Logistics in the Falklands War Kenneth L

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Logistics in the Falklands War Kenneth L Naval War College Review Volume 69 Article 21 Number 2 Spring 2016 Logistics in the Falklands War Kenneth L. Privratsky Cynthia K. Sexton Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Privratsky, Kenneth L. and Sexton, Cynthia K. (2016) "Logistics in the Falklands War," Naval War College Review: Vol. 69 : No. 2 , Article 21. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol69/iss2/21 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 146 NAVAL WAR COLLEGEPrivratsky REVIEW and Sexton: Logistics in the Falklands War one-hundred-year life cycle for global others, Liu continually repeats the theme hegemons, Liu names the champi- that “the first nonhegemonic champion ons: Portugal in the sixteenth century, nation in history will appear, and that Holland in the seventeenth century, nation is China�” However, he also refers Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth on multiple occasions to China as king, centuries, and America in the twentieth and the difference between kingly think- century� Maybe China had a fleeting ing and hegemonic thinking is ironically world championship title in the fifteenth opaque� Liu refers to the United States century—not through colonial conquest, as “one country, two systems,” mean- but through tributary recognition of the ing democracy at home and hegemony center of world power� Liu’s argument is abroad� Since Liu prefers to see China that China is back—to claim the cham- exercise democracy abroad and hege- pion’s title in the twenty-first century� mony at home, we could also refer to The rest of the book elaborates how China as “one country, two systems,” but China can become the world champion with practices inverted from those of the by drawing on lessons from former United States of his characterization� and current champions, especially the For those who like the sporting anal- United States� For instance, Liu notes ogy, the book is an entertaining read that American strategy included an and an enticement to place one’s bets internal strengthening phase of isola- on the grand sporting event of world tionism under President Washington, a politics� On a more sober note, Liu’s century of regional consolidation under world view rings more true to current the Monroe Doctrine, and world power Chinese policies than to those of five generation under FDR’s globalism� He years ago� President Xi Jinping gave his also likes America’s “cheap rise”: in “China Dream” speech in November other words, coming late to both world 2012, apparently somewhat influenced wars, but concluding those wars with by Liu Mingfu’s book of the same title the victor’s share of the spoils� Compar- published two years earlier� Thus, the re- ing China to America, Liu notes that cent translation is food for thought that China underwent domestic consolida- should be chewed on by a wider Western tion under Mao and Deng, and has audience now that it is available� its eye on being king of Asia, with the GRANT RHODE ultimate goal of being king of the world� The first champion’s goal, toward achievement of which China is well on the way, is to become the wealthiest nation—because all world champions Logistics in the Falklands War, by Kenneth L� have been the wealthiest nation� All Privratsky� Barnsley, U�K�: Pen & Sword, 2015� world champions have also been the 248 pages� $34�95� strongest military power—hence the Major General Kenneth Privratsky, focus on martial spirit� In terms of strat- USA (Ret�), highlights the importance egy, Liu prefers Sun Tzu to Clausewitz, of the integration of combat operations pointing out that China will seek to win and logistics in this book about the without fighting� In what may seem like Falklands War of 1982� Logistics in the a non sequitur to Americans and many Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 2016 1 NWC_Spring2016Review.indb 146 3/8/16 10:29 AM Naval War College Review, Vol. 69 [2016], No. 2, Art. 21 BOOK REVIEWS 147 Falklands War is the result of years of Privratsky argues convincingly that research, begun when Privratsky was logistics was the center of gravity of the at the Army’s Command and General campaign� The movement of ammuni- Staff College in the mid-1980s and tion, supplies, and equipment—whether continued while a fellow at Stanford’s by shallow water–capable ships, helicop- Hoover Institution� Most of all, the ters, or backpacks—dictated the pace of author wants the reader to “appreci- the ground war� The author’s thorough ate the extent of the efforts behind the research, including interviews, leads victory” rather than simply present to a comprehensive description of the a logistical view of lessons learned� combat operations and movement of The book begins by examining British supplies and equipment from the am- and Argentine claims on the Falkland phibious landing zone on the west shore Islands before walking through the of East Falkland on D-Day, 21 May 1982, sequence of Argentina’s invasion threat to the surrender on 14 June 1982, at Port and subsequent invasion; Britain’s mobi- Stanley, the capital on the east shore of lization and deployment; combat opera- East Falkland� The British, with their tions; and the aftermath of the conflict� firm resolve and their jointly trained and He highlights the key role of industry professional