Between The Morning Calm and The Orient Seas:
Exploring the Kopino Phenomenon through Narratives, and Gauging the Role of the Kopino
Children Association Inc. as an Assisting Non-Government Actor
Liezl Ann D. Lansang
Submitted to
Prof. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA
Department of Social Sciences
College of Arts and Sciences
University of the Philippines Manila
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
BACHELOR OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
May 2017
For the mothers who continue to live every single day making ends meet for their Kopino
children.
For the Kopino youth, who to this day, still long to be able to meet their fathers, and constantly
aspire for a better future.
For the people, who dedicate their advocacies in bridging the impoverished towards a better life.
For the underserved and the marginalized.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to my family, friends and colleagues who generously gave insights, and never stopped in pushing me towards finishing my thesis. Thank you for being my support system despite all the lows and difficulties that I have encountered.
I am very grateful to my different sets of parents—Lolo Ding, Lola Ning, Daddy, Auntie Cecille,
Mama, and Auntie Joyce—for always motivating me and bringing my self-esteem back, whenever I feel tired from all the data gathering and manuscript writing during the past months.
To my siblings, Kuya Ken, Ate Sharie, and Tin Tin, thank you for always being understanding and listening to me whenever I needed to vent.
To the Kopino Children Association Inc.—Mr. Cedric Son, Kuya Rommel, and Ate Lala—I am very grateful to you, for opening your organization’s doors to me, and allowing me to study how you work in the pursuit of helping Kopino children and mothers achieve better lives.
I would also like to thank Professor Kyungmin Bae, not only for promptly accepting my invitation to interview, but also for helping me with my resources and contacts.
To my thesis adviser, Dr. Josefina Tayag, thank you so much for being patient with my work. It is a rigorous process to pursue my topic of choice, due to it being understudied, but you understood the many limitations that I faced in making my thesis happen.
To a certain person whose own determination and passion inspired me to always bend over break from all the challenges, thank you. You continue to be one of my sources of inspiration.
Lastly, and most importantly, I would like to express my deepest thanks and admiration to all the mothers who have bared their lives to me. You will always be unspoken heroes in my eyes.
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ABSTRACT
The research seeks to lay out an approximate description of the actual current living conditions of Kopinos in the Philippines, and identify the common problems that they are experiencing, particularly in the light of their living conditions. Given the situation of the children, the research seeks to explain the ways on how non-governmental actors, such as in the case of the Kopino
Children Association Inc., stand as duty-bearers in helping address the problems of Kopinos and in the process of achieving their basic needs, and in the midst of limited state action. Due to the biracial nature of the Kopinos, the perspectives of both Korean and Philippine societies on multiculturalism were also included in order to be able to analyze the problem from a larger perspective, and assess the degree of exclusion that they experience. In the study, it was seen that the perspectives offered by Kopino mothers highly differed from the stereotypes established by the media due to the nuances in their experiences, as well as the nature of their respective relationships with the Korean men. The study was also able to establish that NGOs are indeed instrumental with regard to solving the issue, but with corresponding disadvantages.
The study asserts that Kopinos are not fully integrated into both Korean and Philippine societies, andis reflected in the lack of multicultural policies in both countries, which are tailored for them.
Thus, there is a need to explore the possible interdependence between NGOs, who know more in terms of handling the issue, and the state, which has the access into policy-making.
Keywords: Kopinos, non-government organizations, social exclusion, multiculturalism, globalization
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ii-iii
Abstract iv
Chapter I
a. Introduction 1-2 b. General and Specific Objectives 2-3 c. Main Research Question 4 d. Thesis Statement 4 e. Review of Related Literature 4-13 f. Theoretical Framework 13-15 g. Conceptual Framework 16-18 h. Definition of Terms 18-19 i. Research Design 19-23 j. Ethical Aspects 23-24 k. Scope and Limitations 24-25 l. Significance of the Study 25-26
Chapter II: A Background on Philippines-South Korea Relations on Migration, and the Implications of such in theStandpoints of Philippine and South Korean Societieson Multiculturalism a. Filipino Migration amidst South Korea’s Industrialization 27-30 i. South Korean Society on Multiculturalism 30-33 b. South Koreans under the Institutionalized Social Hierarchy in the Philippines 34-38 i. Philippine Society on Multiculturalism and Korean Presence 38-39 c. Conclusion 39-41
Chapter III :Introducing the Kopino Problem: Perspectives from the Media and Key Informants
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a. The Kopino Problem from the Perspective of the Media 42-46 b. Perspectives of Key Informants on Some Discrepancies Regarding the Media Portrayal on Kopinos 47-51 c. Conclusion 51-52
Chapter IV : Presentation And Analysis of Findings
a. Exploring the Narratives of Kopino Mothers 53-64 b. Ways on How Non-Government Actors Help in Addressing the Issue : The Case of Kopino Children’s Association Incorporated 64-70 c. Summary of Findings from the Data Gathered 70-73 d. An Analysis of the Kopino Problem in a Larger Perspective 74-76
Chapter V : Conclusion and Recommendations 77-79
References80-85
Appendices 86-161
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Between the Morning Calm and the Orient Seas
CHAPTER I
Introduction
The Philippines‘ historical experiences on colonialism and past wars have led to the diversification of the country‘s population in terms of race. Mixed-race children, thus, have been relatively welcomed in a heterogeneous society.
Issues on Philippine mixed-race children, however, had become evident when problems experienced by Amerasians (American-Asians) first surfaced in the media. News articles and studies attribute the rise in the numbers of these children to the boom of tourism and sex trade brought about by the existence of the US military bases in the Philippines. Due to their obvious physical biracial features and given the ―predominantly conservative Catholic society‖ that there is in the Philippines, Lowe (2014, May 20) particularly reports that these children have been
―discriminated against for being illegitimate, mixed-race, or the children of prostitutes‖. This stigma attached on Amerasians has then been the cause of the discrimination that they experience from other Filipinos. Another major factor that contributes to this pressing problem is the lack of paternal support and recognition—studies have claimed that these children suffer from the emotional, social and financial effects of being abandoned by their fathers.
Today, globalization has made the movement of goods, ideas, values, and people among national frontiers easier. In the Philippines, one of the manifestations of globalization is the observable influx, as well as the changing demography of tourists visiting the country. This, in turn, has paved the way for the rise of other mixed-raced children—especially those fathered by
East Asians.
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Following the arrival of more Korean tourists in the country is the corresponding rise in the births of ―Kopinos‖, or children fathered by Korean men and born with Filipina mothers. Similar to Amerasians and other mixed-race children, the media has portrayed Kopinos as children who experience problems related to race and paternal abandonment. Specifically, Kopinos in general are reported to be impoverished children who have been left by their fathers. On the other hand, while news reports with regard to state action from both the Philippine and Korean governments in terms of helping Kopinos with their plights remain limited, non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and foundations such as the Kopino Children Association Inc. (KCAI) have been active in providing assistance to these children.
There have been studies on other mixed-race children in the Philippines and their respective situations, but literature on Kopinos remain scant. Thus, the researcher is prompted to pursue a study that aims to contribute in bringing forth awareness to the actual experiences of these mixed-raced children. The study also seeks to gauge the role of NGOs, particularly in the case of KCAI, as being instrumental in helping Kopino achieve better lives.
General Objective
To explain and discuss the phenomenon of the Kopino problem in the Philippines and to identify how the KCAI, as a principal non-government organization, helps address the existing plights of these mixed-race children for the achievement a better quality of life, as well as paternal recognition and support.
Specific Objectives
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1. To discuss the current standing of mixed-race individuals and the acceptance of
multiculturalism in both Korean and Philippine societies respectively
2. To describe the living conditions of Kopino children and identify common problems,
particularly looking onto :
a. Poverty
b. Access to basic rights (e.g. proper healthcare, housing, education)
c. Educational attainment and quality of education received
3. To identify the different measures on how NGOs help Kopinos achieve sustainable living
conditions, in the case of KCAI
4. To assess the role of KCAI in helping improve the lives of Kopinos, as well as the
limitations faced by the said NGO by :
a. Looking at the experience of Kopino families who have been receiving assistance
from the NGO
b. Inquiring what has been the impact ofthe help extended by the NGO in terms of
changing the lives of the Kopino families
c. Asking NGO administrator/s of the limits and constraints that they have been
facing in terms of continuing with their advocacy or social work
5. To further explore and discover the other possible underlying plights that Kopinos face,
in order to clearly explain their actual situation in a broader perspective
6. To give recommendations on how South Korean and Philippine societies can
accommodate the problems of Kopinos
Main Research Question
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What are the actual problems that Kopinos are facing, and in what ways do non- government actors such as KCAI address the existing plights of Kopinos, and in turn, integrate them to both Korean and Filipino societies?
Thesis Statement
Primarily, the research supposes that Kopinos face several material and non-material deprivations caused by paternal abandonment as a major factor. This is exacerbated by the lack of means for the mothers to communicate with the fathers, as well as the lack of available state action and help. The lack of a father‘s presence and support thus poses many challenges to the living conditions and situations that Kopinos are subjected to. The research also suggests that
NGOs are instrumental and essential in addressing the different problems that Kopino families are facing, in terms of guiding them towards better living conditions and in helping the children achieve their basic rights, which in turn helps them be integrated to both Korean and Filipino societies.
Review of Related Literature
The literature review tackled four themes which would serve to be helpful in putting context to the study, namely: 1.globalization, multiculturalism, and marriages/relationships, 2.influx of
South Koreans in the Philippines, 3.issues of mixed-race children in the Philippines, and 4. NGO
Assistance on mixed-race children. Due to these themes being relatively new research interests and studies, most materials have been sourced from journal articles, reviews, and conference papers.
