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Captivating Eunice: Membership, Colonialism, and Gendered Citizenships of Grief

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Captivating Eunice: Membership, Colonialism, and Gendered Citizenships of Grief Captivating Eunice: Membership, Colonialism, and Gendered Citizenships of Grief Audra Simpson Wicazo Sa Review, Volume 24, Number 2, Fall 2009, pp. 105-129 (Article) Published by University of Minnesota Press DOI: 10.1353/wic.0.0031 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wic/summary/v024/24.2.simpson.html Access provided by University of Utah (7 Nov 2013 12:49 GMT) Captivating Eunice Membership, Colonialism, and Gendered Citizenships of Grief Audra Simpson My youngest Daughter, aged Seven years, was carryed all the journey, & look’d after with a great deal of Tenderness. —John Williams, 17071 WHITHER EUNICE? The famous story of Eunice Williams’s captivity and incorporation begins with tears and ends with tears, as it was a Mohawk woman’s grief that prompted her capture as a replacement child for one lost. Her inconsolability motivated Mohawk warriors from Kahnawake to venture from the southwestern part of the St. Lawrence River down to Deerfi eld, Massachusetts, in February 1704—during the dead of winter—to take captives.2 Little is known of the specifi city of the Mohawk woman’s unrest, or of the particulars of her life, as she is re- WICAZO REVIEW SA 105 ferred to only as “the mother.”3 Far more is known of Eunice Williams, the white child of completely unambiguous Protestant stock that would become her child. She was originally the daughter of the Reverend John Williams and Eunice Williams, and thus was the grand niece of FALL 2009 famed Puritan minister Increase and cousin to Cotton Mather. In their commitment to piety, anti-popishness, proper puritan conduct, and WWSRSR 224.24.2 1105-13005-130 SSimpson.inddimpson.indd 110505 99/15/09/15/09 110:51:210:51:21 AAMM writing and sermonizing on the sinister condition of Indian captivity, the Mathers have been described as “the most prominent divines of their generation.”4 Williams’s life receives its acclaim in part because of these genealogies. But her life is most famous because her captiva- tion became thoroughly consensual and she became Mohawk through time. She steadfastly refused to return to her natal territory and family. Owing to yawning gulfs in the archives, we do not know what this conversion tale looked like within Kahnawake, but it is clear from the literature that, although originally “English,” she became a unilingual, Catholic “white Indian” who was captivated by and fully assimilated into Mohawk society. In this article, I use the story of Eunice Williams’s captivity to argue that her incorporation into Mohawk society does not belong in the past; rather, it forms part of the gendered structure and imaginary of contemporary colonial settler society of North America. This gen- dered structure and imaginary is instantiated through The Indian Act of 1876, which defi ned and recognized indigeneity in Canada through a pre-citizened wardship status.5 This wardship status, which is now co-incident with state citizenship, continues to determine rights to material and semiotic resources for Indians in Canada, and shapes the identities and identifi cations of many Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in Canada today.6 This article offers a speculative history re- garding the Act and the captivity narratives surrounding Williams’s life in order to point to the possibility of their relatedness but also to stimulate further, deeper work on the role of historical narrative in stimulating political and social possibility in colonial, or settler, con- texts through time. The story of Eunice Williams, then, is more than a story of thrilling, dramatic, and violent eighteenth-century captivation. It is a story about the transformation of membership or incorporation into a rights-bearing unit of political status, with an attendant form of recognition—a recognition that was later conferred through The Indian Act. This is also a story of colonial alchemy, of recognition of political subject-formation, which moved race and gender to the forefront of deliberations over the meting out of those rights (only to efface them) and which was an evidentiary moment of deep identifi - cation that had occurred within Eunice Williams’s interior frontiers, within her mind. Her identifi cations and recognitions and the cele- 106 WICAZO REVIEW SA bration of her story do not come without consequences, consequences that have not been considered in the literature on captivation. This is a literature that largely considers captivation to be a case of force, adoption, and/or kinning in an effort to re-historicize the past in FALL 2009 deeply connected ways. These important contributions to literary and historical studies have signifi cantly problemetized the notion of settler and Indigenous experiences as isolated from each other and WWSRSR 224.24.2 1105-13005-130 SSimpson.inddimpson.indd 110606 99/15/09/15/09 110:51:220:51:22 AAMM have given us a sense, especially in literary studies, of the importance of Indigenous “savagery” to the construction and maintenance of a “civilized” colonial self. However, in colonial “situations”—historical moments and processes that are still in play—the captivating savage not only defi nes but undermines and seduces the colonial self—the notion of the captive white does things to Indian social structure and polity as well. It is to this interconnected side of things that I wish to move the analysis.7 In order to do this, we must fi rst turn to what captivity narratives are and what they do. Captivity narratives are read as a literary and historical tradition that is vital to the construction and maintenance of an American “self” (vis-à-vis otherness) because they select which sto- ries and histories will authorize dominance or the always precarious power of a dominant group (re: settlers). In taking up Gramsci, Turner- Strong argues that the captivity genre of literature and fact-making is a “selective tradition” that is an “element of hegemony,” in that it is part of the process through which a dominant social group legitimates its power by grounding it in a set of authoritative understandings.8 Thus, “captivity” is not only a genre of literary and historical produc- tion but is also a discursive formation, like law and policy, which then does things.9 In this article, I point to that possibility by offering a spec- ulative history that may be used, or discarded, for deeper historical inquiries into the relatedness of colonial narratives and law. My argument now moves in two directions: fi rst, the history that embeds social and politically infl ected psycho-dynamics of desire (in par- ticular, the desire to become Indian, even where Indians have been viewed as repulsive or fearsome) and, second, the alchemic power of law-making, which would render a white woman an Indian in the eyes of the settler state. What follows is some of the history surrounding Eunice Williams’s life, but I am arguing here that, although her story appears to be a piece of a much larger, organic system of exchanges and reciprocal violences and naturalizations, it had a political effi cacy that resonates in gendered and raced ways to dis-empower, in the long run, Mohawk governmen- tal systems and, in particular, Mohawk women. It does so by readying a readership and a state for a different sensibility for citizenship. EUNICE WILLIAMS From the start, Eunice Williams’s captivation was not very remarkable. At WICAZO REVIEW SA 107 that time, the Northeast was a landscape marked by exchanges and obliga- tions, which formed the fulcrum of “politics.” French, English, Mohawk, and other Indigenous nations had very different reasons for partaking in war, for taking captives, and they had different methods for dealing with them FALL 2009 when they did so. For Mohawks in those historical moments, Williams and others could be bartering chips to be exchanged for political purposes but WWSRSR 224.24.2 1105-13005-130 SSimpson.inddimpson.indd 110707 99/15/09/15/09 110:51:220:51:22 AAMM in the Deerfi eld raid were replacements for love lost. The wars and sick- ness that settlement wrought (as well as the wars that they had experienced before) stressed the clan relationships of obligation and reciprocity that un- derwrote their social system, requiring that others be found to occupy the structural place of affection and obligation required by kinship. On a narrative rather than a purely socio-structural level, Eunice Williams’s story, then, emerges in this fulcrum of exchanges and so is embed- ded within a key account—that of her father’s, the Reverend John Williams’s, classic story of her captivity and his attempts to redeem her, The Redeemed Captive (TRC, 1707). I turn to his story because much of what we know of her life was enframed within this narrative and the histories that followed. The Redeemed Captive is one of 450 to 500 fi rst-person accounts of captivity that were published in over 1,200 editions between the seventeenth century and the nineteenth century.10 This is more than a story of kidnapping, natural- ization, and cultural transgression. Her story within his story, along with others, is an instrument that enunciates the gendered and raced preference for social and legal incorporation by settler regimes, as well as the anxiety that obtained to these preferences as they became lived. These are settler regimes that became states and so required representations of events such as captivity (which were dramatic episodes of much larger political brokering undertaken by both Indigenous and settler regimes) to foment themselves. These emerging states needed to foment themselves because they were new, they were precarious, and they required stories of foreign-ness within and alchemies of white transformation (into indigeneity) in order to “settle” foreign lands, as well as to assuage identities fractured by the moral and epistemological questions of origins and self-knowing presented by their own foreign-ness within a land that they had to settle quickly, in a myriad of ways.11 Thus, I wish to speculate that captivity narratives could be used to justify the domestications of space and lives upon that space.
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