military forces, tirelessly got during the rapid mobilization� Com- the right supplies to the right place� His mercial ships were quickly modified for vivid description of the harsh conditions the war� For example, the cruise ship on the Falkland Islands reinforces the Uganda was converted to a hospital ship importance of the integration of combat in only sixty-five hours once it reached operations and logistics� Nevertheless, the shipyard� This included modifying although that integration was successful, its interior spaces for a clinic, surgical “[b]y the time the Argentines surren- facilities, and labs; installing a helicop- dered in Stanley, some [British] artillery ter deck; adding equipment to produce batteries were on their last rounds�” fresh water; and applying Red Cross In many ways, Britain embarked on a markings� In total, fifty-four ships were “come as you are, bring what you can” taken up from trade, outnumbering the affair to reclaim the Falkland Islands number of warships involved� Privratsky from Argentina� The remote islands’ aptly describes the outload as rushed formidable terrain and inhospitable and gives readers a sense of being on climate—along with the hostile Argen- the docks during the unchoreographed tine military forces—exacerbated the flurry of activity� Many converted com- difficulty of moving supplies and equip- mercial ships were designed only for ment, which directly impeded combat pier-side off-loading; however, once in operations� As Privratsky writes, “Wars theater, supplies and equipment had sometimes occur at times and in places to be transferred to vessels capable of least expected�” And a lack of bullets, shallow-water operations� Off-loading beans, and fuel can cause unplanned difficulties and concerns over Argentine pauses to a campaign plan or, worse air strikes sent Queen Elizabeth 2 home yet, leave troops alone and exposed� with “seventy percent of 5 Brigade’s 81 Privratsky firmly believes that effective mm mortar and 105 mm gun am- combat operations are enabled by inte- munition � � � buried in lower decks�” grating combat and logistics units and https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol69/iss2/21 2 NWC_Spring2016Review.indb 147 3/8/16 10:29 AM 148 NAVAL WAR COLLEGEPrivratsky REVIEW and Sexton: Logistics in the Falklands War conducting realistic training� Privratsky’s of relations between Korea and Ja- insights could also apply to humanitar- pan� Economic issues, including trade ian affairs operations, especially if a disputes, predominate in this section, natural disaster has destroyed piers or and set the stage for a review of the war off-loading equipment, or occurred in a itself, which is the subject of the next remote location without prepositioned part of the book, simply entitled “War�” stores� Military operational planners and The nine chapters that compose the sec- military history enthusiasts should add tion on the Imjin War present the reader this book to their professional library� with a wealth of information previously CYNTHIA K� SEXTON unavailable to an English-language audience� These chapters rely almost exclusively on either primary-source material in Japanese and Korean or sec- ondary sources from scholars in Korea, The East Asian War, 1592–1598: International Re- Japan, and China who have provided lations, Violence, and Memory, ed� James B� Lewis� their own accounts and interpretations London: Routledge, 2015� 418 pages� $178� of this conflict� Each of the belligerents The Japanese invasion of Korea, known gets a thorough review, covering politi- in the West as the Imjin War, has been cal, military, cultural, and social forces largely overlooked by Western schol- that shaped the six-year-long tragedy ars� While Stephen Hawley’s The Imjin that has come to be known as the Imjin War and Kenneth Swopes’s A Dragon’s War� From a military perspective, read- Head and a Serpent’s Tail are excel- ers will find plenty of groundbreaking lent
Recommended publications
  • Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain
    RONALD PAUL Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain In his pamphlet, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, on the seizure of French government power in 1851 by Napoleon’s grandson, Louis, Karl Marx makes the following famous comment about the way in which political leaders often dress up their own ideological motives and actions in the guise of the past in order to give them greater historical legitimacy: The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, bat- tle-cries, and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honoured disguise and this borrowed language.1 One historically contentious term that has been recycled in recent years in the public debate in Britain is that of “Victorian values”. For most of the 20th century, the word “Victorian” was associated with negative connotations of hypercritical morality, brutal industrial exploitation and colonial oppression. However, it was Mrs Thatcher who first gave the word a more positive political spin in the 1980s with her unabashed celebration of Victorian laissez-faire capitalism and patriotic fervour. This piece of historical obfuscation was aimed at disguising the grim reality of her neoliberal policies of economic privatisation, anti-trade union legislation, cut backs in the so-called “Nanny” Welfare State and the gunboat diplomacy of the Falklands War.