Globalization, Multiculturalism, and Marriages/Relationships
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Li (2008) in his paper World Migration in the Age of Globalization:Policy Implications and
Challenges discussed how globalization emerged and became relevant today, as well as its implications to the world, especially with regard to migration. Four features of globalization were identified, which influenced economic relations worldwide—these included the growth of digitalized technology and communication, the dismantling of the barriers of trade by regional and national economies, the corresponding integration of the world economy, which facilitated the flow of capital, raw materials, goods, services and people across national boundaries, and lastly, the competition arising among information-based economies to develop such technology in order to sustain future growth. The study showed that the internationalization of then domestic markets has allowed for the softening of national boundaries, thus resulting to an easier flow and larger bulk of human migration in the context of labor. Migration, in turn, has contributed in diversifying the race and culture of historically homogeneous populations. As a response, countries such as Canada and Australia have adopted multicultural policies in order to address such diversity.
While highly focused on labor and human migration, and not the racial and cultural diversity in countries brought about by globalization, the report has been helpful in establishing the connection between globalization and multiculturalism in societies.
In Multicultural Identity: What It Is and Why It Matters, Nguyen and Benet-Martinez
(2010)sought to establish the importance of multiculturalism in both the individual and societal level. Multiculturalism is introduced as a result of how immigration, the speed of travel and communication, and international corporate presence have brought about the global increase in intercultural contact. A few sections of the paper were attributed to identifying the link of multiculturalism to positive effects, such as in mental health, intergroup relations, and academic
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and occupational success for the individual level. As regards to the societal level, the authors talked about how multicultural individuals possess attributes that are apt for today‘s globalized world, thus, having the potential to be cultural mediators for intercultural conflicts and miscommunications within communities, nations, and internationally.
Apart from the perceived importance of multiculturalism, what is derived from Nguyen and
Benet-Martinez‘ work is the definition of a multicultural individual, or those considered as such.
For the purposes of this study, it is essential that the authors defined those who are mixed-race and mixed-ethnic as being multicultural.
One of the ways in which Philippines and South Korea‘s relationship has been influenced by globalization and multiculturalism is in terms of the rise in marriage migration, the number of
Filipino-Korean marriages, multicultural families, and Korean-Filipino citizens in general.
In her working paper Filipino Korean Marriages: Issues and Challenges in Multiculturalism
, De Dios (2015) was able to explore on the history of multiculturalism in South Korea as well as in the Philippines in the aspect of intermarriages. A portion of the study discussed about the influx of foreign brides in South Korea, with Filipinas being a significant number, and the reasons why Filipinas choose to marry Korean men and foreigners. The author also explored on the respective multicultural policies of both Philippines and South Korea in terms of accommodating spouses, families and children. She asserted that while the South Korean government continues to encourage intermarriages in order to spur population growth in their country, there is also a need to acknowledge the existing differentiation and hierarchies between and among migrants themselves according to class, gender and ethnicity. In this manner, a more open environment where other cultures are allowed to exist with South Korea‘s will be established.
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Kim, Torneo and Yang (2014) enrich the discourse on Philippine and South Korean policies for marriage immigrants, multicultural families and children in Marriage Immigration and
Multicultural Families: Public Policies and Their Implications for the Philippines and South
Korea. The authors were able to highlight that Philippines and South Korea were not only bound by historical ties, but with today‘s increasing people-to-people exchanges, as many South
Koreans have started to visit and even reside in the country. With regard to policies advocated by both governments, the paper talked about how Korean policies focus on support for marriage immigration, concern with protecting the rights and welfare of marriage immigrants, and a special emphasis on the social integration of marriage immigrants and their children, while
Philippine policies remain focused on protecting the rights and welfare of marriage immigrants.
The authors also mentioned about how the Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) in the
Philippines has been holding discussions with government agencies and NGOs with regard to research and policy proposals for Kopinos. Lastly, the authors discussed that with Korean policymakers being sensitive over public opinion, lobbying for multicultural policies can be achieved, if marriage immigrants are to actively participate and pursue necessary reforms both in policy and the multiculturalism discourse.
Since issues on multiculturalism have only been recently talked about, especially in Korean society, both studies have been helpful in establishing that multicultural policymaking is possible for both countries, and that there is already an acknowledgement with regard to the need of abolishing discrimination in order to accommodate cultural diversity in both societies. The studies, however, were only able to talk about marriage immigrants and spouses, and were not able to present much information with regard to mixed-race children.
Influx of South Koreans in the Philippines – A Growing Trend
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The Philippine experience on multiculturalism has been highlighted in Exploring Transnational
Communities in the Philippines—a compilation of papers on foreign communities in the country by the Philippine Migration Research Network and Philippine Social Science Council
(2007). Three of the studies presented in the book discussed about South Korean migration in the country.
The first paper, Understanding the Korean Diaspora in the Philippines by Miralao (2007), sought to explain the emerging wave of Korean migration to the Philippines. The author observed that such wave did not conform with the usual reasons for migration, but is rather driven by Korea‘s increasing prosperity and the economic cooperation between the former and the Philippines. The author also mentioned about the inefficiency of the Philippine government with regard to maintaining records on foreign residents. Lastly, the author recognized that while
Korean migration in the Philippines and interpersonal contacts between the two races may translate to maturing Korean-Philippine relations, such is not entirely without the potential for conflicts or problems.
Meanwhile, the third study, entitled Koreans in the Philippines: A Study of the Formation of their Social Organization by Kutsumi (2007) traced the background and increase of Korean immigration in the Philippines, as well as the different organizations that they have established in the country. Though focusing more on the establishment of their networks, the paper has been helpful in establishing the different reasons and motivations as to why Koreans go to the
Philippines, as well as the effects of their organization in the country. But since it only deepened the discussion about one organization, it was only able to give a background on how associations help multicultural families in the Philippines. There was also no mention about mixed-race children.
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Issues of Mixed-Race Children in the Philippines
Abenir, Gibson, Sinogba and Yap (2015) in Transnational Children and Youth in the
Philippines: Discourse and Review recognize the lack of cognizance on the effects of global migration to children, as well as policies that protect them against vulnerabilities and those that will help them achieve their basic needs and rights. Thus, their paper tackled on a possible child- rights based policy framework that would be beneficial for transnational children. Mixed-race children fall under the category of transnational children, and the different problems that they experience were identified. These include poverty, discrimination, difficulties in seeking citizenship, and struggles that mother face in raising their children alone. Particularly for
Korean-Filipino children, the authors recognized the lack of useful data and resources to address the needs of the said population of transnational children.
Normi Garcia Son‘s working paper entitled Shifting the Focus on the Kopino Phenomenon:
Contexts, Misconceptions, and Spatial Reform (2015) is by far the only publicly accessible scholarly work on Kopinos in the Philippines. By tracing back to past events and explaining
South Korea-Philippine relations through the comparison of nuances in the historical, economic, and socio-cultural aspects of both countries, Son contextualized the eventual emergence of the
Kopino phenomenon in the midst of globalization and migration. Using Friedmann‘s model of a lopsided structure of the world economy, the author viewed South Korea as a core, and the
Philippines as a periphery, where men from the core tend to exploit women from the non-core.
With regard to the familial aspect, Son found out that despite the possible implications of rearing a child alone, the unmarried or separated Filipino mother is resistant to giving her Kopino child up for adoption.
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In order to be able to deepen the study about the emerging phenomenon on Korean-Filipino children in the country, there is also a need to look at the plights experienced by other mixed- race children in the Philippines.
For instance, Nuqui (2008) in her work, International Migration, Citizenship, Identities and
Cultures: Japanese-Filipino Children (JFC) in the Philippines, cited a survey conducted by
DAWN and the Center for Japanese-Filipino Children‘s Assistance (CJFCA) in order to determine the socio-demographic profiles of JFC mothers and children. Findings in the survey showed that many mothers suffered unemployment, and that those who are working have been receiving meager wages. Loss of contact with the Japanese fathers have also constituted to the lack of financial support, and majority of mothers who received support found it inadequate to sustain their children‘s needs. Many of the JFCs have been enrolled in public schools, while some are not studying due to not being able to afford to do so. With regard to non-material support, more than one-third of the respondents have never met their fathers, while others have not been regularly visited. The study also asserted that there are JFCs who aspire to be recognized by their fathers for reasons such as to finish their education, or to claim their
Japanese nationality.
On the other hand, Amerasians in the Philippines have been the subject of The Case for
Categorization of Military Filipino Amerasians as Diaspora, a study conducted by Kutschera and Caputi (2012). The participants in the study were Amerasians who shared the common experience of having been abandoned by their servicemen fathers. Given their findings, the authors described the population in such a way that ―they constituted a socially isolated sub- culture with consistent evidence of low socioeconomic income or earning capacity, family
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disorganization, and high numbers of psychosocial physical risk and mental stress factors in their lives‖.
Since paternal abandonment serves as a common theme in the said studies, the implications of such factor must also be known. Mikkonen et. al. (2016), in their research entitled The Lifelong
Socioeconomic Disadvantage of Single-Mother Background - the Helsinki Birth Cohort study
1934–1944, discussed the life-long implications of being raised by an unmarried mother in comparison with being raised with a married mother or with both parents. An essential finding in their study stressed that children born out of wedlock without the presence of a male caregiver / a father have been the most prone in ending up with the lowest educational and occupational categories, which in turn puts them into a socioeconomic disadvantage throughout life. While participants weren‘t mixed-race youth, the study is helpful in further expanding the knowledge about the living conditions of children who have been solely raised by their mothers.
