The Changed World of South Asia
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The Erosion of Strategic Stability and the Future of Arms Control in Europe
Études de l’Ifri Proliferation Papers 60 THE EROSION OF STRATEGIC STABILITY AND THE FUTURE OF ARMS COntrOL IN EUROPE Corentin BRUSTLEIN November 2018 Security Studies Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-932-9 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Corentin Brustlein, “The Erosion of Strategic Stability and the Future of Arms Control in Europe”, Proliferation Papers, No. 60, November 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr. Corentin Brustlein is the Director of the Security Studies Center at the French Institute of International Relations. His work focuses on nuclear and conventional deterrence, arms control, military balances, and U.S. and French defense policies. Before assuming his current position, he had been a research fellow at Ifri since 2008 and the head of Ifri’s Deterrence and Proliferation Program since 2010. -
Does It Promote Pakistan's Strategic Interests?
07 “Strategic Depth”: Does It Promote Pakistan’s Strategic Interests? : Raheem ul Haque fied Pakistan's insecurity syndrome leading to an illusive In assessing Pakistan's response to the ongoing 'global search for Strategic Depth , third, although it shook the war on terrorism' in Afghanistan, this paper presents two foundations of "Two Nation Theory", Pakistan still began sets of arguments; first, I argue that Pakistan's strategic to drift towards Islamization through invoked fears of interests constituting secure and peaceful borders along 'Hindu India'. All this obliterated Jinnah's vision of liberal, with internal strength, development and prosperity, are secular and democratic Pakistan. Although the process annulled rather than furthered by the Strategic Depth had begun with the adoption of Objectives Resolution in policy framework, adopted and pursued for the last three 1949, anti-Ahemdia riots in 1953, Pakistan's joining of decades. Although this framework has allowed Pakistan anti- Communist block, SEATO and CENTO pacts, how to maintain a semblance of regional military power bal ever, it accelerated through State sanction in post 1971 ance with India, yet it has led to a rise of extremism and Pakistan with the passage of bill (1974) declaring Ahmedis militancy within Pakistani society and to a loss of internal as 'non-Muslim', the religious parties led PNA movement sovereignty. Today, this flawed policy has created condi against the PPP government in March-April 1977 and tions that have made Pakistan a sanctuary for ideologi General Zia- ul Haq's military coup in July—who was quick cal non-state actors. Second, with an in-depth analysis to announce that Pakistan was an 'Ideological State'2, and scrutiny of factors and actors in the three decades thus Jinnah's vision of Pakistan was deconstructed3. -
Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with Its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)
ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia) UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (DECEMBER 2016) ROLE OF ENGLISH IN AFGHAN LANGUAGE POLICY PLANNING WITH ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION (2001-2010) By AYAZ AHMAD A dissertation submitted to the University of Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (DECEMBER 2016) i AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I, Mr. Ayaz Ahmad hereby state that my PhD thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any degree from this University of Peshawar or anywhere else in the country/world. At any time if my statement is found to be incorrect even after my graduation the University has the right to withdraw my PhD degree. AYAZ AHMAD Date: December 2016 ii PLAGIARISM UNDERTAKING I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “Role of English in Afghan Language Policy Planning with its Impact on National Integration (2001-2010)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any other person. Small contribution/help wherever taken has been duly acknowledged and that complete thesis has been written by me. I understand the zero tolerance policy of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) and University of Peshawar towards plagiarism. Therefore I as an Author of the above-titled thesis declare that no portion of my thesis has been plagiarized and any material used as a reference is properly referred/cited. -
Pakistan's Future Policy Towards Afghanistan. a Look At
DIIS REPORT 2011:08 DIIS REPORT PAKISTAN’S FUTURE POLICY TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN A LOOK AT STRATEGIC DEPTH, MILITANT MOVEMENTS AND THE ROLE OF INDIA AND THE US Qandeel Siddique DIIS REPORT 2011:08 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 © Copenhagen 2011, Qandeel Siddique and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: The Khyber Pass linking Pakistan and Afghanistan. © Luca Tettoni/Robert Harding World Imagery/Corbis Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-455-7 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This publication is part of DIIS’s Defence and Security Studies project which is funded by a grant from the Danish Ministry of Defence. Qandeel Siddique, MSc, Research Assistant, DIIS [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 Contents Abstract 6 1. Introduction 7 2. Pakistan–Afghanistan relations 12 3. Strategic depth and the ISI 18 4. Shift of jihad theatre from Kashmir to Afghanistan 22 5. The role of India 41 6. The role of the United States 52 7. Conclusion 58 Defence and Security Studies at DIIS 70 3 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 Acronyms AJK Azad Jammu and Kashmir ANP Awani National Party FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas FDI Foreign Direct Investment FI Fidayeen Islam GHQ General Headquarters GoP Government -
Nation Building Process in Afghanistan Ziaulhaq Rashidi1, Dr
Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Abbreviated Key Title: Saudi J Humanities Soc Sci ISSN 2415-6256 (Print) | ISSN 2415-6248 (Online) Scholars Middle East Publishers, Dubai, United Arab Emirates Journal homepage: http://scholarsmepub.com/sjhss/ Original Research Article Nation Building Process in Afghanistan Ziaulhaq Rashidi1, Dr. Gülay Uğur Göksel2 1M.A Student of Political Science and International Relations Program 2Assistant Professor, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey *Corresponding author: Ziaulhaq Rashidi | Received: 04.04.2019 | Accepted: 13.04.2019 | Published: 30.04.2019 DOI:10.21276/sjhss.2019.4.4.9 Abstract In recent times, a number of countries faced major cracks and divisions (religious, ethnical and geographical) with less than a decade war/instability but with regards to over four decades of wars and instabilities, the united and indivisible Afghanistan face researchers and social scientists with valid questions that what is the reason behind this unity and where to seek the roots of Afghan national unity, despite some minor problems and ethnic cracks cannot be ignored?. Most of the available studies on nation building process or Afghan nationalism have covered the nation building efforts from early 20th century and very limited works are available (mostly local narratives) had touched upon the nation building efforts prior to the 20th. This study goes beyond and examine major struggles aimed nation building along with the modernization of state in Afghanistan starting from late 19th century. Reforms predominantly the language (Afghani/Pashtu) and role of shared medium of communication will be deliberated. In addition, we will talk how the formation of strong centralized government empowered the state to initiate social harmony though the demographic and geographic oriented (north-south) resettlement programs in 1880s and how does it contributed to the nation building process. -
Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author
1 Human Security Centre – Written evidence (AFG0019) Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author: Simon Schofield, Senior Fellow, In consultation with Rohullah Yakobi, Associate Fellow 2 1 Table of Contents 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................5 3. What is the Human Security Centre?.....................................................10 4. Geopolitics and National Interests and Agendas......................................11 Islamic Republic of Pakistan ...................................................................11 Historical Context...............................................................................11 Pakistan’s Strategy.............................................................................12 Support for the Taliban .......................................................................13 Afghanistan as a terrorist training camp ................................................16 Role of military aid .............................................................................17 Economic interests .............................................................................19 Conclusion – Pakistan .........................................................................19 Islamic Republic of Iran .........................................................................20 Historical context ...............................................................................20 Iranian Strategy ................................................................................23 -
Persian, Farsi, Dari, Tajiki: Language Names and Language Policies
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Department of Anthropology Papers Department of Anthropology 2012 Persian, Farsi, Dari, Tajiki: Language Names and Language Policies Brian Spooner University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/anthro_papers Part of the Anthropological Linguistics and Sociolinguistics Commons, and the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Spooner, B. (2012). Persian, Farsi, Dari, Tajiki: Language Names and Language Policies. In H. Schiffman (Ed.), Language Policy and Language Conflict in Afghanistan and Its Neighbors: The Changing Politics of Language Choice (pp. 89-117). Leiden, Boston: Brill. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/anthro_papers/91 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Persian, Farsi, Dari, Tajiki: Language Names and Language Policies Abstract Persian is an important language today in a number of countries of west, south and central Asia. But its status in each is different. In Iran its unique status as the only official or national language continueso t be jealously guarded, even though half—probably more—of the population use a different language (mainly Azari/Azeri Turkish) at home, and on the streets, though not in formal public situations, and not in writing. Attempts to broach this exclusive status of Persian in Iran have increased in recent decades, but are still relatively minor. Persian (called tajiki) is also the official language ofajikistan, T but here it shares that status informally with Russian, while in the west of the country Uzbek is also widely used and in the more isolated eastern part of the country other local Iranian languages are now dominant. -
LESSON 3 India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan G Stan India, Pakistan, and Afghanis
LESSONLESSON 3 India,India, Pakistan,Pakistan, andand AfghanistanAfghanistan QuickQuick WriteWrite magine this: The year is 1921, and you’re a teenager in school in India. Your land has been Iunder British rule for as long as anyone can remember. You’re starting to hear about independence for India, though, and it sounds like an exciting idea. But what kind of independence? Self-rule within the British Empire? Or complete independence, like what What approach should the Americans got after 1776? British India have taken to independence? Why? India is a vast country—Hindus and Muslims are only two of its mixture of religious and ethnic groups. Could one country possibly be big enough to include everybody? Won’t some groups get lost? Should certain groups be guaranteed a share of seats in Parliament? Maybe two or more smaller countries would make more sense. British India could draw the map so that each territory LearnLearn AboutAbout was pretty clearly Hindu or Muslim and everybody spoke the same language. What do you think is best, • the precolonial history of the Mughals in the Indian and why? subcontinent • the encounter with Europe and the colonial period in the region • the history of the struggle for independence in South Asia • what caused the partition and war between India and Pakistan • how Muslim-Hindu strife affects the politics and economics of South Asia • which groups have struggled for control in Afghanistan and why 176 CHAPTER 2 Asia 75162_C2L3_p176-199_AFJROTC_FINAL.indd 176 11/9/09 1:55 PM The Precolonial History of the Mughals VocabularyVoca bulary in the Indian Subcontinent •Indian subcontinent You read briefl y in the Introduction about the Mughal Empire •aristocrat in the Indian subcontinent. -