    [Show full text]
  • The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict by Jorge O
    Lessons from Failure: The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict by Jorge O. Laucirica The dispute between Argentina and Great Britain over the Falkland/Malvinas Islands1 led to the only major war between two Western countries since World War II. It is an interesting case for the study of preventive diplomacy and conflict management, as it involves a cross-section of international relations. The conflict involved (a) a major power, Great Britain; (b) an active U.S. role, first as a mediator and then as an ally to one of the parties; (c) a subcontinental power, albeit a “minor” player in a broader context, Argentina; (d) a global intergovernmental organization, the United Nations; and (e) a regional intergovernmental organization, the Organization of American States (OAS). The Falklands/Malvinas territory encompasses two large islands, East and West Falkland—or Soledad and Gran Malvina, according to the Argentine denomination— as well as some 200 smaller islands, all of them scattered in a 7,500-mile area situated about 500 miles northeast of Cape Horn and 300 miles east of the Argentine coast- line. The population of the Falklands is 2,221, according to the territorial census of 1996.2 Argentina formally brought the dispute over sovereignty to the attention of the UN, in the context of decolonization, in 1965. A process including resolutions, griev- ances, and bilateral negotiations carried on for seventeen years, culminating in the 1982 South Atlantic war. Eighteen years after the confrontation, and despite the lat- est changes in the status quo (commercial flights between the islands and Argentina were reestablished in 1999), the conflict remains open, with Argentina still clinging to its claims of sovereignty over Malvinas and the South Georgia, South Orcadas, South Shetland, and South Sandwich Islands, all of them located in the South Atlan- tic and administered by the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Sir Michael Quinlan on RAF Policy 1962-65
    ROYAL AIR FORCE HISTORICAL SOCIETY JOURNAL 24 2 The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the contributors concerned and are not necessarily those held by the Royal Air Force Historical Society. Copyright 2001: Royal Air Force Historical Society First published in the UK in 2001 by the Royal Air Force Historical Society All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing. ISSN 1361-4231 Typeset by Creative Associates 115 Magdalen Road Oxford OX4 1RS Printed by Professional Book Supplies Ltd 8 Station Yard Steventon Nr Abingdon OX13 6RX 3 CONTENTS ‘THE ROYAL AIR FORCE IN TRANSITION, 1962- 5 1965’: Address by Sir Michael Quinlan at the AGM held on 28th June 2000. BOSNIA 1992-1995 – A CASE STUDY IN THE 12 DENIAL OF THE ADVANTAGE CONFERRED BY AIR SUPERIORITY. A winning British Two Air Forces Award paper by Sqn Ldr S Harpum RAF. THE INFLUENCE OF SPACE POWER ON HISTORY 21 (1944-1998). A winning American Two Air Forces Award paper by Capt John Shaw USAF. THE DE HAVILLAND VENOM WITH No 8 SQN IN 36 THE MIDDLE EAST by Air Vice-Marshal L W Phipps. SQN LDR G D GRAHAM DSO MBE by Frank Card. 46 THE RAF HERALDRY TRUST. 56 SUMMARY OF THE MINUTES OF THE 60 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING HELD IN THE ROYAL AIR FORCE CLUB ON 28 JUNE 2000. FEEDBACK 64 BOOK REVIEWS.
    [Show full text]
  • Falkland Islands War: Diplomatic Failure in April 1982
    The Falkland Islands War: Diplomatic Failure in April 1982 By Joseph Mauro Wake Forest University The fate of over 1,000 souls was decided in April 1982. On April 2, Argentine Special Forces invaded and occupied the British Falkland Islands. For the next month, Britain and Argentina tried to resolve the conflict diplomatically. United States Secretary of State Alexander Haig served as mediator, shuttling multiple times between London and Buenos Aires. Haig and his team tried to develop a document to which both the Argentine military junta, led by President Leopoldo Galtieri, and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher could agree. However, despite long hours in negotiations and a genuine desire of both sides to avoid war, agreement was never reached. The British counterattacked on May 1, and the fighting that resulted saw 1,054 soldiers and seamen die.1 Diplomacy in the Falkland Islands failed for a number of reasons. First, the negotiations were flawed, both in Haig’s uneasy position as mediator and the junta’s unreliable decision- making process. In addition, each side misunderstood the other. The Argentines never believed the British would counterattack and the British struggled to believe that Argentina wanted a peaceful solution. The possibility of oil under the islands also may have played a role. However, the most important impediment to diplomatic success was the fact that neither side was able to compromise enough to prevent war. The main reasons for this inflexibility were two-fold: both leaders needed to appear strong to remain in power, and the political climate at the time, especially in terms of diplomatic principles relating to the Cold War, prevented the British from yielding to the minimum Argentine demands.
