. Some Japanese scholars have since turned to more realistic Umesao drew strong reactions from all circles. Many scholars doubted, and challenged, his topics like Chinese minority groups, ethnic identity, and tourism (Yang 2016: 56). In recent viewpoints as a distorted representation of Umesao’s theories9. In 1980, Umesao’s works years, researchers such as Kiyoshi Hasegawa, Shigeyuki Tsukada and Masahisa Segawa (1980a; 1980b: 1-23; 1986; 2001; 2016) were first published in Chinese translation, and have broken away from the old analytical framework of national characteristics and others soon followed. The well-known Dictionary of Social Science Methods (Chen, ed. 1990: 282) boundaries and started to focus on the politics of cultural representation of the nationalities includes an entry on Umesao’s ecological history methods. from the perspectives of anthropology and history (Han 2009: 112; Hasegawa and Tsukada Judging from published journal articles, it is mainly scholars in fields like history, politics, 2005). international relations sciences, and Japanese studies who have been influenced by However, it seems that the passion of Japanese scholars for Yunnan has never weakened, Umesao’s ecological-history view of civilization. In recent years, the importance of history in and Chinese scholars still have as much interest in the origin of Laurisilvae Culture and its anthropological research has been advocated by Mingming Wang—one of few Chinese theory and rice-farming culture as before. According to Shaoping Jin, although there are anthropologists who have shown interest in Umesao’s ecological-history view of civilization different opinions of the Laurisilvae Culture theory itself in academic circles, it has become (Wang 2014: 18) 10 . After the Chinese version of Umesao’s Ecological View of History in common sense for many Chinese and Japanese ethnologists that the Yunnan minority Civilization was published, Chinese academia reacted relatively slowly. It was not until 2008 culture and Japanese culture have a certain relevance to one another. Comparative research that Zijin Wang, a translator, introduced the book in an article. Currently, of the book on the two remains to be promoted and deepened (Jin 2012: 87). Guodong Li believes that, in reviews that can be found in CNKI, the earliest is Sizheng Yue’s Comparative History View of the 21st century, with the progress of archaeological research in the middle and lower Ecology — Comments on Tadao Umesao’s Ecological View of History (1997: 151-156). There are reaches of the Changjiang River, the “Assam-Yunnan Origin theory”, which is closely related disagreements over Umesao’s theories. Chuanlin Zhang does not completely agree with to the “Laurisilvae Culture” theory, was overturned. Indeed, the position that rice Umesao’s ideas, but nevertheless praises the meticulous observation and careful cultivation originated in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangzi River has received consideration behind his concepts and also his courage and conscientious academic attitude increasing approval. Furthermore, the “Laurisilvae” cultural characteristics emphasized in toward exploiting new historical research theories (Zhang 2010: 82-86). Historians Ningyi the “Laurisilvae Culture” theory also can be interpreted as general rice-farming culture Yang and Liping Zheng, on the other hand, see Umesao’s theory of ecological history as characteristics. Komei Sasaki opines that, paddy field rice-farming culture can be called deeply flawed and argue that it cannot stand as a modern model, and that as representative “rice-farming culture”, but that primitive rice-farming culture before the paddy fields of Japanese culture theory, it tends to overstate the Japanese culture (Yang and Zheng appeared should belong to “Laurisilvae Culture”. In other words, Sasaki disputes the 2005: 92-98). In his comment on the paper Preface of the View of Ecological History in Civilization, geographic point of origin of rice farming but accepts the basic “Laurisilvae Culture” theory Ziliang Zhang charges that Umesao adopts an organic method in his comparative history, concept (Li 2015: 21-22; 2012). stressing the influence of geological and environmental factors in its evolution. Furthermore, Very recently (2017), the Guizhou University Press published Komei Sasaki’s What is 9 Umesao’s theory sparked many arguments in academia. Whereas Michio Takeyama praised it as brand new Laurisilvae Culture: The Civilization from East Asian Forests? This suggests that a rather large Japanese culture (“Position of Japanese Culture”, The Renaissance, Sept. 1957), Yoshimi Takeuchi regarded audience for “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” still exists in China. Or, perhaps we need to ask this paper as a far-fetched quote and a distortion of the ideology of Umesao’s theories (“Two Asians”, Tokyo Shimbun, Aug. 15-17, 1958). For more, see Heita Kawakatsu, 1997; Kazuo Otsuka, 2001: 176-179; Takashi why the interdisciplinary “Laurisilvae Culture Theory” has such strong vitality. Shiraishi, 2010: 23. 10 Other anthropologists who pay attention to Tadao Umesao include Xinjian Xu, 2013: 78-82; Zisheng Chen and Dehua Zhang, 2016: 11-17. 132 Zhengai Liu from an historical theory angle, he feels that Umesao has broken through the traditional “evolutionary historical view” and introduced a unique ecological view of world history. Zhang also, however, is dubious of the “parallel development theory” and further suggests that Umesao’s application of a “feudalism” concept is too rigid (Zhang 2008: 208). Despite this criticism, there is no lack of followers of Umesao’s ecological view of history in China (Zhang and Tian 2011: 18-21; Sun 2012: 57-60). The historian Zijin Wang, translator of the book Ecological View of History in Civilization, has put forward the concept of “The Study of Chinese Ecological History” (Wang 2003: 105). Anthropologist Xinjian Xu came up with the concept of a “Hengduan Corridor” (Xu 2005: 2008), which has enjoyed a certain degree of influence in Chinese anthropology circles.

4. Chie Nakane and East Asian Society Research

If we must pick the most influential modern Japanese anthropologist in China, it must be Chie Nakane. Her friendship with Xiaotong Fei has been a much-told tale in the Chinese anthropology circle. In early 1975, Nakane was sent by Japan’s government as a member of the first academic and cultural mission to Beijing following the normalization of China- Japan diplomatic relations. She soon met Xiaotong Fei, as she had wished (Suo 2007: 13-15). In September of 1981 Nakane went to Tibet for the first time, her trip having been arranged by Fei. Since then, she paid a visit to Tibet almost annually for years, which gave her a comprehensive understanding of Tibetan society. Even prior to Nakane’s initial trip to China, however, her works were translated into Chinese and published. Currently, the number stands at seven monographs and 17 papers. The first Chinese translation of Nakane’s work was Japanese Society (1982). After that, some books written by Nakane had been translated into Chinese (Nakane1989a, 1989b, 1994a, 2001). It is noteworthy that there are four Chinese versions of her book Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society (タテ社会の人間関係)(1984, 1989c, 1994b, 1994c). Nakane’s influence on Chinese academia has far exceeded the boundaries of anthropology and ethnology, extending to fields like Japanese culture, international relations, politics, etc. She has also stepped into Tibetan studies, Indian studies, family system studies, Japanese culture research, anthropological field investigation theory, and comparative Asian society studies based on the above research efforts and more. Her books on Japanese society, together with Takeo Doi’s famous The Anatomy of Dependence (甘えの構造), have become the main mediums for Chinese people to understand Japanese society. In particular, Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society and Japanese Society are heavily cited11.

11 For example, as of December 1, 2017, as shown on the “duxiu” website, Japanese Society (1982) has been cited 108 times and collected in 256 libraries; Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society (1998) has been cited 21 times and collected in 15 libraries; Anthropological Comparison of Asian Societies has been cited 27 times and collected in 31 libraries; and Savage Face, Civilized Face has been cited six times and collected in 253 libraries. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 133 from an historical theory angle, he feels that Umesao has broken through the traditional The first Chinese scholars to seriously take up fully Nakane’s vertical society theory were “evolutionary historical view” and introduced a unique ecological view of world history. in Japanese research. For example, Huipeng Shang presented a detailed introduction to and Zhang also, however, is dubious of the “parallel development theory” and further suggests analysis of Nakane’s research methods, and the basic framework, content and key analytical that Umesao’s application of a “feudalism” concept is too rigid (Zhang 2008: 208). concepts of her vertical society theories. He also pointed to her contributions and limitations Despite this criticism, there is no lack of followers of Umesao’s ecological view of history in (Shang 1997: 85-91). Book 1, Volume II of Modern Ethnology compiled by Ming’an Qu has a China (Zhang and Tian 2011: 18-21; Sun 2012: 57-60). The historian Zijin Wang, translator special chapter on Nakane’s vertical society theory, and Shang’s above-mentioned essay is of the book Ecological View of History in Civilization, has put forward the concept of “The Study cited (Qu 2009: 380-382). The vertical society theory has become a core concept for Chinese of Chinese Ecological History” (Wang 2003: 105). Anthropologist Xinjian Xu came up with people to discuss Japanese culture and compare it with Chinese culture. the concept of a “Hengduan Corridor” (Xu 2005: 2008), which has enjoyed a certain degree of Considering Chie Nakane and Xiaotong Fei’s academic exchanges, can we see any obvious influence in Chinese anthropology circles. intersections and mutual influences on each other in their academic research? There is no doubt that we can, but the two simply reached a “quiet” place in their academic 4. Chie Nakane and East Asian Society Research communication, where no expressions or statements were needed. In his later years, Xiaotong Fei proposed the concept of “place ( 场所 )” to supplement “orderly diversity If we must pick the most influential modern Japanese anthropologist in China, it must be structure (差序格局)”, arguing that the meaning of the latter as explained in his book Peasant Chie Nakane. Her friendship with Xiaotong Fei has been a much-told tale in the Chinese China (Fei 1985) is not very clear and that “place” can be used to make up for the deficiency anthropology circle. In early 1975, Nakane was sent by Japan’s government as a member of in “structure”. To Fei, “place” extends from the center to the periphery like layers of waves. the first academic and cultural mission to Beijing following the normalization of China- There are no boundaries but only differences between layers. The cultural fields extending Japan diplomatic relations. She soon met Xiaotong Fei, as she had wished (Suo 2007: 13-15). from different centers overlap in the same space. In other words, people can feel different In September of 1981 Nakane went to Tibet for the first time, her trip having been arranged life-styles and different standards and make different choices. They can turn conflicts into by Fei. Since then, she paid a visit to Tibet almost annually for years, which gave her a cooperation, leading to integration (Fei 2005: 225-226). comprehensive understanding of Tibetan society. Even prior to Nakane’s initial trip to China, We are unsure as to whether or not Fei’s “place” concept has been influenced by Chie however, her works were translated into Chinese and published. Currently, the number Nakane. But as stated above, the two have had frequent academic exchanges since the early stands at seven monographs and 17 papers. The first Chinese translation of Nakane’s work 1980s, and Fei’s idea of “place” dates to 1996. Therefore, it is a distinct possibility. Years was Japanese Society (1982). After that, some books written by Nakane had been translated later, following Fei’s conception of “place,” a young scholar named Lou Xiao proposed into Chinese (Nakane1989a, 1989b, 1994a, 2001). It is noteworthy that there are four “orderly diversity place” (差序场), a framework which lays equal importance vertically and Chinese versions of her book Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society (タテ社会 horizontally, to replace the horizontal and extending biased structure of “orderly diversity の人間関係)(1984, 1989c, 1994b, 1994c). structure” (Xiao 2010: 2-16, 285-292). Inspired by Nakane, Guoqing Ma has called the “up to Nakane’s influence on Chinese academia has far exceeded the boundaries of anthropology the ancestors and down to the descendants” continuity and succession of family a and ethnology, extending to fields like Japanese culture, international relations, politics, etc. characteristic of Chinese-style vertical society (Ma 2007: 5-14). In this way, for one, She has also stepped into Tibetan studies, Indian studies, family system studies, Japanese Nakane’s research on kinship systems and family, and her comparative studies of East culture research, anthropological field investigation theory, and comparative Asian society Asian society, have greatly affected Ma. Indeed house- and/or family-related research is studies based on the above research efforts and more. Her books on Japanese society, prominent in his body of work; consequently, this has in turn influenced a wave of young together with Takeo Doi’s famous The Anatomy of Dependence (甘えの構造), have become the scholars (Ma 1998; 1999; 2001; 2009; 2016). main mediums for Chinese people to understand Japanese society. In particular, The academic influence of the intellectual exchanges between Chie Nakane and Xiaotong Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society and Japanese Society are heavily cited11. Fei have promoted communication among East Asian society researchers. In 1990, to mark Fei’s 80th birthday, the “International symposium on East Asian Society” organized by Nakane and Taiwan anthropologist Jian Qiao was held in Tokyo. This was attended by 11 For example, as of December 1, 2017, as shown on the “duxiu” website, Japanese Society (1982) has been sociologists and anthropologists from China, Japan and South Korea. In this symposium, cited 108 times and collected in 256 libraries; Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society (1998) has been cited 21 times and collected in 15 libraries; Anthropological Comparison of Asian Societies has been cited 27 Japanese sociologists Kazuko Tsurumi and Shigeaki Uno again utilized “Endogenous times and collected in 31 libraries; and Savage Face, Civilized Face has been cited six times and collected in 253 development” and “local development” theories. Although the former had already been libraries. 134 Zhengai Liu employed by Tsurumi as early as 1975, and had been the focus of a 1989 book (The Theory of Endogenous Development) she edited, most Chinese scholars actually came to know of this theory through the proceedings of this symposium (published as East Asian Society Studies). The symposium was conducted in English, but the proceedings were published in English and Chinese. Therefore, many Chinese were able to read about the findings of this milestone event (Institute of Sociology and Anthropology, Peking University 1993).