NGO Assistance on Mixed-race Children
In the Philippine setting, the role of NGOs in providing alternative solutions to the problems of mixed-raced children have been highlighted in different studies.
For instance, Suzuki (2010) in Outlawed Children: Japanese Filipino Children, Legal Defiance and Ambivalent Citizenships, discussed how several NGOs have been active in tackling the issues of Japanese-Filipino Children (JFCs) both in the Philippines and Japan. Three key NGOs, namely the Maligaya House, DAWN, and Batis Center for Women-YOGHI (Youth Organization that Gives Hope and Inspiration) have been actively based in Manila and have had projects funded by the Embassy of Japan, showing support to their advocacies for JFCs.
Anolin and Javier (2011) in Empowering Returned Filipino Women Migrants and their
Children: The Batis Center for Women Experience were able to discuss about the different
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ways on how the Batis Center for Women, as an NGO, helped in empowering Filipina migrant workers and their JFCs in terms of rebuilding their self-worth. The kinds of assistance received by the mothers and their children included the provision of food, shelter, clothing, medical assistance, ―search‖ services, as well as counseling and legal assistance. Besides welfare assistance, Batis has also crafted an empowerment program for former Filipina migrant workers and their families.
Government acknowledgment regarding the role of NGOs has also been evident in the case of
Amerasians. Kutschera & Caputi (2012)‘s study which was mentioned earlier even cited former
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) Secretary Corazon Soliman‘s interview with GMA News ; the secretary mentioned that the problem of Amerasians is now almost solely the responsibility of NGO/NGAs and foreign private foundations (Manilad, 2011, as cited in Kutschera & Caputi, 2012).
In their working paper entitled No Way Out: The Tragic Transnational Sexual Exploitation of the Philippines, Kutschera and Galang (2014) also briefly mention how some private
NGO/NPOs (non-profit organizations) have been attempting to address the Kopino problem due to the wake of inaction from both the Philippine and Korean governments. However, since the paper centered on the case of Amerasians, more detailed information was not given in the context of NGO roles.
Synthesis
As the world continue to gear towards globalization, the movement not only of capital, but also people, have become more apparent across national borders. In the context of migration, originally homogeneous populations have become diversified and multicultural individuals have emerged in different societies.
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Philippines and South Korea have also experienced the manifestation of the said factors, both in their respective societies, as well as in their relations and the intercultural contact between their citizens. One of the observable effects is the increase in Korean-Filipino intermarriages and multicultural families. Most studies in the literature have attributed this increase to the migration of Filipinas in Korea to different purposes. In the context of politics, the growing population of multicultural families has led to the crafting of new South Korean policies that are tailor-fitted to their needs.
Departing from the usual trend of migration where people from developing countries move to developed countries, some of the studies have explained why Koreans visit or stay in the
Philippines. Their increasing population in the country has paved the way for the formation of
Korean organizations in the country, one of which caters to multicultural families.
The emergence and increase of mixed-race children in the country also serve as a result of the increasing contact between Filipinos and foreigners. Studies conducted regarding these children claim that many of them suffer from problems such as poverty, abandonment, and stigmatization.
As these problems surface, nongovernment actors have been seen as active in providing assistance to mixed-race children, particularly for Japanese-Filipinos.
Gaps in the Literature
Despite a number of studies having been conducted to other populations of mixed-race children in the country, literature regarding Kopinos remains limited. As established in the review, there is an influx of South Korean arrivals in the Philippines, and one of the organizations established as a result of an increasing Korean community has been catering to the needs of multicultural families. However, little is known about the lives of Kopinos who mostly have no regular contact with their fathers and how they acquire their basic children‘s rights. Subsequently, studies on the
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mechanisms of NGO support for Kopinos remain unavailable, if not absent, in the aspect of scholarly work. Thus, the researcher is prompted to fill in the gap through this preliminary study.
Theoretical Framework
Given the researcher‘s initial knowledge about the issue, sourced mainly from the media, the social exclusion theory has been chosen as the main guide of the study in order to analyze the overall situation of Kopinos in the Philippine society
In her working paper entitled Social Exclusion: Comparative Analysis of Europe and
Middle East Youth, social exclusion has been defined by Silver (2007) as ―a multidimensional process of progressive social rupture, detaching groups and individuals from social relations and institutions and preventing them from full participation in the normal, normatively prescribed activities of the society in which they live‖. As a concept, it has reportedly been first used in
France during the 1970s to people ―unable to adjust to mainstream society‖, and has succeedingly been employed in the following years to groups such as ―school dropouts, unemployed youths and immigrants‖ (Aasland and Flotten, 2000, as cited in Rawal 2008).
Beyond the lack of access in material resources and being subject to poverty, social exclusion posits that ―socially excluded groups and individuals lack capacity or access to social opportunity (Sen 2000, as cited in Silver, 2007)‖. Kabeer (2004: 2, as cited in Lewis and Kanji,
2009) further highlights the value of social exclusion in capturing ―the experiences of the certain groups and categories in a society of somehow being ‗set apart‘ from others‖. Applied to the study, the researcher infers that Kopinos are socially excluded to many opportunities due to their impoverished conditions and possible discrimination experienced due to their biracial roots.
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On the other hand, Lewis and Kanji (2009) in their book Non-Governmental
Organizations and Development connect the theory to the role of NGOs, particularly emphasizing the relevance of social exclusion as a framework to organizations in giving
―appropriate institutional response to social disadvantage (p.62)‖, as well as the ―importance of working, beyond simply service delivery, to rights-based approaches that can strengthen the voices of people who find themselves excluded from policy and political processes (p.62).‖
To further emphasize the importance of NGOs in solving the Kopino problem, the study will also use the interdependence theory. In their scholarly paper entitled Nonprofit Sector
Growth and Density:Testing Theories of Government Support, Lecy and Van Slyke (2012) explain that interdependence occurs when the government recognizes the role that nonprofit agencies play in producing and delivering goods and services that cater to the more heterogeneous needs of a diverse society. Thus, when it finds nonprofit organizations as viable, the government is inclined to delegate the delivery of services aligned with public priorities, programs, and entitlements to non-profit sectors in order to improve the quality and expertise to gain the confidence of citizens.
Non-profit organizations, on the other hand, can rely on the government as a source of support, for them to be able to maintain and fulfill their mission.
The two theories mentioned are important in laying down the scope of the study, giving emphasis to the life experiences of Kopinos and what the state, through non-government organizations, can do to alleviate the problem. Social exclusion theory will mainly be used by the researcher in analyzing the different social disadvantages experienced by Kopinos vis-à-vis the environment where they live in. Throughout the scope of knowing more about the lives of
Kopinos, the said theory will also be the basis of the researcher‘s initial assumptions about their
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living conditions and their well-being. In the course of the study, the researcher shall seek to
know if Kopinos are indeed experiencing social exclusion, and if yes, to what degree.
Consequently, after gaining a more explicit picture of the situation, the researcher seeks
to understand and identify how non-government forces act in relation to the problems
experienced by Kopino families, e.g. in terms of service delivery and in terms of helping the
children achieve their basic needs and rights. If proven that non-government actors do contribute
significantly to the lives of Kopinos, the interdependence theory will be able to help the
researcher shape an analysis as to how the government can extend its support to NGOs towards
being able to help these children.
Conceptual Framework
Two frameworks are to be used in the study: the first will focus on the link between paternal
abandonment and the living conditions of Kopino children and families, while the second will
delve on the existence on KCAI as a non-government actor active in assisting Kopinos, and the
extent of how it is able to help towards improving the quality of life of these children.
Contributory Factor Effect Outcomes
1. Potential adverse Kopinos‘ reduced effects on the Lack of paternal access to basic emotional and recognition and support children‘s rights and mental well-being of from the Korean father better living conditions the children 2. Higher chances of
being subjected to Impoverished living impoverished living conditions conditions 3. Lack of access to quality education 4. Lack of access to
sufficient healthcare 5. Lack of access to proper housing
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The lack of paternal recognition and support by the Korean father to his Kopino child has been
chosen as the contributory factorto a perceived effect, Kopino‘s reduced accesss, since media
sources have always linked such to the corresponding poverty experienced by these children.
Paternal abandonment is assumed to pose negative implications to the child‘s access to basic
children‘s rights and better living conditions, particularly in the context of poverty, risks to the
child‘s emotional and mental well-being, and access to education, healthcare, and proper
housing.
To elaborate, Kopinos who are not recognized by their fathers are vulnerable experiencing the
negative effects of abandonment in terms of their emotional and mental well-being, especially
since the Filipino culture highlights close family ties.
Meanwhile, the lack of the father‘s support can also translate to impoverished living conditions,
because only their Filipina mothers are there to support their material needs. Under this outcome,
it is also important to look at the socio-economic status of the Filipina mother, and her capacities,
as well as the hindrances that she faces in raising her child.
Poverty, on the other hand, is connected to the latter three outcomes, which shall be considered
as basic children‘s rights: access to quality education, sufficient healthcare, and proper housing.
With the hindrances and limitations experienced by the Kopino‘s mother solely raising her child,
access to these rights may not be met adequately.
On the first portion of the study, these outcomes are to be studied under the context of the stories
and information shared by the Kopino mothers.
