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Divinities, Priests, and Dedicators at Emona*

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Divinities, Priests, and Dedicators at Emona* Marjeta Šašel Kos DIVINITIES, PRIESTS, AND dedicatorS at EMONA* INTRODUCT I ON Life in a Roman city, whether in one of the Italian regions or in the provinces, was intrinsically connected with cults, divination, and religion. Proper observance of rituals throughout the year at various festivals and holidays, both public and private, and including various rites of transition, but also during catastrophes or wars, ensured the protection and benevolence of the gods. Votive altars and dedications are in general much less numerous than tombstones, and Emona is no exception to this rule. Although not large, the corpus of its votive monuments does present some interesting features, which deserve a commentary. In view of the scarcity of documentation, it should not cause surprise that during the Baroque age, known for having occasionally abused epigraphy for its own purposes, a few inscrip- tions may have been falsified to produce more evidence for Roman cults in the territory of Emona (see below), where indeed not very many have come to light to date. The origins of Emona as a settlement extend back to the Late Bronze Age (the Urnfield cultural group); a cemetery dated to this period was unearthed on the left bank of the Ljubljanica River. An Early Iron Age period settlement has been discovered on Castle Hill, while some remains of a La Tène period settlement and/or a late Republican emporium were excavated on the right bank of the river1. When exactly the Roman colony was established at Emona is not entirely clear, but there are strong indications that this happened under Octavian after Actium, and after he had - some years previously - successfully brought to an end his Illyrian * I would very much like to thank Claudio Zaccaria for his valuable opinion concerning my paper, and in particular for the discussion about the goddess Victoria and Hercules. 1 VI CˇI Cˇ, Emona, 2003. 688 M. ŠAŠEL KOS Wars (35-33 BC). His policy was a continuation of Caesar’s extension of Cisalpine Gaul and the Romanization of Histria2. Caesar had established colonies at Pola and most probably at Tergeste, as well as municipia at Forum Iulii, Aegida, and Parentium; founding a colony at Emona meant an extension of Italy in the direction of Noricum on the one side and Illyricum on the other. It is usually believed that branches of various Aquileian families moved to Emona3; certainly, the influence of Aquileia on Emona was at all times very strong4, at least since a Roman village, an important emporium, had been firmly established at Nauportus in the first half of the first century BC, in Aquileian territory (see below), and in particular after both towns were well connected by road, which favourably influenced the economic and cultural growth of Emona (fig. 1)5. As is indicated by several gentilicia, which are unattested in Aquileia and do not seem to have been typical of northern Italy, colonists must have also come directly from other Italian regions6, perhaps - as has been supposed for Altinum - via Aquileia7. Close contacts between Aquileia and Emona are documented from the very begin- ning of the existence of Emona as a Roman city. Thus an Aquileian, certainly pre-Augustan, sevir T. Caesernius Diphilus, a freedman of one T. Caesernius Assupa (AIJ 176 = RINMS 3), supposedly performed certain official functions at Emona, perhaps before the town acquired the status of a Roman colony, or immediately afterwards8. Diphilus, whose freedman Dignus is also commemorated on his tombstone - which indicates the wealth of his family - was active as a sevir in Aquileia. Seviri, whose municipal and religious functions are not clearly defined, were in general freedmen, rarely free-born, and represented well-to-do members of city’s middle class9. Diphilus’ patron Assupa must have been, judging by his name, of indigenous provenance; his family probably belonged to the local aristocracy somewhere in the broad hinterland of Aquileia and gained prominent social status in the metropolis. Similar cases were those of Q. Pipponicus Tae[- - -] and C. [- - -] Veitor, seviri from Iulium Carnicum, known from a dedication to Diana10; their names indicate local provenance as does perhaps the name of M. Petronius Scaenarius, whose freedman was also a sevir (Inscr. Aquil. 613). P. Virtius P. l. Mogetius, a sevir in Parentium (ILJug 1209), as well as two seviri from Narona, P. Mucius Dasius and P. Terentius Dardanus (ILJug 654), certainly belonged to well-to-do indigenous families. Pre-Augustan seviri may serve as evidence that in many cases, at least in the towns where their existence is confirmed, the later seviri, too, were not in charge of the imperial 2 ŠA Š EL KOS , Caesar, 2000; cf. also BANDELL I - CH I A B À , Amministrazioni, 2005, pp. 439 ff. 3 See, e.g., ŠA Š EL , Famiglie, 1987 (= Opera 1992); ZACCAR I A , Cantia, 2004; on the Caesernii: footnote 12; on the Barbii: footnote 35. 