5. Research on Chinese Society

5.1 The Customary Practice Survey of Rural China (中国農村慣行調査) and its Academic Influences Japanese scholarly research on Chinese society has a long history. The South Manchuria Railway Company investigation of the 1930s and 1940s provided a rich foundation for later research, as postwar works by scholars such as Noboru Niida, Takashi Hatada, Tadashi Fukutake, Tomoo Uchida, Takamichi Kaino, Gitaro Hirano and Hiroshi Ishida attest (Niida 1952; Hatada 1973; Fukutake 1949; 1959; Uchida 1956; 1971; Hirano 1943; Ishida 1991). It was not until after the mid-1980s, however, that Chinese academic circles started paying close attention to the SMRC materials. In 1998, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) organized its “Economic and Social Survey of 100 Villages” (key project of the “ninth Five-Year plan” of the National Social Science Fund). About a decade later, one hundred books of monograph series entitled China’s National Condition Series — Economic Surveys of 100 Villages were published. The surveys were mainly conducted by sociologists, with the aim of “studying village social structure, analyzing interrelations between village social structure and internal village development and discussing the social conditions for the development of Chinese villages” (Lu ed. 2001: 6-7). In particular, in the book on Xingren Village (Lu 2001), for which Guoqing Li was the vice executive chief editor, regardless of the research theme design, the chapter arrangement, or the writing manner of the whole book, we can see signs of the Customary Practice Survey of Rural China (hereafter, CPSRC) by Hatada et al. and traces of rural and regional sociology research by Tadashi Fukutake, Kenichi Tominaga, and Otohiko Hasumi. Indeed, it is no coincidence that Guoqing Li earned his doctoral degree in sociology at Keio University in Japan12.