Contributory Factor Effects Outcome
Existence of non- 1. More avenues for 1. Improvement of the government actors Kopinos to be able quality of life of (NGOs,Lansang | 17 foundations) to seek help Kopinos based in that focus on assisting 2. Positive effects on the Philippines Kopinos and Kopino the emotional and 2. Collaboration of both state and non- families in the mental well-being of the children state actors in Between the Morning Calm and the Orient Seas
The second portion of the study focuses on how non-government actors, particularly in the case of Kopino Children Association Incorporated (KCAI) in this study, extend assistance to Kopino families and children in the Philippines, and how they can help the lives of the latter.
Primarily, NGOs can open more avenues and options for Kopinos to be able to seek help. This is because such organizations have their own diverse ways in extending assistance to these children. In turn, these diverse ways can translate to other effects that could be experienced by the child directly, such as the positive effects on the child‘s emotional and mental well-being, higher possibilities of gaining access to quality education, to sufficient healthcare, and lastly, proper housing.
The existence of NGOs can also spur more awareness to both Korean and Philippine governments (and societies) to the plights of Kopino children.
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With the corresponding effects expected to be brought about by Kopino-focused NGOs, an equally expected outcome would be the improvement of the quality of life of Kopinos based in the Philippines. However, since the different hindrances experienced by Kopino NGOs are also to be studied, another outcome to be explored is the possible collaboration of both state and non- state actors in helping Kopinos, given that such NGOs are considered as efficient duty-bearers in assisting the children.
Definition of Terms
1. Kopino –is a term used to refer to children born to Korean fathers and Filipina mothers
(KCAI, 2015). This is a term coined by founder Bum Sik Son of the Kopino Children
Association Inc. (KCAI) back in 2004 (Son, 2015).
2. Globalization – intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in
such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice
versa (Giddens, 1991)
3. Multiculturalism - a set of ideas, policies, and ideology that promotes the mutual
recognition and acceptance of the diversity of cultures of various ethnic groups within a
society (Elliot & Fleras, 1992; Henry, 2002; J. K. Kim, 2011 as cited in Kim, Torneo &
Yang, 2014)
4. Social Exclusion –a multidimensional process of progressive social rupture, detaching
groups and individuals from social relations and institutions and preventing them from full
participation in the normal, normatively prescribed activities of the society in which they live
(Silver, 2007)
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5. Transnational children and youth – children of Overseas Filipino Workers; returned child
migrants, or balikbayan youth, including third culture kids; children with a non-Filipino
parent, including AmerAsians, Japanese-Filipino children, Korean- Filipino children, and
others; children of families with non-Filipino heritage who have migrated to the Philippines
(Abenir et. al., 2015)
Research Design
It is of utmost importance in the research to be able to gather the lived experiences of the
Kopino families, as well as the NGO's experiences in handling the problem.
Thus, phenomenology served as the overarching qualitative research design to be used in the study. Phenomenology is a process that seeks to explain why a phenomena happens, by capturing the lived and direct experiences of the participants. On the side of the Kopino mothers solely raising their children, it is to understand and identify the actual problems they commonly experience in relation to their living conditions. Likewise, the researcher also seeks to understand the ways on how NGOs, particularly KCAI, reach out and help Kopinos through their experiences in handling the issue.As seen in the data matrix, much of the preliminary and background information about the problem were taken from the literature review and respective content analyses on secondary materials such as books, journals, news articles, journalistic reports and other materials from the web.
However, to supplement what is already known, the main method used in discussions with the participants involved in-depth interviews on topics such as the perspectives of Korean and
Philippine societies on multiculturalism, knowledge about the Kopino problem in the
Philippines, actual lived experiences of those who are affected with the issue, and the
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corresponding role that the assisting NGO plays in influencing their lives. Consequently, content and narrative analysis have been used in studying the data gathered, with common themes and subthemes being coded.
Data Matrix Method/s of Ethical aspect/s Data needed Where to get them Analysis involved
1. History of Secondary materials Philippine-South (books, journals, Literature Review, Acknowledge and Korea Relations, government Content analysis properly cite all with emphasis on statistics, news secondary sources globalization and its reports, etc.) effects
2. Perspectives of Secondary materials, Content analysis and Acknowledge and Korean and in-depth interviews coding of themes properly cite all Philippine societies with key informants / and subthemes of secondary sources, on Multiculturalism KII secondary materials get informed consent and interviews and permission for KII
3. Description of the Kopino problem in the Philippines : a. media portrayal Secondary materials (particularly news Content analysis Acknowledge and articles, videos, other properly cite all journalistic reports) secondary sources
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b. empirical Interviews (KCAI Get informed perspective Staff (3), Korean Content analysis consent and Professor based in permission for KII, the Philippines) provide pseudonyms if they choose not to be identified
Content / Narrative Get informed 4. Narratives from Interviews with Analysis consent and Kopino families Kopino Mothers (4) permission for KII, provide pseudonyms if they choose not to be identified
Get informed 5. Role that NGOs Interviews with Content / Narrative consent and play in helping KCAI staff (3), Analysis permission for KII, Kopino families secondary materials provide pseudonyms if they choose not to be identified, properly cite and acknowledge sources
Setting, Sampling, and Triangulation
Participants in the study included four Kopino mothers, a Korean professor based in the
Philippines, and the administrator, social worker, and founder of KCAI respectively. For the
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purposes of comfortable communication, the Filipino language has been used in the interviews and discussions with Kopino mothers, as well as with the administrator and social worker of
KCAI. Meanwhile, the English language has been used during the interviews with KCAI‘s founder and the Korean professor in order to bridge the language gap.
Interviews have been recorded through audio and have been consequently transcribed, with the permission of the participants. Field notes have also jotted down in order to retain observations and some essential information.
The prospective NGO has primarily been found using the Internet as a tool. Letters seeking the participation of the NGO and professors have also been sent to their social media pages and electronic mails. After being able to secure their participation, meetings with professionals were scheduled in their favorable time and place of discussion.
For the purposes of assuring that all the Kopino mothers to be interviewed are receiving assistance from the NGO, purposive sampling was used as the main sampling method used in the study. Participant mothers have been taken from those who have been in constant contact with
KCAI, and interviews had been scheduled with the help of the organization‘s staff. Due to the nature of the sampling methods, the sample size has depended on the availability and conditions of respondents.
Since the study conducted was purely qualitative, common themes from the narratives of mothers have been highlighted. Emerging themes from these narratives have also been supplemented by interviews from the organization and the professor. As for triangulation, the researcher cross-referenced the unearthed data with available news reports and secondary materials about Kopinos. Likewise, similar studies about other mixed-race children have been included in the literature review, in order to see if similar trends are occurring for Kopinos.
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Ethical Aspect
As a primary ethical consideration in the study, informed consent from the participants had been obtained prior to the interview sessions. In line with this, the researcher assured that all of the participants interviewed were of legal age and discretion before asking for their consent.
Participants were also given the option not to answer questions that could induce feelings of discomfort or negative emotions. This was considered because some, particularly in the pool of
Kopino mothers, may not be comfortable with sharing their experiences openly. Thus, participants were not forced to answer questions that they deem too sensitive or private for sharing. Before each interview, the researcher also asked for the participant‘s permission in terms of recording the whole conversation in audio.
Confidentiality and anonymity of the persons were also assured and granted respectively by the researcher, in order to protect the privacy of the participants. The researcher asked for the experts‘ permissions, prior putting their real names in the study, while those who preferred not to be identified were given pseudonyms. Likewise, pseudonyms were provided for the Kopino mothers who preferred not to be identified.
The researcher explained before each interview session about the study and its intentions, and that the corresponding information to be gathered would strictly be for academic purposes.
Lastly, the researcher informed the participants that the data gathered will only be shared to the
NGO, strictly for profiling purposes.
Scope and Limitations
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The research has centered on identifying the different plights of the Kopinos, and the respective roles that KCAI as an NGO take in alleviating these problems. It aimed to explore and give a clear and broad explanation on the Kopino phenomenon in the country, as well as to assess how
NGOs serve as duty-bearers in helping these mixed-race children. The scope of the study, then, only involved Kopino mothers who have received assistance from the said NGO. The current media portrayal on the phenomenon ought to be enriched or debunked by exploring narratives from the mothers, as well as interviews with the NGO‘s social worker, founder current administrator. The paper also discussed possible collaborative efforts between NGOs and the government.
Due to the said delimitations, the study was not able to delve into other factors such as possible identity crisis experienced by Kopinos, or the extent of the potential discrimination that they may be experiencing—problems that may probably be rooted from their biracialism, which may be a contributory factor to their plights.
Meanwhile, information about Kopino children literature-wise remain limited, since the phenomenon is yet to be widely studied. This sets the scope and nature of the research as exploratory. Likewise, no study about NGOs helping Kopinos have been existent, or readily available to the public. Information regarding these aspects have thus been reliant to the in-depth interviews conducted by the researcher.
Time constraint was also recognized to be the major limitation to the study. While other intensive studies on mixed-race children take as long as 2-3 years, the study has been carried through for only a semester, specifically about 5 months. Given the said time limit, the researcher was able to contact a professor, the KCAI, and four Kopino mothers. The number of Kopino mothers to be interviewed has been dependent on those who were successfully
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contacted by the NGO, and setting meetings with the said pool of participants was not an easy process since other mothers live in the provinces or abroad, where they work as overseas
Filipino workers (OFWs).
Significance of the Study
Son (2015) asserts that the Kopino population has been on a steady increase at least over the past twenty five years. This is buttressed by the increasing arrivals of Korean tourists in the country, some of who form liaisons with Filipina women. Thus, while globalization bolsters easier movement of people—which in our country is reflected with the growth of tourism— transnational problems such as the emergence of issues on mixed-race children are bound to arise.