4 ZACCAR I A , Aquileia, 1989. 5 PANC I ERA , Vita, 1957, pp. 58 ff.; pp. 76-80; on via Gemina see also ŠA Š EL , Via, 1973 (= Opera, 1992). 6 ŠA Š EL , Emona, 1968, cc. 562, 565-566 (= Opera, 1992, pp. 571, 573). 7 CRESC I MARRONE , Presenze, 1999, p. 129. 8 ŠA Š EL KOS , Inscriptions, 1998, pp. 104-105. 9 AB RA M EN K O , Mittelschicht, 1993. 10 MA I NARD I S , Notiziario, 1994, cc. 297-299. DIVINITIES, PRIESTS, AND dedicatorS at EMONA 689 cult and should not necessarily be considered as identical to sexviri Augustales, i.e. as an ab- breviation of the latter title11. They were often members of important families, as was the case of the Caesernii in Aquileia and Emona. The two branches of the Caesernii family, the Sexti and Titi, were a typical example of such a family, whose Aquileian members even attained senatorial rank, while others were in charge of municipal administration and various institu- tions in both cities, many among them having been seviri and (seviri) Augustales12. The extent of the territory administratively dependent on Emona is not well defined. It is approximately delimited in the direction of Celeia, i.e. Noricum (west of Atrans = Trojane), and Neviodunum, i.e. Pannonia (west of Acervo = Sticˇna), while in the direction of Tergeste and Aquileia the boundary reached as far as Bevke, only some 13 km to the southwest of Ljubljana (i.e. ca. 15 km from Emona), as is known from the recently discovered boundary stone. It is dated to the Augustan period, or at the latest to the first half of the first century AD, and it delimited the territory of Emona in such a way that Nauportus was included in the ter- ritory of Aquileia. Nauportus was the first important settlement along the main road after the Ocra Pass, and it can by no means be regarded as an enclave of the Aquileians as has recently been proposed13, since it was strategically most important to possess, rather than merely su- pervise, the entire route leading in the direction of Emona and further to Noricum, Pannonia, and the East. However, with time, when Emona gained in importance, the boundary may have changed to its advantage. Boundaries were not static, and it may be assumed that at a later date the broad region of Postojna could have been regarded as the border between the territories of Aquileia and Emona, as has always been assumed. The ager of Emona extended towards the north most probably as far as the Norican mountains (present-day Gorenjska/ Upper Carniola), but with only one significant settlement, that of Carnium (= Kranj). This is altogether a vast territory but in terms of epigraphic finds it is very poorly represented. With the exceptions of Nauportus and the Ig area, there are hardly any sites that have produced more than five inscriptions. Correspondingly, only a few cults are documented in theager of Emona. The world of gods worshipped at Emona was an interesting blend of various cults, which did not resemble that of Aquileia, nor that of any major neighbouring town, most of all due to the lack of more evidence. Symptomatic in this respect is the case of Carna, an old Italic divinity of hinges who could repel all harm from doors and protect babies from striges, monstruous nocturnal birds who came by night to attack them in the cradle and drink their blood. Carna is known from Ovid’s Fasti (6. 105-182), and worshipped on the first day of the Kalends of June. According to Ovid and Macrobius (Saturnalia 1. 12. 31-33), she was a goddess of ancient times when people feasted on pork and ate what was then growing in their fields: broad beans and spelt. These two foods should be eaten on the June Kalends to protect people from any intestinal illness. Nothing would have been known of her in Emona, had her festival, Carnaria, not been incidentally mentioned on the tombstone of L. Caesernius 11 ŠA Š EL KOS , Aspects, 1999, pp. 174-175. 12 ŠA Š EL , Caesernii, 1960 (= Opera, 1992); ZACCAR I A , Caesernii, 2006. 13 TAL B ERT , Boundaries, 2005, pp. 98-99. 690 M. ŠAŠEL KOS Primitivus (AIJ 209 = ILS 7235a), a member of the municipal board of five and the decurio of the collegium fabrum, and his wife Ollia Primilla. In their wills they left 200 denarii to the four decuriae of the collegium fabrum so that they would bring roses to their grave on the day of the festival of Carna (fig. 2)14. It is also interesting to see - and this, too, may be obscured by the extant evidence - what cults were popular among the inhabitants in the city and which were important for the people living in the countryside.
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