12 Interestingly, American scholarship has promoted the value of the CPSRC materials in China more than that of their Japanese counterparts. Philip Huang’s Small-scale Peasant Economy and Social Changes in North China (1985), based on the CPSRC materials, was translated into Chinese next year after it initial publication (Huang 1986). Also with the materials, Prasenjit Duara wrote a book entitled Culture, Power and Nation: North China Villages from 1900 to 1942 (1989), which first appeared in Chinese in 1994 (Duara 1994). Highly influential internationally and also among Chinese academic circles, these two much-cited books have been reprinted several times. Furthermore, based on the CPSRC materials, Ramon Myers studied the organizations and functions of, and changes in, villages and farmers in Modern China (Myers 1999). After the works of Huang, Duara and Myers were translated into Chinese, they became required readings in rural research fields. Their publications have inspired a great number of Chinese scholars, and even guided the discourse of Chinese academia. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 135 employed by Tsurumi as early as 1975, and had been the focus of a 1989 book (The Theory of After the 1980s, many Japanese scholars visited China to pay return visits to the two Endogenous Development) she edited, most Chinese scholars actually came to know of this provinces, six counties and six villages in the SMRC survey. Katsumi Nakao re-investigated theory through the proceedings of this symposium (published as East Asian Society Studies). Lengshuigou village in Licheng county, Shandong province, and analyzed the post-1950s The symposium was conducted in English, but the proceedings were published in English social changes and power structures, focusing on families, lineages, and social organization and Chinese. Therefore, many Chinese were able to read about the findings of this milestone (Nakao 1990; 1993: 485-490). The much-cited book that resulted from this is widely known event (Institute of Sociology and Anthropology, Peking University 1993). in rural China research. Juren Lin has praised Nakao as especially outstanding among foreign scholars who conducted empirical ethnographic research, tracking surveys of rural 5. Research on Chinese Society Han society in northern China following the country’s reopening and reforms—a rare and deserving accolade. The methodological approach, a combination of comparative diachronic 5.1 The Customary Practice Survey of Rural China (中国農村慣行調査) and its and synchronic perspectives, represented a breakthrough in overseas Chinese research, Academic Influences which had previously placed emphasis on political analysis and rural literature in liberated Japanese scholarly research on Chinese society has a long history. The South Manchuria areas. As a case study of a village in North China, this book supplements the Guangdong Railway Company investigation of the 1930s and 1940s provided a rich foundation for later area-biased body of anthropological research on the Han villages in the post-1949 mainland research, as postwar works by scholars such as Noboru Niida, Takashi Hatada, Tadashi of China, and it has provided a basis for the comparative analysis of all kinds of regional Fukutake, Tomoo Uchida, Takamichi Kaino, Gitaro Hirano and Hiroshi Ishida attest (Niida types in rural Chinese society (Lin et al. 2013: 25-27). 1952; Hatada 1973; Fukutake 1949; 1959; Uchida 1956; 1971; Hirano 1943; Ishida 1991). Additionally, Mamoru Sasaki conducted field investigations in rural areas of Shandong, It was not until after the mid-1980s, however, that Chinese academic circles started Hebei, Beijing and Tianjin from 1986 to 1990 and subsequently published a series of paying close attention to the SMRC materials. In 1998, the Chinese Academy of Social research findings (Sasaki 1990: 10-11; 1992; 1993; 2017: 8-5)13. Sciences (CASS) organized its “Economic and Social Survey of 100 Villages” (key project of Over a five-year period starting in August of 1990, a series of six large-scale surveys on the “ninth Five-Year plan” of the National Social Science Fund). About a decade later, one rural North China were conducted. These were organized by Mitani and Hongyun Wei, and hundred books of monograph series entitled China’s National Condition Series — Economic both Chinese and Japanese scholars participated. The surveys, the form and style of which Surveys of 100 Villages were published. The surveys were mainly conducted by sociologists, were much like those of the CPSRC, bore many fruits. One was the four-volume Investigation with the aim of “studying village social structure, analyzing interrelations between village Records of the North China Villages in the 20th Century (Wei and Mitani, eds.), which together with social structure and internal village development and discussing the social conditions for the the CPSRC survey and the research findings of scholars like Philip Huang and Prasenjit development of Chinese villages” (Lu ed. 2001: 6-7). In particular, in the book on Xingren Duara became part of the regional scholarship canon14. Si Zhang, a University of Tokyo Village (Lu 2001), for which Guoqing Li was the vice executive chief editor, regardless of the doctoral candidate at the time, participated in surveys of Shajing Village, Houxiazhai research theme design, the chapter arrangement, or the writing manner of the whole book, Village and Sibeichai Village in 1994 and 1995 as a research assistant. After returning to we can see signs of the Customary Practice Survey of Rural China (hereafter, CPSRC) by Hatada Japan, he continued to conduct research on the social changes and history of rural China et al. and traces of rural and regional sociology research by Tadashi Fukutake, Kenichi and published numerous reports of his research findings (Zhang 2005a; 2005b: 59-64; 2005c; Tominaga, and Otohiko Hasumi. Indeed, it is no coincidence that Guoqing Li earned his 2011: 74-88; Zhang et al. 2010). In recent years, Zhang has been espousing what he calls doctoral degree in sociology at Keio University in Japan12. “field history”—a research method integrating history and anthropology, combining literature and field investigation, and linking historical and contemporary perspectives. This method stresses allowing farmers to tell their own stories (Zhang 2016: 52-54), and Zhang’s 12 Interestingly, American scholarship has promoted the value of the CPSRC materials in China more than case study of Houjiaying village is representative of this. Based on the SMRC survey that of their Japanese counterparts. Philip Huang’s Small-scale Peasant Economy and Social Changes in North China (1985), based on the CPSRC materials, was translated into Chinese next year after it initial materials and the “Houjiaying Archives” discovered later, he shows how villages in North publication (Huang 1986). Also with the materials, Prasenjit Duara wrote a book entitled Culture, Power and China have experienced the collapse of traditional community authority, the disintegration Nation: North China Villages from 1900 to 1942 (1989), which first appeared in Chinese in 1994 (Duara 1994). Highly influential internationally and also among Chinese academic circles, these two much-cited books have of internal and external power structures, and the demise of social order. He also been reprinted several times. Furthermore, based on the CPSRC materials, Ramon Myers studied the demonstrates that environmental change outside the villages has not directly led to organizations and functions of, and changes in, villages and farmers in Modern China (Myers 1999). After the works of Huang, Duara and Myers were translated into Chinese, they became required readings in rural research fields. Their publications have inspired a great number of Chinese scholars, and even guided the 13 Mamoru Sasaki has a book and three papers in Chinese translation. discourse of Chinese academia. 14 E.g. Yuntao Liu, 2015, etc. 136 Zhengai Liu intensifying lineage conflicts in the villages, as Prasenjit Duara previously claimed. Zhang sees arbitrary claims in Duara’s North China lineage theory, and also exaggeration of the lineage conflicts in Houjiaying village and even the entire region from the 1920s through the 1940s (Zhang 2013: 189-200). After the publication of Investigation Records of the North China Villages in the 20th Century (Four Volumns) edited by Hongyun Wei and Mitani, it became the reference material for students, together with the CPSRC survey and the research findings by Philip Huang and Prasenjit Duara, etc. The Japanese scholars who utilized the CPSRC to study social history in rural China, such as Morimitsu Shimizu, Gitaro Hirano, Takamichi Kaino and Tadashi Fukutake, were mainly interested in the social structure of the villages. They emphasized a “community” concept in their Chinese village research and proposed a “village community hypothesis,” triggering the famous “Kainou-Hirano debate”, which is familiar to all rural China researchers. Guoqing Li, Si Zhang and Linyou Lan have all mentioned it (Lan 2002: 18-23). After comparing Chinese rural residents to others in Japan, Guoqing Li postulates that the former lack community awareness; blood constitutes the social bonds in Chinese villages, and Chinese society prioritizes blood relations (Li 2005: 212). These scholars basically followed Takashi Hatada’s explanation pattern (ibid: 194-213). More recently, however, anthropologist Yoshitaka Kawase has pointed to restrictions in Hatada’s pattern and striven to excavate the neglected research history beneath Hatada’s pattern (Kawase 2014: 56-81). Notably, Kawase once studied at Nanjing University and has been doing field investigations in China for many years. His 2014 paper cited here was written (and published) in Chinese. This is part of a new trend among younger Japanese anthropologists that sets them apart from their predecessors. Their efforts have brought Japanese anthropology to the attention of Chinese scholars, significantly improving communication between anthropology circles in the two countries. More of their research will be mentioned later in this paper. Lengshuigou village was the most heavily visited rural community by Chinese scholars during the SMRC tracing investigation. Academic fields represented included law, economics, history, sociology and anthropology, covering research topics such as history, religion, social structure, village community and social changes. The work of Katsumi Nakao, Philip Huang and Prasenjit Duara inspired many Chinese scholars in various fields to visit Lengshuigou and use the CPSRC Survey and related previous research reports to interpret or reinterpret the past and current status of Lengshuigou (Lin et al. 2013; Zhao and Han 2013: 27-34; An 2013: 27-34). According to Xingsheng Zhao, the collective body of materials on Lengshuigou village represents a rare case in the modern research history of North China villages, particularly for the long research period, the wide participation, the range of topics, the rich material accumulation, and amounts of influences. Zhao has traced the academic research history of Lengshuigou, using the SMRC materials, local archival documents, and empirical field data. He pointed out all kinds of customary expressions and its difficulty in the modern North China village researches, and tried to re-establish the development Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 137 intensifying lineage conflicts in the villages, as Prasenjit Duara previously claimed. Zhang process and characteristics of Lengshuigou since modern times to explore its formation sees arbitrary claims in Duara’s North China lineage theory, and also exaggeration of the mechanism and changing trends (Zhao 2015: 129-192). lineage conflicts in Houjiaying village and even the entire region from the 1920s through the In the current century, both Chinese and non-Chinese scholars have continued to explore 1940s (Zhang 2013: 189-200). the CPSRC. Notably, since 2000, more anthropologists have begun visiting CPSRC villages to After the publication of Investigation Records of the North China Villages in the 20th Century (Four conduct ethnographic field investigations. Influenced by Prasenjit Duara, Linyou Lan Volumns) edited by Hongyun Wei and Mitani, it became the reference material for students, conducted research in Houxiazhai, Houjiaying and Sibeichai and produced two ethnographic together with the CPSRC survey and the research findings by Philip Huang and Prasenjit books, namely The Missing Temples: An Anthropological Restudy of a North-China Village in the South Duara, etc. Manchuria Railway Company Survey and Lotus Rhyme. Lan (2007; 2012) introduced “incomplete The Japanese scholars who utilized the CPSRC to study social history in rural China, such families” and “same surname, different lineage” as concepts for understanding village as Morimitsu Shimizu, Gitaro Hirano, Takamichi Kaino and Tadashi Fukutake, were society and criticized Duara’s construction of lineages with explicit surnames, mainly interested in the social structure of the villages. They emphasized a “community” overemphasizing the overlap of blood and geography, and deliberately emphasizing the concept in their Chinese village research and proposed a “village community hypothesis,” functions and structures of lineages. triggering the famous “Kainou-Hirano debate”, which is familiar to all rural China Indeed, many scholars have utilized the SMRC materials for research. However, these researchers. Guoqing Li, Si Zhang and Linyou Lan have all mentioned it (Lan 2002: 18-23). studies had not yet been made available in Chinese. A certain level of Japanese language After comparing Chinese rural residents to others in Japan, Guoqing Li postulates that the competence was required to read them. This has discouraged most Chinese scholars from former lack community awareness; blood constitutes the social bonds in Chinese villages, using them. The 24-volume Investigation Report of the South Manchuria Railway Company, and Chinese society prioritizes blood relations (Li 2005: 212). These scholars basically (Heilongjiang Provincial Archives, ed.) was published by Guangxi Normal University Press followed Takashi Hatada’s explanation pattern (ibid: 194-213). More recently, however, in 2005, and the 25-volume Investigation Report of the South Manchuria Railway Company, anthropologist Yoshitaka Kawase has pointed to restrictions in Hatada’s pattern and striven (Liaoning Provincial Archives, ed.) was published by the same press in 2009—both in to excavate the neglected research history beneath Hatada’s pattern (Kawase 2014: 56-81). Japanese. Fortunately, Chinese versions eventually appeared a few years ago (Xu and Liu Notably, Kawase once studied at Nanjing University and has been doing field investigations eds 2015; Xu and Deng eds 2016; 2017a; 2017b; 2017c). This enabled more Chinese scholars in China for many years. His 2014 paper cited here was written (and published) in Chinese. to appreciate the value—the depth and detail—of the SMRC materials. Additionally, for This is part of a new trend among younger Japanese anthropologists that sets them apart Huang (2016), they are equal to the Qing Dynasty historical studies and to the Great from their predecessors. Their efforts have brought Japanese anthropology to the attention Dictionary of Chinese Culture. From a review of the translation of the SMRC survey of Chinese scholars, significantly improving communication between anthropology circles in materials, Dacai Deng concluded that the viewpoints of the American scholars (e.g., the two countries. More of their research will be mentioned later in this paper. Prasenjit Duara and Philip Huang) were not extracted from the materials but constructed Lengshuigou village was the most heavily visited rural community by Chinese scholars from them—in other words, that these scholars used the SMRC materials to support their during the SMRC tracing investigation. Academic fields represented included law, theories, sometimes inappropriately. While some economic historians believe that these economics, history, sociology and anthropology, covering research topics such as history, materials may rewrite the economic history of China (Huang 2016), many others have religion, social structure, village community and social changes. The work of Katsumi Nakao, indicated problems with objectivity in them. However, Customary Practice Survey of North Philip Huang and Prasenjit Duara inspired many Chinese scholars in various fields to visit China by SMRC no doubt remains an invaluable rural China research treasure. Lengshuigou and use the CPSRC Survey and related previous research reports to interpret or reinterpret the past and current status of Lengshuigou (Lin et al. 2013; Zhao and Han 2013: 5.2 Lineage, village communities and sacrifice circles 27-34; An 2013: 27-34). According to Xingsheng Zhao, the collective body of materials on To Michio Suenari and Min Han, a feature of Chinese studies in Japan is its dichotomous Lengshuigou village represents a rare case in the modern research history of North China minority studies / Han studies approach (Han 2011; 137-152; Suenari 2007). Regarding the villages, particularly for the long research period, the wide participation, the range of topics, latter, research on lineage and communities by scholars such as Tatsumi Makino, Morimitsu the rich material accumulation, and amounts of influences. Zhao has traced the academic Shimizu, Noboru Niida, Toru Inoue, Makoto Ueda and Hiroshi Ishida have attracted more research history of Lengshuigou, using the SMRC materials, local archival documents, and attention from Chinese social historians. For example, Hang Qian has revised a British empirical field data. He pointed out all kinds of customary expressions and its difficulty in Anthropologist, Maurice Freedman’s concept of “higher order lineage” (Freedman 1958) the modern North China village researches, and tried to re-establish the development based on Chinese lineage, family temple, and family pedigree research by Japanese scholars 138 Zhengai Liu such as Makino (Qian 2001). Qian’s lineage research has much influence in Chinese academia. Issei Tanaka’s research has also been widely acknowledged in Chinese academic circles and received high evaluations. Among Japanese sinologists, he has the most works in Chinese translation; six of his books have been published in Chinese (Tanaka 1992; 2002; 2004; 2008; 2011; 2012). Tanaka’s work on sacrificial activities and religious ceremonies has broken from past routines of relying only on literature, and has effectively combined fieldwork and such research. He has become the one to emulate in subjects such as theatre studies, anthropological religious studies, lineage studies and social history. Additionally, lineage research by Masahisa Segawa (1999), especially on pedigree reality and fiction, and the historical consciousness behind the pedigrees, have greatly impressed Chinese readers and strongly influenced historical, anthropological, and folklore studies of China. Most Chinese scholars consider that Japanese anthropology studies have too much detailed description and lack a concern with theory. But as the above-mentioned approaches demonstrate, theoretical contributions of Japanese anthropology have been many. There is also the sacrifice circle concept proposed by Yuzuru Okada in 1938 and further developed and improved by Taiwan scholars such as Zhenmin Shi, Jiaming Xu, Yingzhang Zhuang, Zhiwan Liu and Meirong Lin. This is now known to nearly all Chinese anthropologists. In particular, Meirong Lin’s research (1986: 53-114) relies heavily on Okada, and is also relied on much by others. In a 1989 paper, Michio Suenari put forward the concept of sacrifice circles and belief circles based on Okada’s and Lin’s research. This is an important development in, and contribution to, sacrifice theory. Unfortunately, though, it has been little-noticed by Chinese academia15. Yoshitaka Kawase, mentioned above, has thoroughly reviewed Chinese village community theories in Japan, and noted a process of Japanese scholars’ sacrifice circle theories shifting from “sacrifice circles (祭祀圈) “ to “belief circles (信仰圈)”, and from “hard and soft” models to a “whirlpool” (漩涡) model (Kawase 2014; 56- 73).In general, the influence of Japanese village, lineage, and sacrifice circle research on Chinese anthropology is far lower than its influence on fields like social, economic, and legal history. In the 1980s, the Chinese scholars who studied and received training in anthropology in Japan began to return home for field investigations. They have concentrated on lineage research in rural China—e.g., Zhaoxiong Qin (2005), Lili Nie (1992), Hongli Pan (2002), Yunxing Ruan (2005), and Hongyan Xiao (2000). One of them, Min Han, published a book in English (2001). This has been listed in the “Overseas Chinese Research” Series (Dong Liu, ed.) and was also published in Chinese in China(Han 2007). It has attracted much attention