The researcher noticed that compared to the existing literature on other Filipino mixed- race children, academic studies on the Kopino problem remain scarce despite the various journalistic reports about them. The research, then, ought to be significant in contributing to the pool of literature about Filipino mixed-race children and their plights, in the context of Korean-
Filipinos. Since Kopinos are supposedly the constituents of two governments, findings in the research will also be of value to both the Korean and Philippine governments in influencing possible welfare or multicultural policies and programs, in coordination with non-governmental actors who have already been active in the issue.
Since the study is done in the Philippine setting and context, the study will also help in shedding light and awareness with regard to the standing of Kopinos inside the Philippine society.
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CHAPTER II A Background on Philippines-South Korea Relations on Migration, and the Implications of such in the Standpoints of Philippine and South Korean Societies on Multiculturalism
The intercultural contact between Filipinos and South Koreans has been observable, as the world continued to globalize and movement and migration of people became easier among national
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borders. This, in turn, has had corresponding effects to the perception of the said societies with regard to their perception on multiculturalism.
Thus, the chapter ought to establish the background of multiculturalism and Filipino migration in
South Korea; afterwards, the focus will turn to the setting of South Korean migration in the
Philippines, and the corresponding perspectives of Filipinos on them.
Filipino Migration amidst South Korea’s Industrialization
The onset of globalization and industrialization in South Korea during the 1990s had initiated the transformation of the country‘s population from being racially homogeneous to being more diverse and multiethnic. Following the economic development and urbanization in South Korea the following trends had been observed: 1.) young citizens from the rural areas had opted to move to urban areas, 2.) low population growth rate particularly in the rural areas, and 3.) enterprises in the country grew in need of more workers, particularly for low-skilled labor. Thus, the country faced two main problems—how to supply the growing demand in the labor force, and how to boost population growth—both of which were sought to be augmented by the migration policies that the South Korean government implemented. These policies, in turn, could be considered as major factors which contributed to the emergence of a more racially- heterogeneous South Korea.
In order to cope with the need for laborers, Korea opened its doors and accepted temporary foreign laborers through policies such as ‗Overseas Investment Business Training System‘ in
November 1991, and the larger-scale ‗Industrial Trainee System‘ in November 1993 (Oh et al.,
2011). But due to criticisms with regard to workers‘ rights, this was replaced by the Employment
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Permit System (EPS) in 2003, through the Act on Foreign Workers‘ Employment, and was supplemented by the Working Visit System. Up until today, these policies continue to be significant in terms of providing low-skilled labor in Korea (Oh et al., 2011). These policies attracted people from China and developing countries in Southeast Asia, such as the Philippines, especially since there is a lack of jobs in the country. In fact, the number of documented Filipino workers in South Korea has reached to 24,000 by April 2015—they form the fourth largest group of EPS workers in South Korea, and are primarily engaged in the manufacturing industry
(Seachon, 2015).
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On the other hand, the presence of foreigners in South Korea through marriage immigration has been brought about by two factors—religion, and the effect of urbanization has been felt in the rural areas in South Korea, especially with the younger population. With regard to religion, the
Unification Church by Reverend Sun Myung Moon has been the most prominent religious sector and is one of the first to play a role in the increase intermarriages in the country. Reports stated that Rev. Moon was able to administer 983 Filipino-Korean marriages in 1996 alone through a satellite screen (Kim 2009, as cited in Palumbarit, 2012). Meanwhile, the government has taken steps in crafting a marriage brokerage system that encouraged the marriage of foreign brides to
Korean mean, in order to make up for the lack of Korean brides in rural areas. It has even sponsored the ―Getting the Rural Bachelors Married Project‖, which gave financial support to rural bachelors in order to help them find brides from abroad, with most of these being old or middle-aged men (de Dios, 2015). Whether in the aspect of religion or marriage brokerage, an observed trend is that Filipino marriage migrants are usually much younger than their Korean husbands, due to the fact that those who turn to marriage agencies or the Unification Church are
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mostly old bachelors from the rural farming areas, divorcees who live with their children in the cities (Palumbarit, 2012).
Table 2.1: Immigration of International Marriage in South Korea yearly
Source: Korean Immigration Service (http://www.immigration.go.kr), cited by the International Organization for Migration (2011) The Philippines serves as one of Korea‘s major sources of marriage migrants, next to the
Chinese, the ethnic Koreans from China (or the Joseonjok/조선족), the Vietnamese, and the
Japanese, and as seen in the table, there has been a steady increase in the numbers of Filipino marriage migrants yearly. By 2010, the numbers of Filipino marriage migrants have reached 43,
163. This increase of marriage migrants in general has also and subsequently constituted to the growth of multicultural families who are settling in Korea.
To sum up, as South Korea geared towards its industrialization and economic growth, it also had to deal with problems that required the need for human resources, whether in the aspect of the labor force, or marriageable women who can supply the lack of brides in the rural areas.
Economic growth has also allowed for South Korea‘s trend of migration to shift, from being a
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labor-sending country during the 1960s-1990s, to being a labor-receiving country from the 1990s to present.
Figure 1Trends of Migration in South Korea
Source: International Organization for Migration (2011)
As seen in the trends, the migration of foreigners in South Korea could be attributed to the policies and measures that had been embraced by the Korean government in order to solve its problems on human resources. And since the beginning of these policies up until the present, the
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Philippines has been a steady source of both marriage migrants and laborers. However, as South
Koreans are yet on the process of embracing multiculturalism, it is also important to look at the standpoint of their society on foreign residents in the country, particularly with Filipinos and
Korean-Filipinos.
South Korean Society on Multiculturalism
In an interview with Professor Kyungmin Bae (2017), the researcher was able to establish an overview of the South Korean perspective with regard to multiculturalism. Having been ―closed‖ to foreigners for many years, and given that it has only opened its doors to foreigners for about
27 years, South Korean society still remains yet to be ready in accepting foreigners, Koreans mixed with foreign blood, and even or overseas Koreans in general, who are not footed in the
Korean peninsula. The inclusion of multicultural families and non-ethnic Koreans in the country‘s policy-making and governance strategies is also a relatively new discourse for South
Korean politics. Driven by the population growth of foreign workers, brides and their children due to internationalization and globalization, the South Korean government came up with ministries in the past 10-15 years in order to accommodate the needs of these constituents. One of these is the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family (MOGEF). Under these ministries, the government sought to extend help through subdivisions that aid in taking care of multicultural children, providing language education for wives, and coming up with solutions for illegally documented laborers. Compared to its stand during beginning of policies on migration, the South
Korean society is now relatively more open to foreigners—however, there are still lapses, problems, and negative views.
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For instance, negative perceptions on the damunhwa/다문화(a Korean term for multiculture, which is locally used to refer to multicultural individuals in general) have been voiced out in discussion portals in the web (Park and Stephen, 2013). Many are targeted specifically on South
East Asians, who have been viewed by some citizens as those foreigners who frequently commit crime, or whose brokered marriages should be regulated, because they resemble human trafficking. While the election of Jasmine Lee (a Filipina who became a naturalized Korean citizen and who became the first non-ethnic Korean to win in South Korean elections), does prove that the country has been more open to ideas on multiculturalism, the said event also drew criticism from other citizens, with some viewing her as a threat to the Korean bloodline. What causes such hatred is that as Koreans expect their government to act for the ethnic citizens‘ welfare, there is also a lack of understanding on why damunhwa policies are being implemented and why they are necessary (Park and Stephen, 2013).
Individual socioeconomic status, as well as the economic strength of the country where one comes from, also serve as major factors in influencing the treatment over foreigners and multicultural persons. This hierarchy constitutes the better treatment of professional migrants, and those who come from developed countries. In a survey conducted by the Korean
Multiculturalism Inventory (KMCI) in 2010-2011 to 2,500 local respondents, it was also seen that that 1,011 of the participants felt a stronger sense of social distance toward migrants from developing countries, than those from developed countries (de Dios, 2015).
On the other hand, unskilled migrants and marriage migrants who have been married to socially marginalized Koreans, are considered to be in the lower classes of the society (Han, 2007).
Culturally, little attention is paid on the native cultures of those in the lower classes, and are
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expected to be assimilated in Korean traditions without being able to retain much of their own practices.
Since multicultural children can also be identified with their physical features, skin color and appearance also contribute to how people perceive them. While whiter skin colors are given value, dark brown and black skin tones remain at the bottom (Lee, 2016). In a personal interview with Mr. Cedric Son (2017), such sentiments are rooted from the 1950 Korean War, wherein
Black Americans (soldiers) had affairs with Korean women, most of who were prostituted. These affairs resulted to babies, most of who were abandoned. Meanwhile, dark brown skin colors can be usually associated with those having a Southeast Asian mother, who experience discrimination due to lower economic strength of their origin countries. Lee (2008 as cited in
Lee, 2016) has observed that most of the Kosians (Korean-Asian) who experienced being teased for their dark skin color are students of Southeast Asian descent. Given these, even mixed-race children are not exempt from experiencing discrimination.