Won't You Be My Neighbor
Won’t You Be My Neighbor: Syria, Iraq and the Changing Strategic Context in the Middle East S TEVEN SIMON Council on Foreign Relations March 2009 www.usip.org Date www.usip.org UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 © 2009 by the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor About this Report Iraq's neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of post-Saddam Iraq. In an effort to prevent conflict across Iraq's borders and in order to promote positive international and regional engagement, USIP has initiated high-level, non-official dialogue between foreign policy and national security figures from Iraq, its neighbors and the United States. The Institute’s "Iraq and its Neighbors" project has also convened a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region to assess the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq and to explain the impact of these transformed relationships on U.S. -
Project the Farsi/Persian Communities In
IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY CAPACITY AND ENGAGEMENT (ICCE) PROJECT THE FARSI/PERSIAN COMMUNITIES IN LONDON A FORUM FOR SERVICE PROVIDERS PRESENTED BY: JOHN HOWARD SOCIETY OF LONDON AND DISTRICT FARSI / PERSIAN • Three countries speak Persian: • Western Persian (Persian, Iranian Persian, or Farsi) is spoken in Iran • Dari (Dari Persian, Afghan Persian, or Dari) is spoken in Afghanistan • Tajiki (Tajik Persian) is spoken in Tajikistan IRAN HISTORY OF IRAN . The official name of Iran is the “Islamic Republic of Iran” . ‘Persia’ was historically the common name for Iran (it was called Persia until 1935) . Iran is home to one of the world's oldest civilizations . Iran means “the land of the Aryans” Politics . The revolution of Iran was in 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini . Before the revolution, Iran was a constitutional monarchy. The country was ruled by the Royal Government of Reza Shah Pahlavi . After the revolution, the Iranian government system became the Islamic Republic and its national day is the 12th Farvardin (1st of April) . The Iranians choose their own president. The election is carried out once every four years. Each president serves a four-year term and cannot serve more than two consecutive terms . The president uses the media to announce to the country the government’s plans and programs . The president has some say in the level of media freedom and political openness . Iran was at war with Iraq (1980-1988) for 8 years. The roots of the war lay in a number of territorial and political disputes between Iraq and Iran . The Iranian people -
Second-Generation Afghans in Iran: Integration, Identity and Return
Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit Case Study Series Second-generation Afghans in Iran: Integration, Identity and Return Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi Diana Glazebrook Gholamreza Jamshidiha Hossein Mahmoudian Rasoul Sadeghi April 2008 Funding for this research was provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the European Commission (EC) i AREU Case Study Series © 2008 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] or calling +93 799 608548. ii Second-generation Afghans in Iran: Integration, Identity and Return About the Research Team (in alphabetical order) The research team members for the Second-generation study conducted in 2006-7 also carried out the Transnational Networks study in Iran in 2005-6. Both of these studies were commissioned by the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi is an Associate Professor in the Department of Demography of the University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran, and Adjunct Professor, Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, Australian National University. Abbasi- Shavazi’s PhD study focused on immigrant fertility in Australia. He has conducted several studies on Iranian fertility transition as well as the Afghan refugees in Iran, and has published extensively on these subjects. He directed the project on Transnational Networks among Afghans in Iran in 2005, and prepared a country report on the situation of International Migrants and Refugees in the Iran in 2007. -
Perspectives on Attitudes and Behaviors of Pashtun Women in Afghanistan and Pakistan
Perspectives on Attitudes and Behaviors of Pashtun Women in Afghanistan and Pakistan By Anne Pessala May 17, 2012 8000 Towers Crescent Dr. Suite 1350 . Vienna, Virginia 22182 USA . Ph.703.255.0884 . Fx.703.255.6465 . www.D3systems.com 1 Perspectives on Attitudes and Behaviors of Pashtun Women in Afghanistan and Pakistan • Who are the Pashtun people? • Methodology • Access to healthcare and education • Attitudes towards women’s rights • Finances • Voting behavior • Media behavior • Future research 2 Who are the Pashtun People? • Largest populations are in Pakistan (approx. 21 million) and Afghanistan (approx. 10 million) • Distinguished by language (Pashto) and adherence to Pashtunwali • Many principles of Pashtunwali direct the treatment and behavior of women • Rural population 3 Geographic Distribution of Pashtun Population Afghanistan Pakistan 4 What traits do Pashtuns share? • Per capita GDP in Afghanistan is $501 and $1,019 in Pakistan • Slightly higher incomes relative to general population • Role in government • Security 5 About the studies • 2007 – Afghanistan: 2,346 randomly selected Afghans in 34 provinces from March 7th-14th, 2007 (502 Pashtun women) – Pakistan: 2,065 randomly selected Pakistanis in four provinces from March 17th-March 30th (102 Pashtun women) • 2012 – Afghanistan: 2,018 randomly selected Afghans in 34 provinces from January 24th-February 3rd, 2012 (383 Pashtun women) – Pakistan: 2,065 randomly selected Pakistanis in four provinces from March 19th-March 30th (133 Pashtun women) 6 Access to Healthcare and Education