15 In his paper Looking into the Local Organizations of Caotun Town from its Sacrifice Circle, Lin mentioned a 1986 paper (written in English) by Michio Suenari (Two Types of Territorial Organization : A Preliminary Report of a Hakka Village in Taiwan, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 59: 29-46). In 1989, Suenari discussed sacrifice circles and belief circles in a paper written in Japanese. The book was translated into Chinese and was in print for many years (see Suenari, 2011: 54-70). Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 139 such as Makino (Qian 2001). Qian’s lineage research has much influence in Chinese within Chinese academia, and is the only ethnography written by a Japan-trained Chinese academia. student to be published in Chinese. Issei Tanaka’s research has also been widely acknowledged in Chinese academic circles Guoqing Ma and Kongshao Zhuang were among the earliest Chinese anthropologists to and received high evaluations. Among Japanese sinologists, he has the most works in integrate the research of Japanese scholars into their own studies. By comparing the Chinese translation; six of his books have been published in Chinese (Tanaka 1992; 2002; similarities and differences of family, relative, and lineage conceptions between China and 2004; 2008; 2011; 2012). Tanaka’s work on sacrificial activities and religious ceremonies has Japan, Ma clarified the concept of “house”. Furthermore, he compared China’s home, lineage, broken from past routines of relying only on literature, and has effectively combined village, and general social structure with those of Japan to explore the similarities and fieldwork and such research. He has become the one to emulate in subjects such as theatre differences between Chinese and Japanese concept of house and society (Ma 2001: 41). studies, anthropological religious studies, lineage studies and social history. Additionally, Additionally, in Kongshao Zhuang’s Silver Wings (2001), we can see signs of influence of lineage research by Masahisa Segawa (1999), especially on pedigree reality and fiction, and Japanese scholars such as Okada, Morimitsu Shimizu, Tatsumi Makino, Chie Nakane, the historical consciousness behind the pedigrees, have greatly impressed Chinese readers Michio Suenari and Yuko Kiuchi (Yuko Mio), etc. and strongly influenced historical, anthropological, and folklore studies of China. Most Chinese scholars consider that Japanese anthropology studies have too much 5.3 Hakka studies detailed description and lack a concern with theory. But as the above-mentioned approaches Japanese scholarship on Chinese Han society includes another important subfield— demonstrate, theoretical contributions of Japanese anthropology have been many. There is Hakka studies. The Hakkas are a subgroup of the Han people. Early anthropologists and also the sacrifice circle concept proposed by Yuzuru Okada in 1938 and further developed folklorists who engaged in Hakka studies included Yoshio Watanabe, Akashi Uematsu, and improved by Taiwan scholars such as Zhenmin Shi, Jiaming Xu, Yingzhang Zhuang, Michio Suenari, Issei Tanaka, Masahisa Segawa and Shunichi Horie. These scholars visited Zhiwan Liu and Meirong Lin. This is now known to nearly all Chinese anthropologists. In Hakka areas in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the Chinese mainland, and published many particular, Meirong Lin’s research (1986: 53-114) relies heavily on Okada, and is also relied research reports, some of which have been translated into Chinese (Segawa 2013; Kawai on much by others. In a 1989 paper, Michio Suenari put forward the concept of sacrifice 2013: 11; Watanabe 1986; Uematsu 2011). Since the 1990s, Segawa’s theories have received circles and belief circles based on Okada’s and Lin’s research. This is an important much attention, and the publication of his Hakka research in Chinese (2013) has made development in, and contribution to, sacrifice theory. Unfortunately, though, it has been waves. To Ruizhi Lian, the value of this book lies not only in its proposal of an ethnic little-noticed by Chinese academia15. Yoshitaka Kawase, mentioned above, has thoroughly boundary concept to explain Hakka society, but also in its promotion of topics like regional reviewed Chinese village community theories in Japan, and noted a process of Japanese history, ethnic group interactions, dialect groups and pedigree cognition, and even in its re- scholars’ sacrifice circle theories shifting from “sacrifice circles (祭祀圈) “ to “belief circles (信 verification of constructing historical consciousness (Lian 2014: 340). 仰圈)”, and from “hard and soft” models to a “whirlpool” (漩涡) model (Kawase 2014; 56- In recent years, young Japanese scholars have exceeded their predecessors in a number of 73).In general, the influence of Japanese village, lineage, and sacrifice circle research on ways. For instance, Hironao Kawai conducted ethnographic fieldwork in Guangdong for Chinese anthropology is far lower than its influence on fields like social, economic, and legal many years and has published more than 30 papers in Chinese. He has also edited two history. notable collections in Chinese; one systematically reviews the perspectives and methods of In the 1980s, the Chinese scholars who studied and received training in anthropology in Hakka research in Japan over a century and has become part of the introductory canon on Japan began to return home for field investigations. They have concentrated on lineage Hakka research in Japan for Chinese academia (Kawai 2013; Xia and Kawai 2015). A book research in rural China—e.g., Zhaoxiong Qin (2005), Lili Nie (1992), Hongli Pan (2002), by Noriko Iijima on Hakka research has also been published in Chinese translation16. As a Yunxing Ruan (2005), and Hongyan Xiao (2000). One of them, Min Han, published a book in student at Xiamen University, Hiroshi Kobayashi investigated earthen buildings in the English (2001). This has been listed in the “Overseas Chinese Research” Series (Dong Liu, Fujian area and published four papers in Chinese. Before 2007, Hakka researchers in ed.) and was also published in Chinese in China(Han 2007). It has attracted much attention Chinese anthropology circles knew little about the earlier work of Japanese scholars. Regardless of the topic—e.g., ethnicity, folk religion, ancestor worship—Japanese scholars’ research was seldom mentioned. This situation began to change in 2007. In November of 15 In his paper Looking into the Local Organizations of Caotun Town from its Sacrifice Circle, Lin mentioned a 1986 that year, during an international academic symposium organized by Gannan Norman paper (written in English) by Michio Suenari (Two Types of Territorial Organization : A Preliminary Report of a Hakka Village in Taiwan, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 59: 29-46). In 1989, Suenari discussed College, Kawai and Iijima introduced Japanese Hakka researches to Chinese scholars, and sacrifice circles and belief circles in a paper written in Japanese. The book was translated into Chinese and was in print for many years (see Suenari, 2011: 54-70). 16 Iijima also has five papers in Chinese translation. 140 Zhengai Liu in 2010, the Journal of Gannan Norman University produced a special issue featuring papers on Hakka society and culture by young Japanese scholars17. Finally, new Japanese Hakka research came to be known by Chinese scholars.

5.4 Affinity studies In recent years, research on affinity by Japanese scholars has also attracted the attention of Chinese anthropologists and folklorists. Hiroko Ueno’s book Father-in-law and Mother’s Brother: An Analysis of Affinity in Taiwan Han Society was translated into Chinese as early as 1995. But it did not draw instant attention from Chinese academia. The Chinese version of her representative work Ethnography of Taiwan Han Affinity was published in Taiwan in 2015. Studies of this topic have also begun to emerge from within the Chinese anthropology world recently. Although the direct inspiration of the very rare feminist ethnography of Li (2010) lies in the research of western scholars like Margery Wolf, Li was told about the work of Hiroko Ueno by her doctoral advisor, Xing Zhou. Therefore, Li has at least indirectly been influenced by Ueno18. Tongju Diao’s 1996 Study of Affinity in the Rural Society of North China directly benefited from Ueno’s research. To Diao (2016: 11) Ueno aimed at constructing an affinity theory system, revising the former view of affinity as subordinate, elucidated many social activities relating to affinity in her investigation area, and clarified the cultural connotations of affinity, and its equal importance to patriarchal lineage relation research. Ueno chooses “mother’s brother” and “son-in-law” as key terms for discussing and understanding affinity relations among Han people of Taiwan. Complementarily, Diao uses marriage and its medium—married daughter. To Jing Du (2012: 421), Ueno’s bidirectional study of wife’s family and husband’s family is revolutionary in going beyond the old standard of regarding women and affinity only as mechanisms for building bridges between two male cooperative groups. Hua Yang also relied on Ueno’s work in his book Hidden World: Life Belonging and Meaning of Rural Women (2012). Although few of Ueno’s writings are in Chinese translation, her concern with affinity—usually neglected in past lineage studies—has made her findings essential to discussing affinity and women in rural China.

5.5 Yoshio Watanabe, folk religion (民俗宗教) and the theory of folk knowledge Yoshio Watanabe is also a well-known Japanese scholar in Chinese academia—next only to Chie Nakane. His 1991 book (Religions of the Han People: A Social Anthropological Study) was translated into Chinese by Xing Zhou (Watanabe 1998). In the translation, Zhou added “folklore” to the original title in front of “Religion”19. Since then, the phrase “folklore religion” has been seen in a great variety of academic writings. The book has also become one of the