    [Show full text]
  • War and Media: Constancy and Convulsion
    Volume 87 Number 860 December 2005 War and media: Constancy and convulsion Arnaud Mercier* Arnaud Mercier is professor at the university Paul Verlaine, Metz (France) and director of the Laboratory “Communication and Politics” at the French National Center for Scientifi c Research (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifi que, CNRS). Abstract To consider the relationship between war and the media is to look at the way in which the media are involved in conflict, either as targets (war on the media) or as an auxiliary (war thanks to the media). On the basis of this distinction, four major developments may be cited that today combine to make war above all a media spectacle: photography, which opened the door to manipulation through stage-management; live technologies, which raise the question of journalists’ critical distance vis-à-vis the material they broadcast and which can facilitate the process of using them; pressure on the media and media globalization, which have led to a change in the way the political and military authorities go about making propaganda; and, finally, the fact that censorship has increasingly come into disrepute, which has prompted the authorities to think of novel ways of controlling journalists. : : : : : : : The military has long integrated into its operational planning the principles of the information society and of a world wrapped into a tight network of infor- mation media. Controlling the way war is represented has acquired the same strategic importance as the ability to disrupt the enemies’ communications.1 The “rescue” of Private Jessica Lynch, which was filmed by the US Army on 1 April 2003, is a textbook example, even if the lies surrounding Private Lynch’s * This contribution is an adapted version of the article “Guerre et médias: permanences et mutations”, Raisons politiques, N° 13, février 2004, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Diplomatic Lessons of the Falklands War
    Political and Diplomatic Lessons of the Falklands War Ken Kotani Introduction This paper focuses on the Thatcher administration’s foreign diplomacy and conduct of war during the Falklands War. Full-fledged research on the history of this war has been facilitated by the publication of a detailed official history of the Falklands War by Professor Lawrence Freedman of King’s College London, along with the release of previously closed documents and other material by the British National Archives in December 2012.1 Leaving the details of the Falklands War to Freedman’s official history, this paper shall examine the Thatcher administration’s conduct of war, specifically: (1) the extent to which the Thatcher administration was aware of the situation before the war; and (2) the Thatcher administration’s foreign diplomacy and conduct of war. 1. Did Prime Minister Thatcher have a grasp of the situation? When unraveling the history of the Falklands War, the issues which always become the focus of debate are whether Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was adequately aware of the situation regarding the Falklands before the war, and if so, the degree to which she did and the reasons why she did not take earlier action. The Thatcher administration’s handling of the Falklands issue is often compared with the policy of deterrence adopted by James Callaghan’s Labour Party administration in 1977. The Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) of the Cabinet Office estimated in October 1977 that Argentine forces were plotting a landing on the South Sandwich Islands, which was British territory. Prime Minister Callaghan accordingly made the risky decision to prepare for any contingency by sending a British fleet to stand by in the vicinity of the Falklands.2 Compared to the action taken by the Callaghan administration, the Thatcher administration’s actions in 1982 seem to lack a sense of urgency.