Given these standards, Filipinos in South Korea, who significantly comprise of workers and marriage migrants, have experiences on being subjected to stereotypes and subsequent discriminatory treatment. For instance, according to the Philippine Overseas Labor Office in
Seoul, Filipino migrant workers have reported experiencing problems such as unpaid salaries, discrimination, maltreatment in the form of verbal or physical abuse, and harsh working conditions (dela Cruz, 2013). Meanwhile, in rural areas in Korea where many Filipina marriage migrants reside, Korean husbands tend to see their Korean identity as an indication of their savior status. This view is brought about by their perspective of being able to provide their wives the chance to move to a country of greater opportunity, and the financial assistance that they provide to their wives‘ natal families (Kim, 2014).
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In general, domestic fears and anxieties about foreigners are still common in the views of South
Korean citizens. In the Korean Multicultural Acceptability Index (KMAI) survey conducted by
MOGEF from December 2011 to January 2012, 1/3 of the participants showed concern withforeigners taking jobs away, increasing crime rate, and increasing government spending.
However, the views which resulted from the survey aren‘t entirely negative; specifically, citizens were more concerned about migration policies causing a big tax burden, but with regard to reflecting foreign immigrants‘ opinions in policymaking, allowing citizenship, and providing medical insurance, responses were more positive (Kim et al., 2014). MOGEF, in particular, stated that younger people, singles, better educated groups, and those who were able to frequently interact with foreigners through travel, neighborhood, workplaces, and schools showed high levels of acceptance of multiculturalism.
South Koreans under the Institutionalized Social Hierarchy in the Philippines
Unlike the nature of migration of foreigners in South Korea and other developed countries, the trend of foreign migration to the Philippines is caused by another set of factors. The usual pattern on migration is that those from developing countries move to developed countries in order to seek better lives, but are in turn marginalized due to their origin country‘s lack of economic strength. ―In contrast, most of the migrants who have come to settle in Manila tend to be economically superior to the locals (Cabanes, 2014)‖. These migrant populations, then, can be said to not experience the same extent of marginalization due to their origin country‘s economic strength.
Compared to South Korea‘s long experience of racial homogeneity, the Philippines has also historically been exposed to various cultures, starting from its experiences on early trade, colonization, and today, as a hub of tourism and migration. But similar to South Korea, a racial
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hierarchy could be observed with regard to the outlook of Filipinos on foreigners. However, it is from their historical experiences that such hierarchy and foreign superiority in the Filipino perspective had been developed and institutionalized. Likewise, a hierarchy on skin color can also be observed in the Philippines. Son (personal interview, 2017), for instance, observes that
Filipinas have a bias for ―white skin‖ and mestizos, which translates to having a preference on
Americans and foreigners, as well as aspirations on having a ―more white child‖. This regard for superiority on foreigners causes Filipinos to discriminate themselves.
The development of this racial hierarchy could be rooted from tracing the ancestry of the
Philippine oligarchic elite, who were known as the Filipinos (those with half-Spanish and half-
Indio blood) and Mestizos (those with a half-Chinese and half-Indio blood) back in the Spanish regime
(Cabanes, 2014). As they ascended socially, they began to comprise of the society‘s principalia, or noble class. They, as an elite class, have been seen to show support to both the Spanish and
American regimes in the country, through the propagation of Western-oriented discourses and support over the policies of the colonizers. Primarily, this has resulted to the development of the
Filipino colonial mentality. In the process, this also imbibed the idea of Anglo-whiteness, which in turn resulted to the superiority of the light- and fair-skinned Mestizos over both the brownskinned Indios (Gaborro, 2008, as cited in Cabanes, 2014).
Today, while the country has been mainly known to be a migrant-sending country due to its economic dependency on the remittances of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), a trend in the migration and visits of foreigners from developed countries to the Philippines is now emerging.
This is brought about by factors such as tourism, and the low cost of living relative to the living expenses in the original countries of migrants. Caluza (2015) specifically notes that one of the
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factors bringing forth foreign migration in the country is the high value of their currency, which is associated with retirement, low cost of living and investments. The Philippines is also attractive to retirees due to the lively our lively culture, cordiality, English-speaking people, natural resources, and tropical climate (Caluza, 2015).
One of the developing trends of foreign migration in the Philippines is the influx of South
Koreans visitors, as well as the formation of different Korean communities in various places in the country. As seen in the February 2017 Industry Performance for Travel and Tourismreport of the Philippine Department of Tourism (DoT), South Korea has been a significant market in terms of arrivals and spending.
As seen from Figure 2, East Asian countries, with the exception of the United States, have comprised the bulk of the top visitor markets in the Philippines, with South Korea being the first.
Specifically, arrivals from Korea in February 2017 alone have reached to 150, 685—a 9.51% increase from its arrivals during the previous year, which amounted to 137, 598.
Figure 2 Top Visitor Markets in the Philippines Comparing February 2016 and 2017
Source: Department of Tourism (http://www.tourism.gov.ph/pages/industryperformance.aspx)
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As seen in Figure 3, Korea is also the firston the list of top spending markets in the country as of
February 2017, with its visitor expenditures reaching almost Php 5.83 billion.
Figure 3 Top Spending Markets in the Philippines as of February 2017
Source: Department of Tourism (http://www.tourism.gov.ph/pages/industryperformance.aspx)
Figure 4, on the other hand, shows the top visitor-generating markets, with Korea leading from the other countries and supplying the most arrivals to the Philippines. As of February 2017, total arrivals from Korea have reached 305,052, covering 25.19% or one-fourth of the total inbound traffic in the country.
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Figure 4 Top Visitor-Generating Markets Comparing January-February 2016 and 2017
Source: Department of Tourism (http://www.tourism.gov.ph/pages/industryperformance.aspx)
South Koreans are driven towards the Philippines for various reasons, which range from business purposes, religion, education, and tourism.
Back in the 1980s, many Korean owners of small or medium-sized enterprises were affected by the changing economic conditions of South Korea. Rapid industrialization in the country caused the shortage in labor and the rise in wages—thus, labor-intensive industriesbegan relocating their companies overseas (Kutsumi, 2007), and Philippines, which pursued a foreign capital policy, was one of the most attractive relocation sites for these companies. This in turn fueled the strengthening of economic relations between the Philippines and South Korea, and the corresponding development of Korean companies relocated in the former.
More recently, arrivals in the Philippines have been encouraged by the need to learn English.
English is important in Koreans, not only because they view it as a ‗universal language of globalization‘ ; it also serves as a key in gaining access over better paying jobs in their country,
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since salaries are partly determined by TOEIC (Test of English for International
Communication) scores.As South Korea continues to prosper, more and more families are able to send their children overseas in order to learn English. While richer families have been relying on
Western countries for such, middle-class families opt to turn to the Philippines, both because of the latter‘s proximity to South Korea, and because they are able to access the same services at much lower costs. Apart from this, Koreans have also been gaining access to university or higher education in the Philippines (Miralao, 2007). As for tourism, Koreans are obviously attracted to the tropical climate of the Philippines, as well as its vacation and tourist sites, particularly resorts and beaches.
The presence of Korean communities and businesses in the Philippines can also be felt and seen through the current increase and availability of Korean establishments and services, such as restaurants, groceries, barbershops, beer houses and KTV bars, internet cafes, travel and tour companies and Korean churches and places of worship (Miralao, 2007).
Philippine Society on Multiculturalism and Korean Presence
Unlike Korean citizens who are more vocal in expressing their concerns over the presence of migrants (especially those with lesser economically developed origins) in their country, Filipinos do not seem to harbor much negative views to foreigners in the Philippines. The lack of growing concern over multiculturalism in the Philippines is also evident in the lack of domestic policies made to accommodate the rights and needs of multicultural families and individuals. For instance, no legislations exist for marriage migrants in particular, except the ban on commercially brokered marriages, as these constituents are generally governed by policies that also apply to OFWs (Kim et. al, 2014).
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While some locals have developed a stereotype on Koreans as being a ―weird lot‖ due to some of their customs and fashion, South Korea‘s economic strength still serves as a significant factor which places its citizens on the upper parts of the racial hierarchy from the Filipino perspective.
Koreans have also been identified by physical traits such as porcelain skin, and developments in technology such as fast internet connection—attributes that Filipinos generally like or admire
(Cabanes, 2014). Economically, South Korea is also seen as important by the Filipinos in terms of being a provider of job opportunities.
Former Philippine ambassador to Korea Hon. Luis T. Cruz (2015) also emphasized the developing grasp of Filipinos in Korean culture, attributing such not only with their interactions to Korean visitors in the Philippines, but also with their increasing familiarity to Korean music /
K-pop, as well as Korean dramas.
Overall, while Filipinos develop some negative stereotypes over Koreans, local views on them are mostly positive. This could be attributed to the status of South Korea as a developed country, in comparison to the more economically-weak Philippines. The spread of Korean culture through music and drama has also been instrumental in instilling the positive views of Filipinos to
Koreans.
Conclusion
Ever since the onset of globalization, which opened an easier movement of people and capital across borders, interactions between Filipinos and South Koreans have been more frequent and apparent. Much of these interactions could be seen as rooted in the need to adjust to economic demands. Specifically, Philippine-South Korean relations on migration have been brought about
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by the need of the South Korean society for human resources such as laborers and marriage migrants, in order to solve their problems of labor shortage and ageing population, specifically in the rural areas. Philippines, on the other hand, has been a ready supplier of such human resources due to the poverty and lack of jobs in the country.
The economic status of South Korea as a developed country, and the Philippines as a developing country, proved to play a major role in crafting South Korean views on Filipinos, and Philippine views on South Koreans respectively. The historical experiences of both countries are also essential in understanding the degree on how their respective societies have accepted multiculturalism. Generally, economic strength and past experiences also serve as significant in influences in the racial and skin-tone hierarchy that both societies use to view foreigners in their country.