17 This included articles by Noriko Iijima, Hironao Kawai, Hiroshi Kobayashi and Kim Yumi (Zhou 2010: 2.) 18 I appreciate Professor Xing Zhou for providing this information. 19 In writing this paper, I noticed this detail, and suspected that the translator and the author must have reached a consensus. Therefore, I asked Xing Zhou. He said, “At that time, Professor Watanabe was actually studying Han ‘religious life’ rather than ‘religions’ per se. He has also explained this in his other works. Chinese readers usually can’t grasp the idea of ‘religions in life’, so I thought ‘folklore religion’ would be the most appropriate” (WeChat with Xing Zhou on December 18th, 2017). Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 141 in 2010, the Journal of Gannan Norman University produced a special issue featuring papers on most frequently-cited Japanese-authored anthropology monographs in Chinese anthropology Hakka society and culture by young Japanese scholars17. Finally, new Japanese Hakka and folklore circles (in total, 166 times on the Duxiu website). Although the expression research came to be known by Chinese scholars. “folklore religion” was not originally used by Watanabe, the publication of this book undoubtedly sparked a new trend in Chinese academia. In a way, the “folklore religion” 5.4 Affinity studies concept has eased the political tension surrounding the word “religion” in the Chinese In recent years, research on affinity by Japanese scholars has also attracted the attention context and has also solved the awkward situation of “folklore belief” in China; a minor of Chinese anthropologists and folklorists. Hiroko Ueno’s book Father-in-law and Mother’s modification by a translator has changed the academia discourse of religious research in Brother: An Analysis of Affinity in Taiwan Han Society was translated into Chinese as early as public life. The book is now a “must read” for folklore religion researchers. In addition, a 1995. But it did not draw instant attention from Chinese academia. The Chinese version of paper written by Xing Zhou (2006: 110, 126-136) has also promoted the extension of the her representative work Ethnography of Taiwan Han Affinity was published in Taiwan in 2015. “folklore religion” concept. It is also worth mentioning that the concept has not only been Studies of this topic have also begun to emerge from within the Chinese anthropology world widely used in academic circles, but also been acknowledged recently in scientific research recently. Although the direct inspiration of the very rare feminist ethnography of Li (2010) management(Shuyan Li, 2014:177). lies in the research of western scholars like Margery Wolf, Li was told about the work of Watanabe’s fengshui research has also enjoyed great influence in China’s geography and Hiroko Ueno by her doctoral advisor, Xing Zhou. Therefore, Li has at least indirectly been folklore circles. After his Fengshui Social Anthropology was published, Zhengai Liu (2009: 415- influenced by Ueno18. Tongju Diao’s 1996 Study of Affinity in the Rural Society of North China 419) wrote a review of the book, which enabled Chinese academics to understand its value. directly benefited from Ueno’s research. To Diao (2016: 11) Ueno aimed at constructing an The preface and the first chapter of Watanabe’s book Problems in Folklore Knowledge Theory: affinity theory system, revising the former view of affinity as subordinate, elucidated many Okinawa Knowledge Anthropology (Watanabe 1990) was translated into Chinese and published social activities relating to affinity in her investigation area, and clarified the cultural in different journals twice, by Jingzhi Liang, Sain. Inspired by Watanabe’s knowledge connotations of affinity, and its equal importance to patriarchal lineage relation research. anthropology, Xing Zhou wrote a paper, “Knowledge” of Anthropologists and “Knowledge” of Ueno chooses “mother’s brother” and “son-in-law” as key terms for discussing and Interviewees (1995), which was the first to discuss knowledge anthropology in Chinese understanding affinity relations among Han people of Taiwan. Complementarily, Diao uses anthropology. Watanabe now has three monographs and 13 papers in Chinese translation. marriage and its medium—married daughter. To Jing Du (2012: 421), Ueno’s bidirectional Ichiko Shiga’s publications on Hong Kong Taoism and fengshui (2010: 187-209; 2013; 2011: study of wife’s family and husband’s family is revolutionary in going beyond the old standard 23-58) and Kokan Sasaki’s work on shamanism (1998: 170-180; 2007: 26-45) have also been of regarding women and affinity only as mechanisms for building bridges between two male cited much in the mainland. The Taiwan folk religion studies of Yuko Kiuchi (Yuko Mio) cooperative groups. Hua Yang also relied on Ueno’s work in his book Hidden World: Life have been influential as well. Furthermore, the annual Religious Anthropology of the World Belonging and Meaning of Rural Women (2012). Although few of Ueno’s writings are in Chinese Religion Institute in the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences has in recent years published translation, her concern with affinity—usually neglected in past lineage studies—has made 19 religious studies papers by young Japanese scholars. The contents cover a wide range of her findings essential to discussing affinity and women in rural China. topics and perspectives, featuring many detailed studies and novel methods. These have helped introduce the research orientations and methods of Japanese religious anthropology 5.5 Yoshio Watanabe, folk religion (民俗宗教) and the theory of folk knowledge to Chinese scholars. Yoshio Watanabe is also a well-known Japanese scholar in Chinese academia—next only to Chie Nakane. His 1991 book (Religions of the Han People: A Social Anthropological Study) was 6. Research in other fields of anthropology translated into Chinese by Xing Zhou (Watanabe 1998). In the translation, Zhou added “folklore” to the original title in front of “Religion”19. Since then, the phrase “folklore religion” Since 1988, many introductory monographs by Japanese anthropologists have been has been seen in a great variety of academic writings. The book has also become one of the published in Chinese translation. These include Modern Cultural Anthropology by Eikichi Ishikawa (1988), 15 Theories of Cultural Anthropology by Tsuneo Ayabe (1989), and Anthropology 17 This included articles by Noriko Iijima, Hironao Kawai, Hiroshi Kobayashi and Kim Yumi (Zhou 2010: 2.) 18 I appreciate Professor Xing Zhou for providing this information. by Eiichiro Ishida and Seiichi Izumi (2008). Regarding more narrow-focused works, since 19 In writing this paper, I noticed this detail, and suspected that the translator and the author must have 1992 two anthropological monographs and eight papers by Naomichi Ishige on food have reached a consensus. Therefore, I asked Xing Zhou. He said, “At that time, Professor Watanabe was actually been translated into Chinese, and the Chinese version of Haruhiko Nishizawa’s Chinese Food studying Han ‘religious life’ rather than ‘religions’ per se. He has also explained this in his other works. Chinese readers usually can’t grasp the idea of ‘religions in life’, so I thought ‘folklore religion’ would be the Culture (2009) is forthcoming. Japanese ecological anthropology publications have been most appropriate” (WeChat with Xing Zhou on December 18th, 2017). 142 Zhengai Liu translated and introduced to China from an early stage—Jiro Tanaka’s and Hiroaki Okada’s papers in the mid-1980s, for example(Tanaka 1987; Okada 1986). However, Chinese anthropologists did not pay much attention to these until after 2000. Since then, interest in such Japanese research in China has increased; Ecological Anthropology, edited by Tomoya Akimichi, Mitsuo Ichikawa and Ryutaro Otsuka (2006) has been translated into Chinese. On tourism, Shinji Yamashita’s Tourism Culture (2012) is widely read in China. In recent years, sports anthropology has become popular in China, fueled by the academic influence of Tsuneo Sokawa of Waseda University, whose paper Sport Anthropology appeared in Chinese in 1990. Many others followed. Although similar research had been done before, these basically focused on ethnic minority’s sports”. It was Sokawa who first exported the anthropology of sports to China and who has driven the development of this subfield in China. Japanese business anthropology—largely represented by the work of Hiromitsu Nakamaki—has also attracted Chinese scholars’ attention in recent years. His monograph The Culture of Japanese Company: Daimyo in the Past, the Company Today was published in Chinese translation in 2011. The Chinese versions of Teigo Yoshida’s Religious Anthropology and of Shinichiro Kurimoto’s Economic Anthropology were published in 1991 and 1997, respectively. Through Xing Zhou and Zengai Liu’s translation and introduction, Hironao Kawai’s landscape anthropology has sparked a wave of such research in mainland China’s anthropology circles20. Aside from the individual research and publications mentioned above, there is a research institute in Japan that centers on collective study projects—the National Museum of Ethnology (“Minpaku”) an important place for Chinese research. Since its establishment in 1974, there have been no fewer than fourteen joint research groups focusing on China. With the exception of the Manchu studies led by Sachiko Hatanaka and several others, all have concentrated on Han people or ethnic minorities in South China. The research focus has turned from diversity in Han culture, transformation of minorities, and national boundaries and nationality, to the national image of anthropology and history and the Chinese revolution (Han 2017: 6-13). Minpaku has cooperated with organizations like the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, CASS. Together, they have conducted joint research projects and exchanged scholars, which has promoted academic communication between the two countries.

7. Conclusion

While writing this paper, I was surprised to discover that the number of Chinese- translated publications by Japanese anthropologists has exceeded my imagination. When this paper was presented at the Japanese Society for Cultural Anthropology’s 4th international symposium in 2017, all the Japanese scholars present were equally shocked.

20 Xing Zhou translated the first chapter (Kawai 2015) of Hironao Kawai’s Problems in Landscape Anthropology (2013). Zhengai Liu’s book review (2016) has comprehensively introduced the book’s content and ideas. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 143 translated and introduced to China from an early stage—Jiro Tanaka’s and Hiroaki Okada’s Although these translated works represent only a small part of the greater body of Japanese papers in the mid-1980s, for example(Tanaka 1987; Okada 1986). However, Chinese academic research, I believe this paper can clear historical relationship between Chinese anthropologists did not pay much attention to these until after 2000. Since then, interest in anthropology and Japanese anthropology, especially how Japanese anthropology impacted such Japanese research in China has increased; Ecological Anthropology, edited by Tomoya on Chinese anthropology. Japanese ethnographic research on Japanese society, on Okinawa, Akimichi, Mitsuo Ichikawa and Ryutaro Otsuka (2006) has been translated into Chinese. On and on Africa, Southeast Asia, Oceania, for example, have yet to be widely introduced, and tourism, Shinji Yamashita’s Tourism Culture (2012) is widely read in China. to influence Chinese anthropology. Much excellent Japanese scholarship remains to be In recent years, sports anthropology has become popular in China, fueled by the academic translated and introduced to China, and to the whole world. influence of Tsuneo Sokawa of Waseda University, whose paper Sport Anthropology appeared And how has Chinese anthropological research come in turn to be known to Japanese in Chinese in 1990. Many others followed. Although similar research had been done before, anthropologists and the greater anthropology world? Unfortunately, there are currently these basically focused on ethnic minority’s sports”. It was Sokawa who first exported the almost no signs of Chinese anthropologists in Japan, with the exception of Xiaotong Fei and anthropology of sports to China and who has driven the development of this subfield in a few others whose publications have been translated into Japanese. This is worth China. Japanese business anthropology—largely represented by the work of Hiromitsu pondering. Although there were some internationally-known Chinese anthropologists (e.g., Nakamaki—has also attracted Chinese scholars’ attention in recent years. His monograph Xiaotong Fei) who exported ethnographic China research during the first half of the 20th The Culture of Japanese Company: Daimyo in the Past, the Company Today was published in Chinese century, Chinese social science has remained in a state of passively accepting foreign translation in 2011. The Chinese versions of Teigo Yoshida’s Religious Anthropology and of theories—with severe indigestion—since the start of the 30-year blank period that lasted Shinichiro Kurimoto’s Economic Anthropology were published in 1991 and 1997, respectively. from 1949 to 1979. Japan also blindly worshiped European and American theories for years, Through Xing Zhou and Zengai Liu’s translation and introduction, Hironao Kawai’s but since the 1970s domestic researchers in the humanities and social sciences have become landscape anthropology has sparked a wave of such research in mainland China’s increasingly familiar with the production mechanisms of such foreign theories and have anthropology circles20. begun to produce their own theories along similar lines21. Aside from the individual research and publications mentioned above, there is a research Up to now, anthropology originating in China and Japan has mainly been disseminated in institute in Japan that centers on collective study projects—the National Museum of Chinese and Japanese, respectively. And recent popular foreign ethnography of China has Ethnology (“Minpaku”) an important place for Chinese research. Since its establishment in likewise been published primarily in the native languages of the researchers. Indeed, 1974, there have been no fewer than fourteen joint research groups focusing on China. With anthropology in the three East Asian countries, that is China, Japan and Korea, basically the exception of the Manchu studies led by Sachiko Hatanaka and several others, all have remain in a state of self-marketing. This differs greatly from the situation with European concentrated on Han people or ethnic minorities in South China. The research focus has and American anthropology, which is usually written in a global language and thereby more turned from diversity in Han culture, transformation of minorities, and national boundaries easily accessible to the entire world. In fact, these three East Asian countries share Chinese and nationality, to the national image of anthropology and history and the Chinese characters and have similar philosophical backgrounds. Greater communication and revolution (Han 2017: 6-13). Minpaku has cooperated with organizations like the Institute of cooperation between them would certainly be advantageous. Ethnology and Anthropology, CASS. Together, they have conducted joint research projects Currently, English is the common language of the international academia. Of course, and exchanged scholars, which has promoted academic communication between the two there are anthropologists in Japan and China alike who publish their research findings in countries. English (Han 2015: 123)22 but some of them, especially those who study East Asian countries, are not good enough at writing in English. Furthermore, even if their works are published in 7. Conclusion English, East Asian scholars tend to have limited cognition of, and access to, each other’s English works. The Japanese government is making efforts to promote the While writing this paper, I was surprised to discover that the number of Chinese- internationalization of academia in recent years and has placed great importance on translated publications by Japanese anthropologists has exceeded my imagination. When communication in English. The Japanese Society for Cultural Anthropology began issuing this paper was presented at the Japanese Society for Cultural Anthropology’s 4th annuals in English over a decade ago. In addition, the Chinese journal Ethnic Studies has international symposium in 2017, all the Japanese scholars present were equally shocked.

21 This observation sprouted from conversations with Professor Tsuneo Sokawa. I thank him for his 20 Xing Zhou translated the first chapter (Kawai 2015) of Hironao Kawai’s Problems in Landscape Anthropology inspiration. (2013). Zhengai Liu’s book review (2016) has comprehensively introduced the book’s content and ideas. 22 Examples include Chie Nakane, Tadao Umesao, Michio Suenari and Xiaotong Fei. 144 Zhengai Liu recently started publishing volumes in English. With some notable publications (e.g. Yamashita, Basco, Eades 2004), these initiatives have opened new paths for East Asian anthropology to follow into global academia. Overseas empirical investigations by Chinese anthropologists began many years ago. One day, these may come across Japanese peers in their own academic fields. Language is an important bridge for academic communication; if researchers publish their findings only in their own native languages, it will be harder to realize truly mutual academic communication. There may still be a long way to go from mere self-marketing to self- marketing plus exporting, but we can start from internal marketing among East Asian countries, and we have taken the first step.