    [Show full text]
  • 15 Fortin AC
    Cercles 28 (2013) THE FALKLANDS DISPUTE A COLONIAL ISSUE ? THIERRY FORTIN Université de Strasbourg Introduction The 180-year-long dispute between Argentina and the UK is back in the foreground with the 30th anniversary of the conflict and a revival of tension between the two nations following the oil drilling works undertaken by Britain since 2010 and the refusal to negotiate anything expressed by London. The Falklands case is an interesting one since it may slightly alter the classic vision of a smooth decolonisation process for Britain, as advocated by Clement Attlee in 1946 about the independence of India. The Falkland Islands, an archipelago of over 700 islands located at about 300 miles from the Argentine coast but unfortunately for London at about 8,000 miles from the British Isles, were seen from the beginning as a potential naval base in the South Atlantic with a possibility to control access between the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans. Even if the islands were allegedly first discovered by John Davis in August 1592, the first claim, although not entirely official, was expressed by London in 1690, just after the first recorded discovery of the islands by Captain John Strong. But since the first permanent settlement seems to have been established by the French in 1764, followed by a British settlement a few months later (with the Spanish being worried about both), Paris could also claim sovereignty over the islands, which could cause even more escalation to an already sensitive subject. As Lowell Steven Gustafson explained, no one occupied or in any way used the islands until the French did in 1764 – 172 years after the alleged British discovery.
    [Show full text]
  • Defence Mobilisation Planning Comparative
    AUSTRALIA JOANNE NICHOLSON, PETER DORTMANS, MARIGOLD BLACK, MARTA KEPE, SARAH GRAND CLEMENT, ERIK SILFVERSTEN, JAMES BLACK, THEODORA OGDEN, LIVIA DEWAELE, PAU ALONSO GARCIA-BODE Defence Mobilisation Planning Comparative Study An Examination of Overseas Planning The research described in this RAND Australia report was prepared for Australian Department of Defence and was conducted within RAND Australia under Contract SON2901652. About RAND Australia RAND Australia’s mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. To learn more about RAND Australia, visit www.rand.org/australia Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © 2021 RAND Australia R® is a registered trademark. For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA1179-1 Preface The Vice Chief of Defence Force (VCDF) has established a small Directorate within Force Design Division in response to significant changes in Australia’s strategic outlook, to ensure a contemporary mobilisation planning framework across Defence. This mobilisation planning process will be conducted over two and a half years and will include several research activities. In June 2020, RAND Australia was engaged by the Australian Department of Defence to undertake a series of material studies and analysis activities. RAND Australia was asked to undertake a comparative study of mobilisation planning in selected countries to discern principles for mobilisation planning. For this a comprehensive international literature review was undertaken spanning the United States, Switzerland, Sweden, Finland, and Singapore. To present the results so that they could be readily compared against each other, a research framework was constructed comprising examination of four areas: Planning Model, Activation, Attributes and Principles, and Forecast Trends.
    [Show full text]
  • Corned Beef Raid on Embassy British Patriotism and the Falkland Conflict
    Corned Beef Raid on Embassy British Patriotism and the Falkland Conflict By Adam Haney In 1982, Great Britain went to war over possession of the Falkland Islands. The islands themselves do not appear to be much to fight over. The Falklands, specifically speaking, are the two larger islands immediately off of the eastern coast of Argentina, near the Straits of Magellan. The Falklands War encompassed not only these two islands but the islands as far south and east as the South Sandwich Islands. It is from the two main islands of the group that the name of the conflict originates. Physically, the islands are not much to look at. Ronald Reagan described them as "That little ice-cold bunch of land down there."< 1> They have also been called "An island thrown aside from human use."< 2> Clearly, these islands are not exactly the stuff that legends are made over. However, the Falkland Islands have had a place in the joint history of Britain and Argentina since 1690, when a British ship sighted the islands and gave them the name of the Treasurer of the Royal Navy, Viscount Falkland.< 3> At the time of their discovery, the islands were unsettled. There are no people who can claim them as their homeland.< 4> The islands lay to the west of the Papal line of Demarcation, a line that was drawn to divide the so-called New World between the then powers of the sea, Spain and Portugal. The Pope gave everything to the west of the line to Spain, this included all of South America except for Brazil; everything to the east belonged to Portugal.