Being racially homogeneous for so long, and being explicitly open to foreigners for only less than thirty years, South Korean society is still adjusting with regard to multiculturalism. Due to their association on one‘s economic background, they have also been critical over foreigners and multicultural families, especially those coming from developing countries. Policy-wise, the
Korean government still seems to be struggling in making its citizens understand why they are turning to the implementation of multicultural policies. However, younger age groups, as well as those who have better access to education, are proving to develop more open views on multiculturalism.
The Philippines, on the other hand, exhibits more positive views over foreigners, especially those who they perceive as belonging to richer countries and more developed societies. This includes
South Korea, which is seen as a provider of jobs in their country, and as a significant contributor in the tourism market of the Philippines, where they stay to study English. Positive perceptions
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have also been reinforced by the increasing popularity of K-pop and Korean dramas. The lack of a multicultural policy in the country may also suggest that Filipinos do not see multiculturalism as a pressing concern in their society.
Lastly, basing from the experiences of both societies, a crucial point to consider is that socioeconomic status remains as the overarching factor that influences the way of how races are seen and treated.
CHAPTER III
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Introducing the Kopino Problem: Perspectives from the Media and Key Informants
Corresponding to the increase of arrivals, as well as to the flourishing of more Korean communities in the country, are the emergence of Kopinos. This was a term coined by Mr.
Cedric / Bum Sik Son of the Kopino Children Association Inc. (KCAI) back in 2004 (Son,
2015), to refer to children born of Korean fathers and Filipina mothers, whether from legitimate or illegitimate backgrounds. In the recent years, a number of news articles have emerged about the problems experienced by these children, mostly reported by Korean and international media.
Thus, the chapter will tackle how the media presents and reports such problems; in turn, such viewpoint will be balanced by how some Korean experts in the country and KCAI staff perceive the problem.
The Kopino Problem from the Perspective of the Media
The term ―Kopino‖ has often carried negative perceptions in terms of media framing. More often than not, Kopinos are commonly defined and portrayed as half-Korean, half-Filipino children who based in the Philippines, are abandoned by their Korean fathers, and are left behind with their Filipina mothers (Yang, 2015; Joongang Ilbo, 2014; Park, 2009; Kim, 2013). Due to the lack of proper statistical reports, the numbers of Kopinos residing in the country is not known, but news reports claim that their population ranges from the numbers of 10,000, with 1,500 residing in Quezon City (Park, 2009), to 20,000 (Kim, 2013), and even as high as 30,000 (The
Dong-a Ilbo, 2015). An article even stated that those 10,000 children were fathered by Koreans from Filipina prostitutes (Freeman, 2015).
This rise in the numbers of Kopino children is often attributed to the influx of Korean tourists and the establishment of Korean communities in the country, especially since South Korea has
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constantly been the top visitor market of the Philippines. Fathers of Kopinos have been identified as students, tourists, and businessmen who dated women during their stay in the country
(Joongang Ilbo, 2014; Kim, 2016; Lee 2011). Koreans are also said to be mainly attracted to cheap English-learning programs and tourist spots and leisure activities such as golf courses.
Tourism could also be attributed to the easier movement of Koreans, due to more available flights from their country to the Philippines. Meanwhile, other Koreans either own a business in the Philippines, or are travelling to the country on a business trip (The Dong-A Ilbo, 2015).
Most articles often connect the increase in tourists with the sex tourism and trade in the
Philippines. Thus, Kopinos are usually identified as those born through sex tourism between
Filipinas and Korean men (Lee, 2015), and are frequently portrayed as children of bar girls or prostitutes. Philippines is also highlighted as a vacation place for sex tourists (Kim, 2016), thus, tourists, even Koreans, are identified to engage in activities at low-priced red-light districts at night (Park, 2009).
An article even went as far as narrating how Korean men are either those who avail the services of prostitutes in the country, or those students who come to the Philippines to study, and just abandon their girlfriends and their children after finishing their studies. Tour packages are even said to include services of prostitutes, which are known by the men through the web or through word of mouth (Freeman, 2015).
Meanwhile, in another article, the Director of TACTEEN (an organization based in Korea) attributed the increase of Kopinos to the increasing child trafficking, child prostitution and lack of birth control measures in the country (Lee, 2014). She portrayed Korean men as those who search for young women with no sexual experience, and the mothers as young women who were drawn to the demands of sex tourism.
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Kopinos are also often reported along the ranks of other mixed-race children in the country, which include Amerasians and Japinos (Japanese-Filipinos). These groups are usually portrayed as illegitimate Filipino children born to foreigners (Hicap, 2009). Alindogan (2013)‘s report on
Al-Jazeera also parallelizes the plight of Amerasians to Kopinos, who are considered as the new generation of Filipino mixed-race children.
Apart from the said factors, the strong influence of the Catholic religion in the Filipino culture is also identified as one of the factors that resulted to the increase in Kopinos. Abortion is highly disapproved in the Philippines, in which 83% of the population are Catholics (Park, 2009;
Freeman, 2015; Lee, 2015). Contraceptives aren‘t also popular in the country, other news reports assert that such factor makes it likely for Filipinas to give birth to Kopinos.
Another cultural factor presented in other news articles is the historical experience of the
Philippines with regard to foreigners. Experiences of Filipinos during the colonization have made them somewhat more tolerant to foreigners (Freeman, 2015); rather than having feelings of aversion, Filipinos rather consider marriage to a foreigner in order to escape from poverty and rise in terms of their social position (Park, 2009). Seok (2016) in a news article further discusses such by citing the past social trend named the ―Korean Dream‖, which applies to Filipinas who believed that they could be better off by marrying a Korean. In another news interview with an association chairman named Han Moon Gi, he talked about how Filipinas would usually view
Korea as a developed country, and in turn show interest to Korean men (Lee, 2015).
Abandonment, on the other hand, is attributed to the attitude of South Koreans to Filipinos.
Koreans were said to have a tendency to feel superior over Filipinos due to their country‘s economic growth, thus resulting to their dismissive attitude over the Philippines (Seok, 2016). In another news report, the mindset of some Korean tourists with regard to Filipina women could
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also be a factor to the rise in the number of abandoned Kopinos. Oftentimes, these men seek for leisure and enjoyment through bars and temporary Filipina girlfriends, without thinking of marrying the women when consequences of pregnancy arise (Hicap, 2009). This is exacerbated by the history of disapproval on mixed marriages in Korea (Hicap, 2009). Korean men, then, are in turn usually portrayed as deadbeat fathers who go back to their country and do not take responsibility over their actions (Kim, 2016; Park, 2009; Yang, 2015).
News articles have also talked about the different plights that the Kopinos have been experiencing, apart from emphasizing their common experience on abandonment. Oftentimes, they are portrayed as very impoverished children. In one report, they were described as being raised in slums without proper schooling and are discriminated by their mother‘s family(Joongang Ilbo, 2014). They are also described as children who grow up in poverty and prejudice and are isolated from the rest of society, while some live together in Kopino villages
(Lee, 2011). Another article even claimed that many of them eventually become prostitutes themselves (Freeman, 2015), implying that their mothers have been engaged into prostitution as well.
Other reports, meanwhile, narrate situations in which Kopinos grow up without the supervision of their mothers, who are busy searching for jobs or are working, or some who just give up on their children. For instance, one news article stated that ―Kopino children go around without aim on the street, not having meals (Park, 2009)‖, and that nobody takes care of them. Due to being fatherless, the article even claimed that the child cannot enter elementary school, as provided by
Filipino law.
Some media reports also stress that Kopinos are not acknowledged in the Philippine society, and experience discrimination in their surroundings ; this manifests in identity crisis due to bullying,
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being a laughingstock since they were kids, and being discriminated in hiring (Park, 2009 ; Seok,
2016). They are also commonly described as having difficulties in terms of attaining sufficient education.
The Kopino problem brought about by the behavior of irresponsible men has been considered as a disgrace to Korea, and that this may in turn taint its reputation. As such, reports have constantly cited Japan as an example to follow, since the country has made it easier for Japinos to acquire a
Japanese nationality, following the news on issues about them (JoongAng Ilbo, 2014; The Dong- a Ilbo, 2015). The Dong-a Ilbo (2015) also reports that Kopinos aren‘t covered by multicultural policies in Korea, since they are not Korean nationals.
In 2012, there were reports in the Philippine media about some actions taken by the Korean government with regard to the Kopino problem. During the said year, Jasmine Lee and four other
South Korean lawmakers have reached out to the Kopino Children‘s Association Inc. (KCAI) in order to know more about the Kopino children. It was also said to be the first time wherein lawmakers have been involved with Kopinos (Brago, 2012). Lee stressed that in South Korea, the issue was distorted since major networks in the country who featured the issue have portrayed Kopinos as children who were born out of wedlock from Filipina entertainers and entertainers. This, in turn, caused married Korean and Filipino couples to become sensitive with regard to their children being called as Kopinos. With the issue being put in a bad light, Lee vowed to look after the situation not only of Kopinos, but also of all children in Southeast Asia with Korean parents (Brago, 2012).
However, no news regarding the crafting and development of a policy tailored for Kopinos have been reported as of recent time.
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Perspectives of Key Informants on Some Discrepancies Regarding the Media Portrayal on
Kopinos
In order to check the pieces of information written in the media, as well as to enrich the overview of the Kopino problem in the country, the researcher took the insights of three experts in interviews, mainly from Professor Kyungmin Bae of the University of the Philippines Diliman and Mr. Cedric Son, Founder of the Kopino Children‘s Association Incorporated (KCAI).