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2016 『社会转型与家庭策略』(Social Transition and Family Strategies) 北京／西安：世界图书出版公司 (Beijing, Xi’an: World Publishing Corporation). Matsumtoto, Kotaro. 松本光太郎 translated by Gong Yonghui and Seiji Tada 1997 「汉族平话（蔗园）人考 (Notes on Pinghua (Zheyuan) people)」『广西民族学院学报（哲学社会科学版）』(Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities) 1997(1): 51-64. Mastumoto, Masumi. 松本真澄 translated by Lu Zhonghui 2003 『中国民族政策之研究―以清末至 1945 年的「民族论」为中心』(Study of Chinese Ethnic Policies: Centered on the ‘Ethnic Theory’ from the late Qing Dynasty to 1945) 北京：民族出版社 (Beijing: Minzu Publishers). Myers, Ramon 马若孟 1999 『中国农民经济― 1890-1949 年河北和山东的农业发展』 (Chinese Peasant Economy: Agricultural Development in Hebei and Shandong in 1890-1949) 南京：江苏人民出版社 (Jiangsu People’s Publishing House). Nakamaki, Hiromitsu 中牧弘允 2011 『日本会社文化昔日的大名、今日的会社』(The Culture of Japanese Company: Daimio in the Past, Company Today, translated by Fang He and revised by Xianghua Wang) 北京：北京大学出版社 (Beijing: Peking University Press). Nakane, Chie 中根千枝 1982 『日本社会』(Japanese Society) 天津人民出版社 (Tianjin People’s Publishers) translated by Xu Zhen and Song Junling. 1989a 『适应的条件』(The Condition of Adaptation) 石家庄：河北人民出版社 (Shijia Zhuang: Hebei People’s Publishers), translated by Zhu Jingwei. 1989b 『亚洲诸社会的人类学比较研究』 (Anthropological Comparative Studies among Asian Societies) 哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社 (Harbin: Heilongjiang Education Publishers), translated by Nie Zhanglin and Nie Lili. 1989c 『纵向人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society) 昆明：云南人民出版社 (Kun Ming: Yunnan People’s Publishres), translated by Wen Chengfen and Wang Chuhui. 1992 「西藏的贵族」(Nobles in Tibet)『国外藏学研究译文集』(A Collection of Overseas Tibetan Studies, translated by Wei Zhou) 拉萨：西藏人民出版社 (Tibet People’s Publishing House) 9: 336-388. 1994a 『环环相扣日本纵向社会的人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society) 台北：锦绣出版事业股份有限公司，Translated by He Jiying. 1994b 『纵向社会的人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society) 北京：商务印书馆 (Beijing: Commercial Press), translated by Chen Cheng. 2001 『未开的脸与文明的脸』济南：山东画报出版社，translated by Ma Guoqing and Zhang Huili. Nakao, Katsumi 中生胜美 1990 『中国村落の権力構造と社会変化』(The Power Structure and Social Changes of Chinese Villages) 東京：アジア政経学会 (Tokyo: Ajia Seikei Gakkai). 1993 「华北农村的『街坊辈』与村落共同体」(“Neighborhood Seniority” of Rural North China and Village Community)『中外学者论抗战根据地―南开大学第二届中国抗日根据地史国际学术讨论会论文集』(Discussions about Resistance Bases by Scholars from Home and Abroad: Nankai Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 151

2016 『社会转型与家庭策略』(Social Transition and Family Strategies) 北京／西安：世界图书出版公 University, Collected Papers for the 2nd International Symposium of China Anti-Japanese 司 (Beijing, Xi’an: World Publishing Corporation). Bases History, edited by the History Department of Nankai University, Teaching and Matsumtoto, Kotaro. 松本光太郎 translated by Gong Yonghui and Seiji Tada Research Unit of Modern Chinese History) 档案出版社 (Archives Publishing House), pp. 485- 1997 「汉族平话（蔗园）人考 (Notes on Pinghua (Zheyuan) people)」『广西民族学院学报（哲学社会 490. 科学版）』(Journal of Guangxi University for Nationalities) 1997(1): 51-64. Nakao, Sasuke 中尾佐助 Mastumoto, Masumi. 松本真澄 translated by Lu Zhonghui 1966 『栽培植物と農耕の起源』(Origin of Plant Cultivation and Farming) 東京：岩波書店 (Iwanami 2003 『中国民族政策之研究―以清末至 1945 年的「民族论」为中心』(Study of Chinese Ethnic Shinsho). Policies: Centered on the ‘Ethnic Theory’ from the late Qing Dynasty to 1945) 北京：民族出版 1967 「農耕起源論」(Origin Theory of Farming)『自然―生態学的研究』(Study of Nature and 社 (Beijing: Minzu Publishers). Ecology, Masaaki Morishita and Tatsuo Kira eds.) (Collections in Honor of Dr. Imanishi Kinji’ Myers, Ramon 马若孟 60th Birthday) 中央公論社 (Chuo Koronsha) pp. 329-494. 1999 『中国农民经济― 1890-1949 年河北和山东的农业发展』 (Chinese Peasant Economy: 1969 「対談」(dialogue) 上杉春平（编）『照葉樹林文化』(Laurisilvae Culture) 東京：中央公論社 Agricultural Development in Hebei and Shandong in 1890-1949) 南京：江苏人民出版社 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha). (Jiangsu People’s Publishing House). 2009 「照叶树林的农业文明之光」(The Agricultural Civilization Light of Laurisilvae Culture)『农业 Nakamaki, Hiromitsu 中牧弘允考古』(Agricultural Archaeology, translated by Yuhui Zhao) 4: 16-21. 2011 『日本会社文化昔日的大名、今日的会社』(The Culture of Japanese Company: Daimio in the Nakao, Sasuke, and Ueyama, Shunpei 中尾佐助・上山春平 Past, Company Today, translated by Fang He and revised by Xianghua Wang) 北京：北京大学 1982 『日本文化の系譜―対論３照葉樹林文化とその周辺』(The Pedigree of Japanese Culture: 出版社 (Beijing: Peking University Press). Dialogue 3 Laurisilvae Culture and the Relative) 東京：徳間書店 (Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten). Nakane, Chie 中根千枝 Nie, Lili 聂莉莉 1982 『日本社会』(Japanese Society) 天津人民出版社 (Tianjin People’s Publishers) translated by Xu 1992 『劉堡―中国東北地方の宗族とその変容』(Liu Bao: lineage and It’s Change in Northeast Zhen and Song Junling. China) 東京：東京大学出版会 (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press). 1989a 『适应的条件』(The Condition of Adaptation) 石家庄：河北人民出版社 (Shijia Zhuang: Hebei Niida, Noboru 仁井田陞 People’s Publishers), translated by Zhu Jingwei. 1952 『中国の農村家族』(Chinese Rural Families) 東京：東京大学出版会 (Tokyo: University of 1989b 『亚洲诸社会的人类学比较研究』 (Anthropological Comparative Studies among Asian Tokyo Press). Societies) 哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社 (Harbin: Heilongjiang Education Publishers), translated Nishizawa, Haruhiko 西澤治彦 by Nie Zhanglin and Nie Lili. 2009 『中国的食事文化』(The Chinese Diet Culture) 東京：風響社 (Tokyo: Fukyosha). 1989c 『纵向人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society) 昆明：云南人 Okada, Hiroaki 冈田宏明民出版社 (Kun Ming: Yunnan People’s Publishres), translated by Wen Chengfen and Wang 1986 「文化唯物论与生态人类学」(Cultural Materialism and Ecological Anthropology)『国外社会科 Chuhui. 学』(Social Sciences Abroad, translated by Wan Wang) 6: 63-66. 1992 「西藏的贵族」(Nobles in Tibet)『国外藏学研究译文集』(A Collection of Overseas Tibetan Oka, Masao et al. (eds.) 岡正雄（編） Studies, translated by Wei Zhou) 拉萨：西藏人民出版社 (Tibet People’s Publishing House) 9: 1958 『日本民族の起源』(Origin of Japanese Nation) 東京：平凡社 (Tokyo: Heibonsha). 336-388. Otsuka, Kazuo 大塚和夫 1994a 『环环相扣日本纵向社会的人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured 2001 「文明の覚書」(Civilization Memorandum) 梅棹忠夫編 (Tadao Umesao ed.)『今日の文明生態史 Society) 台北：锦绣出版事业股份有限公司，Translated by He Jiying. 観』(Today’s Ecological History of Civilizations). Pp. 176-179. 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo 1994b 『纵向社会的人际关系』(Interpersonal Relationships in a Vertically Structured Society) 北京： Koronsha). 商务印书馆 (Beijing: Commercial Press), translated by Chen Cheng. Pan, Hongli 潘宏立 2001 『未开的脸与文明的脸』济南：山东画报出版社，translated by Ma Guoqing and Zhang Huili. 2002 『現代東南中国の漢族社会―閩南農村の宗族組織とその変容』(Han Society of Modern Nakao, Katsumi 中生胜美 Southeast China: Lineage Organization and It’s Change in South Fujian Villiage) 東京：風響 1990 『中国村落の権力構造と社会変化』(The Power Structure and Social Changes of Chinese 社 (Tokyo: Fukyosha). Villages) 東京：アジア政経学会 (Tokyo: Ajia Seikei Gakkai). Peng, Zhaorong 彭兆荣 1993 「华北农村的『街坊辈』与村落共同体」(“Neighborhood Seniority” of Rural North China and 1994 『「评皇券牒」的母题结构』(The Theme Structure of “King Ping’s Charter)『中南民族学院学 Village Community)『中外学者论抗战根据地―南开大学第二届中国抗日根据地史国际学术讨论报（哲学社会科学版）』(Journal of South-Central University for Nationalities, Philosophy 会论文集』(Discussions about Resistance Bases by Scholars from Home and Abroad: Nankai and Social Sciences) 4: 54-57. 152 Zhengai Liu