    [Show full text]
  • The Argentine Invasion of the Falklands and International Norms of Signalling
    Incident In our previous issue, the Journal devoted considerable space to the intro- duction of the "incident" as a genre in the study of internationallaw. As explained in that issue, an incident is an internationaldispute that has been appraisedby relevant internationalactors for its lawfulness, but in an infor- mal, nonjudicial setting, and which shapes or reinforces elite expectations about lawfulness. Readers are referred to Volume 10, Issue I of the Journal for a detailed treatment of the genre and its methodology, together with four case studies. With this issue, we introduce the incident study as a regular section of the Journal. The Argentine Invasion of the Falklands and International Norms of Signalling Michael P. Socarrast I. Problem Among the forms of communication through which states conduct their relations is the tacit exchange of messages, or "signalling." ' For example, when state A temporarily recalls its ambassador from state B, established norms which are used by the international community to in- terpret signals lead state B to see the act as a message of A's displeasure at the current course of their relationship. Similar interpretive norms are used to ascribe increasing seriousness to the complete withdrawal of an ambassador, and finally to the rupture of diplomatic relations. In the years preceding the Falklands2 War of 1982, the United Kingdom and Argentina exchanged signals concerning their dispute over the legal sta- t J.D. Candidate, Yale University. 1. "There are many ways other than verbal declarations by which states may communicate their intentions." G. SNYDER, DETERRENCE AND DEFENSE: TOWARD A THEORY OF NA- TIONAL SECURITY 252 (1961).
    [Show full text]
  • Royal Air Force Historical Society Journal 18
    ROYAL AIR FORCE HISTORICAL SOCIETY JOURNAL 18 2 The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the contributors concerned and are not necessarily those held by the Royal Air Force Historical Society. First Published in the UK in 1998 Copyright © 1998: Royal Air Force Historical Society. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the permission from the Publisher in writing. ISSN 1361-4231 Printed by Fotodirect Ltd Enterprise Estate, Crowhurst Road Brighton, East Sussex BN1 8AF Tel 01273 563111 3 CONTENTS Page SOME REFLECTIONS – Rt Hon Lord Merlyn-Rees 6 ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING 10th June 1997 19 SOUTH ARABIA AND THE WITHDRAWAL FROM ADEN 24 AIRMAN’S CROSS – Postscript 100 AIR CHIEF MARSHAL SIR DENIS SMALLWOOD 103 BOOK REVIEWS 106 CORRESPONDENCE 121 NOTICES 124 4 ROYAL AIR FORCE HISTORICAL SOCIETY President: Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir Michael Beetham GCB CBE DFC AFC Vice-President: Air Marshal Sir Frederick Sowrey KCB CBE AFC Committee Chairman: Air Vice-Marshal N B Baldwin CB CBE General Secretary: Wing Commander C G Jefford MBE BA Membership Secretary: Dr Jack Dunham PhD CPsychol AMRAeS Treasurer: Desmond Goch Esq FCAA Members: *J S Cox BA MA *Dr M A Fopp MA FMA FIMgt Group Captain J D Heron OBE *Group Captain S W Peach BA RAF Air Commodore H A Probert MBE MA Editor, Publications Derek H Wood Esq AFRAeS Publications Manager Roy Walker Esq ACIB *Ex officio 5 INTRODUCTION BY SOCIETY CHAIRMAN Air Vice-Marshal Baldwin after the 11th AGM Ladies and gentlemen it is a pleasure to welcome as our guest this evening Lord Merlyn-Rees, an ex-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and Home Secretary and, just as important from our point of view, an ex RAF squadron leader.
    [Show full text]
  • Falklands Royal Navy Wives: Fulfilling a Militarised Stereotype Or Articulating Individuality?
    Falklands Royal Navy Wives: fulfilling a militarised stereotype or articulating individuality? Victoria Mary Woodman The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. December 2018 Abstract ‘Falklands Royal Navy Wives: fulfilling a militarised stereotype or articulating individuality?’ Key words: Falklands War/1980s/naval wives/oral history/remembrance/commemoration/gendered conflict/media/naval welfare/PTSD This thesis demonstrates that Falklands naval wives were not the homogeneous and stereotypical group portrayed in the media, but individuals experiencing specific effects of conflict on combatants, wives and families. It contributes originally to oral history by exploring retrospective memories of Falkland’s naval wives and their value to wider history. Falklands naval wives as individuals had not been researched before. The conflict was fought in the media using gendered and paternalistic language and images, a binary of man fighting versus woman serving the home front. The aim is to widen the scope of the gender, social, naval and cultural history of the Falklands Conflict by recording naval wives’ views before they were lost, thereby offering new insight into the history of the Falklands Conflict. Original research described in this thesis addresses several important research questions: 1. If a group of naval wives underwent the same events, would their views/thoughts/ experiences be comparable? 2. Was the image depicted in existing literature the only view? 3. Did the naval community differ from the rest of society; how were its gender roles defined? 4. Did the wives’ thoughts and feelings differ from those reported in the press? 5.
    [Show full text]