Qian, Hang 钱杭 2001 『血缘与地缘之间― 中国历史上的联宗与联宗组织』 (Between Blood and Geography: Combined Branches of Clan and the Organizations in Chinese History) 上海：上海社会科学院出版社 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press). Qin, Zhaoxiong 秦兆雄 2005 『中国湖北農村の家族・宗族・婚姻』(Family, Lineage, Marriage in Rural of Hubei Province China), 東京：風響社 (Tokyo: Fukyousha). Qu, Mingan (ed.) 瞿明安（编） 2009 『现代民族学（下）』(Modern Ethnology 2) 昆明：云南人民出版社 (Kunming: Yunnan People’s Publishing House), Pp.380-382. Ruan, Yunxing 阮云星 2005 『現代中国の宗族と政治文化―現代「義序」農村の政治人類学的考察』(Lineage and The Political Culture in Modern China: The Political Anthropology survey in Modern “Yixu” Villiage) 東京：創文社 (Tokyo: Soubunnsha). Ren, Junhua 任俊华 1997 『宋理宗缘何只对瑶族发给「特许状」？―理学开山祖周敦颐与「平王券牒」』(Why the Neo- Confucianism in Song Dynasty only gave “Charter” to Yao Nationality: Forefather of Neo- Confucianism Dunyi Zhou and “King Ping’s Charter”)『湖湘论坛』(Huxiang Forum) 6: 54-56. Sasaki, Kokan 佐佐木宏干 1998 「欧美及日本萨满信仰研究之研究」(The Studies of Shamanism in Europe, America and Japan) 『民族艺术』(Ethnic Art, translated by Xue Min) 1: 170-180. 2007 「成为萨满的过程」(The Process of Becoming a Shaman)『萨满文化研究』(Shamanistic Culture Studies, translated by Xue Min) 1: 26-45. Sasaki, Komei 佐々木高明 1971 『稲作以前』(Before Rice) 日本放送出版協会 (NHK Books). 1982 『照葉樹林文化の道―ブータン・雲南から日本へ』(The Road of Laurisilvae Culture: Bhutan, Yunnan to Japan) 日本放送出版協会 (Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyokai). 1984 「雲南の照葉樹のもとで」(Under the Laurisilvae of Yunnan)『国立民族学博物館中国西南部少数民族文化学術調査団報告』(Cultural and Academic Investigation Report of the Southwest Ethnic Groups of China, National Museum of Ethnology). 1998 『照叶树林文化之路―自不丹、云南至日本』(The Road of Laurisilvae Culture: Bhutan, Yunnan to Japan, translated by Yushan Liu) 昆明：云南大学出版社 (Kunming: Yunnan University Press). 2017 『何为照叶树林文化―发端于东亚森林的文明』(What is Laurisilvae Culture: the Civilization from East Asia Forest, translated by Yang Wang and Wei He) 贵阳：贵州大学出版社 (Guiyang: Guizhou University Press). Sasaki, Mamoru 佐佐木卫 1990 「近代华北社会的宗教活动及其活动者」(The Religious Activities and Participants in Modern North China Society)『山东社会科学』(Shandong Social Science, translated by Ming Ren) 6: 10-11. 1993 『中国民衆の社会と秩序』(The Society and Order of Chinese People) 東京：東方書店 (Tokyo: Toho Shoten). Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 153

Qian, Hang 钱杭 2017 「 “差序”的延续―现代中国的基层社会结构变动」 (The Continuation of “Differential 2001 『血缘与地缘之间― 中国历史上的联宗与联宗组织』 (Between Blood and Geography: Pattern: Structural Change of Grass-root Society in Modern China)『北京工业大学学报』 Combined Branches of Clan and the Organizations in Chinese History) 上海：上海社会科学院 (Journal of Beijing University of Technology, translated by Sheng Li) 3: 8-5. 出版社 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press). Sasaki, Mamoru (ed.) 佐々木衛（編） Qin, Zhaoxiong 秦兆雄 1992 『近代中国の社会と民衆文化―日中共同研究・華北農村社会調査資料集』(The Society and 2005 『中国湖北農村の家族・宗族・婚姻』(Family, Lineage, Marriage in Rural of Hubei Province Popular Culture of Modern China: The Social Survey Materials of Rural North China, China- China), 東京：風響社 (Tokyo: Fukyousha). Japan Joint Research) 東京：東方書店 (Tokyo: Toho Shoten). Qu, Mingan (ed.) 瞿明安（编） Segawa, Masahisa 瀬川昌久 2009 『现代民族学（下）』(Modern Ethnology 2) 昆明：云南人民出版社 (Kunming: Yunnan People’s 1993 『客家―華南漢族のエスニシティーとその境界』 (Hakka: The Han Ethnicity and its Publishing House), Pp.380-382. Boundary in Southern China) 東京：風響社 (Tokyo: Fukyosha). Republished in Chinese as『客 Ruan, Yunxing 阮云星家：华南汉族的族群性及其边界』(translated by Hironao Kawai and Na Jiang). 北京：社会科学 2005 『現代中国の宗族と政治文化―現代「義序」農村の政治人類学的考察』(Lineage and The 文献出版社 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press), 2013. Political Culture in Modern China: The Political Anthropology survey in Modern “Yixu” 1999 『族谱―华南汉族的宗族、风水、移居』(Pedigree: Clan, Geomancy and Immigration of Hans Villiage) 東京：創文社 (Tokyo: Soubunnsha). in South China, translated by Hang Qian) 上海：上海书店出版社 (Shanghai Bookstore Ren, Junhua 任俊华 Publishing House). 1997 『宋理宗缘何只对瑶族发给「特许状」？―理学开山祖周敦颐与「平王券牒」』(Why the Neo- Shang, Huipeng 尚会鹏 Confucianism in Song Dynasty only gave “Charter” to Yao Nationality: Forefather of Neo- 1997 「中根千枝的『纵式社会』理论浅析」(Analysis on Chie Nakane’s “Vertical Society” Theory) Confucianism Dunyi Zhou and “King Ping’s Charter”)『湖湘论坛』(Huxiang Forum) 6: 54-56. 『日本问题研究』(Japanese Research) 1: 85-91. Sasaki, Kokan 佐佐木宏干 Shiga, Ichiko 志贺市子 1998 「欧美及日本萨满信仰研究之研究」(The Studies of Shamanism in Europe, America and Japan) 2010 「历史向度粤东海陆丰地区的义冢信仰与其演变―从『圣人公妈』到『百姓公妈』」(Historical 『民族艺术』(Ethnic Art, translated by Xue Min) 1: 170-180. Dimensions: Cemetery Belief and its Evolution in the East Guangdong Areas: From “Sage 2007 「成为萨满的过程」(The Process of Becoming a Shaman)『萨满文化研究』(Shamanistic Gongma” to “Common People’s Gongma”).『宗教人类学』(Religious Anthropology) 2: 187-209. Culture Studies, translated by Xue Min) 1: 26-45. 2011 「先天道岭南道脉的思想和实践―以广东清远飞霞洞为例』(Thoughts and Practice of Lingnan Sasaki, Komei 佐々木高明 Taoism: A Case Study to Feixiadong in Qingyuan, Guangdong) 『民俗曲艺』(Journal of 1971 『稲作以前』(Before Rice) 日本放送出版協会 (NHK Books). Chinese Ritual) 173: 23-58. 1982 『照葉樹林文化の道―ブータン・雲南から日本へ』(The Road of Laurisilvae Culture: Bhutan, 2013 『香港道堂与扶乩信仰―历史与认同』(Dao Church and Sciomancy Belief in Hong Kong: Yunnan to Japan) 日本放送出版協会 (Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyokai). History and Identity, translated by Jun Song) 香港：中文大学出版社 (Hong Kong: Chinese 1984 「雲南の照葉樹のもとで」(Under the Laurisilvae of Yunnan)『国立民族学博物館中国西南部少 University Press). 数民族文化学術調査団報告』(Cultural and Academic Investigation Report of the Southwest Shiraishi, Takashi 白石隆 Ethnic Groups of China, National Museum of Ethnology). 2010 「梅棹忠雄を解読する」(Analyzing Tadao Umesao)『文明の生態史観その他』(Ecological 1998 『照叶树林文化之路―自不丹、云南至日本』(The Road of Laurisilvae Culture: Bhutan, History of Civilizations and Others) 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha). Yunnan to Japan, translated by Yushan Liu) 昆明：云南大学出版社 (Kunming: Yunnan Shiratori, Yoshiro 白鳥芳郎 University Press). 1979 『瑶人文書』(Yao People’s Documents). 東京：講談社 (Kodansha). 2017 『何为照叶树林文化―发端于东亚森林的文明』(What is Laurisilvae Culture: the Civilization 1980 『东南亚山地民族志―瑶族及其相邻各族』(Ethnography of Southeast Asian Mountains) 昆 from East Asia Forest, translated by Yang Wang and Wei He) 贵阳：贵州大学出版社 (Guiyang: 明：云南省历史研究所东南亚研究室、黄来钧译. Guizhou University Press). 1982 「山之路」(The Mountain Road)『贵州民族研究』1982(2): 95-102. 樊少骥译. Sasaki, Mamoru 佐佐木卫 1983 「岡正雄先生の追憶の記」(Recollection of Professor Masao Oka)『民族学研究（岡正雄教授追悼 1990 「近代华北社会的宗教活动及其活动者」(The Religious Activities and Participants in Modern 特集』(Ethnology Studies: Special Number in Memory of Prof. Masao Oka) 48 (1): 4-7. North China Society)『山东社会科学』(Shandong Social Science, translated by Ming Ren) 6: 1984 「关于中国南方和东南亚少数民族历史研究的问题」(Issues in History Research on Minorities 10-11. from Southern China and Southeast Asia)『民族译丛』1984(4): 50-52, translated by Lin 1993 『中国民衆の社会と秩序』(The Society and Order of Chinese People) 東京：東方書店 (Tokyo: Zongcheng. Toho Shoten). Sogawa, Tsuneo 寒川恒夫 154 Zhengai Liu

1990 「体育人类学」 (Sport Anthropology) 『上海体育学院学报』 (Journal of Shanghai Sports College) 3: 84-89. Suenari, Michio 末成道男 2007 『多民族・少数民族２文法のゆくえ―中国研究の場合』(Dichotomy Tendency of Multiple Nationalities and Minorities: In the Context of Chinese Researches)『漢族・少数民族研究の結合―クロスオーバー的視点から見る漢族と少数民族の社会と文化』(The Integration of Studies for Han and Minorities: Seeing the Society and Culture of Han and Minorities from the Perspective of Crossover) 名古屋：愛知大学国際中国学研究センター (Nagoya: The International Chinese Studies Center of Aichi University). 2011 「祭祀圈与信者圈―基于台湾苗栗县客家村的事例」(Sacrifice Circle and Belief Circle: A Case Study based on the Hakka Village in Miaoli County of Taiwan) 『客家研究辑刊』 (The Periodical of Hakka Research) 2: 54-70. Suo, Wenqing 索文清 2007 「费孝通与日本学者中根千枝的学术交往和友情」(The Academic Exchanges and Friendship between Xiaotong Fei and the Japanese Scholar Chie Nakane)『中央民族大学学报（哲学社会科学版）』(Journal of Central University for Nationalities, Philosophy and Social Sciences) 1: 13-15. Takemura, Takuji 竹村卓二 1986 『瑶族的历史与文化―华南、东南亚山地民族的社会人类学研究』(The History and Culture of Yao: Social Anthropology of Nationalities in southern China and Southeast Mountains, translated by Guichang Zhu and Shaoping Jin) 南宁：广西民族学院出版社 (Nanning: Guangxi University for Nationalities Publishing House). Tanaka, Issei 田仲一成 1992 『中国的宗族与戏剧』(The Chinese Clans and Drama, translated by Hang Qian and Yubai, Ren) 上海：上海古籍出版社 (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House). 2002 『中国戏剧史』(History of Chinese Drama) 北京：北京广播学院出版社 (Beijing: Beijing Broadcasting Institute Press), translated by Guibin Yun and Yun Yu. 2004 『明清的戏曲― 江南宗族社会的表象』 (Drama in Ming and Qing Dynasties: Social Representation of Jiangnan Clan Society) 北京：北京广播学院出版社 (Beijing: Beijing Broadcasting Institute Press), translated by Guibin Yun and Wenxun Wang. 2008 『中国祭祀戏剧研究』(Study of the Chinese Sacrificial Drama) 北京：北京大学出版社 (Beijing: Peking University Press), translated by He Bu. 2011 『中国戏剧史』(History of Chinese Drama) 北京：北京大学出版社 (Beijing: Peking University Press), translated by He Bu. 2012 『古典南戏研究―乡村、宗族、市场之中的剧本变异』(Study of the Classical Southern Drama: Drama Variation in the Villages, Clans and Market) 北京：中国社会科学出版社 (Beijing: China Social Sciences Publishing House), revised by Zhen Wu. Tanaka, Jiro 田中二郎 1987 「生态人类学」(Ecological Anthropology)『世界民族』(Ethno-National Studies) 3: 25-30, translated by Jianhua Song. Tsurumi, Kazuko and Kawata, Tadashi 1989 『内発的発展論』(The Theory of Endogenous Development), 東京：東京大学出版会 (Tokyo: Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 155

1990 「体育人类学」 (Sport Anthropology) 『上海体育学院学报』 (Journal of Shanghai Sports Tokyo University Press) College) 3: 84-89. Uchida, Tomoo 内田智雄 Suenari, Michio 末成道男 1956 『中国農村の分家制度』(Separation Regulation in Rural China) 東京：岩波書店 (Tokyo: 2007 『多民族・少数民族２文法のゆくえ―中国研究の場合』(Dichotomy Tendency of Multiple Iwanami Shoten). Nationalities and Minorities: In the Context of Chinese Researches)『漢族・少数民族研究の結 1971 『中国農村の家族と信仰』(Family and Belief of Rural China) 東京：清水弘文堂書房 (Shimizu 合―クロスオーバー的視点から見る漢族と少数民族の社会と文化』(The Integration of Studies Hall Study). for Han and Minorities: Seeing the Society and Culture of Han and Minorities from the Uematsu, Akashi 植松明石 Perspective of Crossover) 名古屋：愛知大学国際中国学研究センター (Nagoya: The 2011 「台湾汉人（客家人）的中元节」(The Ghost Festival of the Han in Taiwan (the Hakkas)).『客 International Chinese Studies Center of Aichi University). 家研究辑刊』(The Periodical of Hakka Research) 2011(2), translated by Yoshitaka kawase and 2011 「祭祀圈与信者圈―基于台湾苗栗县客家村的事例」(Sacrifice Circle and Belief Circle: A Case Si Chen). Study based on the Hakka Village in Miaoli County of Taiwan) 『客家研究辑刊』 (The Ueno, Hiroko 植野弘子 Periodical of Hakka Research) 2: 54-70. 1995 「妻子的父亲和母亲的兄弟―关于台湾汉人社会姻亲关系的分析」(Father-in-law and Mother’s Suo, Wenqing 索文清 Brother: Analysis of the Affinity in the Taiwan Han Society)『民间文学论坛』(Tribune of Folk 2007 「费孝通与日本学者中根千枝的学术交往和友情」(The Academic Exchanges and Friendship Literature) 3: 44-51, 38, translated by Tianbi Qiao. between Xiaotong Fei and the Japanese Scholar Chie Nakane)『中央民族大学学报（哲学社会 2015 『台湾汉人姻亲民族志』(Ethnography of Taiwan Hans Affinity, translated by Xuan Chen) 台科学版）』(Journal of Central University for Nationalities, Philosophy and Social Sciences) 1: 北：南天书局有限公司 (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc.). 13-15. Ueyama, Shunpei 上山春平 Takemura, Takuji 竹村卓二 1969 『照葉樹林文化―日本文化の深層』(Laurisilvae Culture Theory: Deep into the Japanese 1986 『瑶族的历史与文化―华南、东南亚山地民族的社会人类学研究』(The History and Culture of Culture) 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha). Yao: Social Anthropology of Nationalities in southern China and Southeast Mountains, Ueyama, Shunpei, and Tadayo Watabe 上山春平・渡部忠世 translated by Guichang Zhu and Shaoping Jin) 南宁：广西民族学院出版社 (Nanning: Guangxi 1985 『稲作文化―照葉樹林文化の展開』(Rice Cultivation Culture: Extending of Laurisilvae University for Nationalities Publishing House). Culture) 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha). Tanaka, Issei 田仲一成 Ueyama, Shunpei, Sasaki, Komei and Nakao, Sasuke 上山春平・佐々木高明・中尾佐助 1992 『中国的宗族与戏剧』(The Chinese Clans and Drama, translated by Hang Qian and Yubai, 1976 『続・照葉樹林文化―東アジア文化の源流』(Continuation; Laurisilvae Culture: Origin of Ren) 上海：上海古籍出版社 (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House). East Asian Culture). 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha). 2002 『中国戏剧史』(History of Chinese Drama) 北京：北京广播学院出版社 (Beijing: Beijing Umesao, Tadao 梅棹忠夫 Broadcasting Institute Press), translated by Guibin Yun and Yun Yu. 1967 『文明の生態史観』(Ecological History of Civilizations) 東京：中央公論社 (Tokyo: Chuo 2004 『明清的戏曲― 江南宗族社会的表象』 (Drama in Ming and Qing Dynasties: Social Koronsha). Republished in Chinese as『文明的生態史観―梅棹忠夫文集』(Ecological History Representation of Jiangnan Clan Society) 北京：北京广播学院出版社 (Beijing: Beijing of Civilizations: Collected Works of Tadao Umesao), translated by Zijin Wang. 上海：三聯書店 Broadcasting Institute Press), translated by Guibin Yun and Wenxun Wang. (Shanghai: Sanlian Shudian Press, 1980). 2008 『中国祭祀戏剧研究』(Study of the Chinese Sacrificial Drama) 北京：北京大学出版社 (Beijing: 1980 『二十一世纪的文明与社会』(Civilization and Society of the 21st Century)『民族译丛』 Peking University Press), translated by He Bu. (National Translation Series,): October 1-23, translated by Chen Zhao. 2011 『中国戏剧史』(History of Chinese Drama) 北京：北京大学出版社 (Beijing: Peking University 1986 『林景渊译、知识诞生的奥秘』(Secret of the Birth of Knowledge) 台北：志文出版社 (Taipei: Press), translated by He Bu. Zhiwen Publishing House), translated by Jingyuan Lin. 2012 『古典南戏研究―乡村、宗族、市场之中的剧本变异』(Study of the Classical Southern Wang, Mingming 王铭铭 Drama: Drama Variation in the Villages, Clans and Market) 北京：中国社会科学出版社 2014 『文明、及有关于此的民族学、社会人类学与社会学观点』(Civilization and Relative Opinions in (Beijing: China Social Sciences Publishing House), revised by Zhen Wu. Ethnology, Social Anthropology and Sociology) 『中央民族大学学报』 (Journal of Central Tanaka, Jiro 田中二郎 University for Nationalities, Humanities and Social Sciences) 4: 18. 1987 「生态人类学」(Ecological Anthropology)『世界民族』(Ethno-National Studies) 3: 25-30, Wang, Zijin 王子今 translated by Jianhua Song. 2003 「中国生态史学的进步及其意义―以秦汉生态史研究为中心的考察」(Progress and Chinese Tsurumi, Kazuko and Kawata, Tadashi Ecological History and its Meaning: A Study Centered on the Ecological History Studies of 1989 『内発的発展論』(The Theory of Endogenous Development), 東京：東京大学出版会 (Tokyo: Qin and Han Dynasties)『历史研究』(Historical Research) 1: 105. 156 Zhengai Liu

Watabe, Tadayo 渡部忠世 1974 「栽培稲の起源と発展」 (Origin and Development of Cultivated Rice) 『人類学季刊』 (Anthropological Quarterly) 5. 1975 「アジア栽培稲の伝播ルート―アッサム・雲南起源説」 (Transmission Route of Asian Cultivated Rice: Assam-Yunnan Origin Theory)『考古』(Archaeology) 7. 1982 『稻米之路』(The Songs of Rice) 昆明：云南人民出版社 (Yunnan People’s Publishing House), translated by Shaoting Yin and revised by Kansheng Cheng. Watanabe, Yoshio 渡邊欣雄 1986 「客家人的衣服」(The Hakka Clothes)『人类学周刊』1986 (4), translated by Heung Wah Wong. 1990 『民俗知識論の課題― 沖縄の知識人類学』 (Problems in Folklore Knowledge Theory: Okinawa Knowledge Anthropology) 東京：凱風社 (Tokyo: Gaifusha). 1991 『漢民族の宗教―社会人類学的研究』(Religion of the Han People: A Social Anthropological Research) 東京：第一書房 (Tokyo: Daiichi Shobō). Republished in Chinese as『汉族的民俗宗教 ―社会人类学的研究』(translated by Xing Zhou) 天津：天津人民出版社 (Tianjin: Tianjing Renmin Press, 1998). Wei, Hongyun, and Mitani, Takashi (eds.) 魏宏运・三谷孝（编） 2012 『二十世纪华北农村调查记录共４卷』(Record of Investigation to the Rural North China in the 20th Century, 4 Vol.) 北京：社会科学文献出版社 (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press). Xia, Yuanming, and Kawai Hironao (eds.) 夏远鸣・河合洋尚（編） 2015 『全球化背景下客家文化景观的创造―环南中国海的个案』(The Creation of Hakka Cultural Landscape under the Impact of Globalization: Case Studies for the South China Sea Rim) 广州：暨南大学出版社 (Guangzhou: Jinan University Press). Xiao, Jihong 萧霁虹 2016 「云南与东南亚的瑶族宗教文书」(The Yao Religious Documents of Yunnan and Southeast Asia) 『东南亚南亚研究』(Southeast Asian and South Asian Studies) 3: 68-72. Xiao, Lou 萧楼 2010 『夏村社会―中国「江南」农村的日常生活和社会结构 (1976-2006)』(Xia Village Society: The Daily Life and Social Structure of Chinese “Jiangnan” Rural Areas) 北京：生活・读书・新知三联书店 (Beijing: Joint Publishing Company). Xiao, Hongyan 萧红燕 2000 『中国四川農村の家族と婚姻―長江上流域の文化人類学的研究』(Family and Marriage in Rural Sichuan Province of China: The Culture Anthropology Study of Upstream of Yangzi river) 東京：慶友社 (Tokyo: Keiyusha). Xu, Renyao, and Hu, Qiwang 徐仁瑶・胡起望 1981 「瑶族『过山榜』析」(Analysis of Yao’s “Register for Crossing the Mountains)『中央民族学院学报』(Journal of Central Academy of National Minorities) 2: 29-36. Xu, Xinjian 徐新建 2005 『「族群地理」与「生态史观」 ―由「藏彝走廊」引出的综述和评说》 (“Ethnic Group Geography” and “Ecological View of History”: Summary and Review of “Tibetan-Yi Corridor”) 『藏彝走廊―历史与文化』(Tibetan-Yi Corridor: History and Culture) 成都：四川人民出版社 (Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House), edited by Shuo Shi. Zhengai Liu The Influence of Japanese Anthropology in the Mainland of China 157

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