Professor Bae was formerly able to conduct a study centering on the identities of Kopino children, while Mr. Son has been directly involved in helping Kopinos through KCAI, the NGO that he founded. Some insights based from the experiences of Kopino children themselves were also taken from Mr. Rommel Domingo, KCAI‘s social worker.
One of the most essential insights taken from the interviews were the statements of the informants with regard to the sensationalized perspective fed by the Korean media to the Korean society. Son (2017) talked about how the Kopino problem has been used as a sensitive issue that hooks the viewers to watch programs aired by the Korean media. In these programs, Kopinos have been portrayed as the result of liaisons between Korean men staying in the Philippines, and the Filipina women that they bought through sexual trade. One manifestation of this was a case cited by Professor Bae about a news coverage, wherein the TacTeenNaeil, a Korean NGO, connected the problem to issues on child prostitution as an approach in understanding the Kopino phenomenon.
She stated that ―it‘s not always right, because how can you generalize that Kopino is really 100% related to gender issues only and child sex only? (Bae, 2017)‖.
Contrary to the statistics given by many news reports, the number of cases of abandoned
Kopinos in the country are actually uncertain. Mr. Son clarified that the 30,000 Kopino cases
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projected by the media were actually estimates of numbers of legally-married Koreans and
Filipinos, and not the abandoned children.
Professor Bae attributes the echoing of the wrong numbers in Kopino news articles to the tendency of other news correspondents to base their pieces from existing reports without verifying. ―It‘s understandable, as a foreign correspondent, when you have to write a piece, so you look for the existing news report; it says 10,000, maybe it‘s 10,000. Then over and over and over again. They just recycle what was already put for the public so it just gets worse (Bae,
2017)‖. Because of such portrayal, the image of the Philippines has worsened in the eyes of the
Korean society. It has also greatly contributed establishing a negative connotation in the usage of word ―Kopino‖ itself, which was supposed to refer to Korean-Filipinos, regardless of whether they are illegitimate children or not. Both Son and Bae affirmed that the Korean society associated ‗Kopino children‘ to being abandoned and illegitimate children. Both even said that many married Korean-Filipino couples residing in Korea didn‘t like it when somebody called their children as ―Kopino‖. Bae also stressed that the term was instantly associated with being marginalized, regardless of the Kopino‘s background. Son believes that there is no need for discrimination and differentiation whether illegitimate they are legitimate, as they are all
―Korea‘s human resources‖ too.
Thus, much of the perspectives of South Korean society on Kopinos had been greatly narrowed down to the children being the effect of relations between the Korean sex tourist, and the Filipina prostitute. Professor Bae also says that many of them do not see the proper context of the phenomenon, and that it is important to look at a bigger perspective.
Mr. Son agreed on considering the Catholic influence as a factor in the increase of Kopinos. He stressed that Filipinas almost never gave their children up not only because they love their
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children, but also because they consider them as ―God‘s gift‖—thus, they do not opt for abortion.
He said that they were also afraid of losing their children.
With regard to discrimination, Kopinos are not as discriminated in the Philippines as what they are portrayed to be. It may also be because the Philippine society is not informed of the plights that they have been experiencing. When asked about whether the kids experience discrimination and bullying in schools due to their being biracial, Domingo (2017) stated that being Kopino is more of an asset with regard to facial features, because they grow up to become more good- looking, and that this is a positive attribute due to the growing trend of Koreanovelas in the country today. He further stated that discrimination only mostly happens to mixed-race children of darker skin color, such as those fathered by Africans.
Professor Bae also contrasted media reports about Kopinos not being welcomed in Philippine society to what she has actually observed in the country, saying that such is not the case, and that some Filipinos are not even aware or learned of what a ―Kopino‖ is. This is because there are less reports about Kopinos in Philippine media.
With regard to socio-economic conditions, the informants from KCAI agree that many of the cases that they have handled involved impoverished Kopinos. Mr. Son connects the problem to the large inequality between the rich and the poor in the Philippines, and states that for some
Filipinas, one of the ways out of poverty is through marriage. He stressed that they need help, because many of the mothers are raising their child solely, and have no big incomes.
The social worker specified that some have lived in the slum areas, others in really small residences, while others stayed with their relatives. He also assessed that Kopino families ranged from being poor to slightly poor in terms of experiencing poverty. Domingo stated that the
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families are able to provide food in the table, but not at a level of satisfaction. On the other hand, many of the mothers find it difficult to provide proper education to their children, especially since there are cases wherein the children have been orphaned. Those who are mostly capable of sending their own children to school are mothers who go abroad in order to work in order to sustain their children‘s needs, but at the expense of not being able to watch their child grow up with their supervision.
Bae stated that government action from both Philippine and Korean societies in terms of offering direct assistance to Kopino families had been limited due to the lack of documentation and information with regard to the relationships of the Korean man to the Filipina. For example, the
Korean government cannot just issue official statements with regard to the issue connecting
Kopinos to sex tourism, because not all Kopinos can be generalized as products of prostitution.
The Korean Embassy is also reserved with regard to the issue, because it is wary about the possibility of diplomatic problems arising, or causing a wrong reputation on the Korean image.
The Korean government also see the problem as a very personal matter, and is aware that the
Korean fathers may complain if they contact them. As such, the Korean Embassy has been referring Kopino cases to Mr. Son. He said that since he is a civilian, it is more possible for him to call the father and connect him with his Kopino family.
Mr. Son also stressed that both governments in South Korea and the Philippines are focused on helping their own nationals first. For instance, the Korean government does not really reach out to Kopinos who do not have Korean passports. Meanwhile, he indicated that the Philippine government has not been able to delve on the issues of mixed-race children yet, since there are already many problems in the country, and that many nationals are already in need of assistance.
According to Mr. Son, the government can extend help to the Kopinos in the country in the
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aspect of policy-making; however, no law has been legislated for them so far. Those who have been actively involved in helping address the issue, then, are mostly non-government organizations (NGOs).
Conclusion
The media is a powerful tool that influences the perspectives of both Korean and Philippine societies on Kopinos. However, the tendency of the Korean media to sensationalize the problem by generalizing the children as born out of sex trade and illegitimate affairs has resulted to the term ―Kopino‖ bearing negative connotations in the Korean society. There was also a misinterpretation with regard to the actual numbers of abandoned Kopino children in the country: as of now, there are no official statistics.
The predominant influence of Catholicism in the Philippines is seen in the familial decision- making of the Filipina mothers who bear children with Korean men. When pregnancy comes into the scene, the mother is usually reluctant, or not in favor of aborting the child.
As for their biracial features, Kopinos do not really experience a sense of discrimination or bullying—rather, the social worker finds it as an asset for the children due to the familiarity of
Filipinos to Korean culture, such as Koreanovelas. He also noticed that those who are mostly teased or discriminated are those of darker color.
The plight of Kopinos take a backseat with regard to government support, because governments are focused on helping their own citizens first. For South Korea, multicultural policies still remain a hot debate among nationals who are reluctant to spend on foreigners / mixed-race individuals. The government has also been careful with regard to protecting the image of South
Korea.
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As for the Philippines, the pressing needs to prioritize homogeneous demands and other general problems serve as factors as to why there is a lack of attention on pursuing the implementation of a multicultural policy, or programs.
Policy-making is seen as a legitimizing element towards helping these mixed-race children.
However, no laws exist as of the moment. Thus, in the midst of limited government action, it is the non-government actors who have been active in helping address the concerns of Kopinos.
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CHAPTER IV
Presentation and Analysis of Findings
As established in the preceding chapters, despite being highly sensationalized issue in the media, the Kopino problem in the Philippines remains to be an understudied phenomenon. The actions of both Philippine and Korean governments have also been limited as a response to the problem, and in the process, non-government actors have emerged as more active in terms of helping address the issue.
Thus, the study revolved around gathering data on two main aspects—the problem as seen from the lived experiences of Kopino mothers, and the different key roles that NGOs, in the case of
KCAI, play in terms of assisting Kopino families.
I. Exploring the Narratives of Kopino Mothers
In order to grasp a better understanding of the plights that Kopino children experience in the
Philippines, the researcher conducted in-depth interviews with four Kopino mothers, under the aliases of Marie Park (age 48), Irma Cruz (age 40) , Jane Kim (36), and Cecilia Santos (41).
Mothers were chosen as respondents given that they serve as the breadwinners of Kopino families, and because they are already of suitable age and discretion to properly understand and talk about the issue. Prior to the interviews, the researcher made sure to obtain the informed consent of the mothers, and clarified their rights as participants, as well as the potential risks of the study. Interviews lasted for an average of 40 minutes to 1 hour and 30 minutes, with the mothers willingly sharing aspects of their relations with the Korean father, their living conditions, and details about their Kopino children. Commonly, the participant mothers who were interviewed were also those who were able to receive assistance under KCAI, and were
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asked to assess the impact of the NGO in their lives—an aspect to be discussed in the second part of the data presentation.
After employing the methods of narrative and content analysis, and subsequently coding the data, the researcher was able to unearth commonalities, as well as differences from their experiences. a. Common Themes Observed in the Narratives
Impoverished Backgrounds and Lack of Regular Jobs to Support their Families
When asked about their living conditions, all of the mothers shared the common experience of facing hardships brought about by their impoverished backgrounds. They started their narratives by tracing their life stories back as children, stating that their parents weren‘t able to provide for their own basic needs since their families were then experiencing poverty. The participants particularly emphasized about not being able to finish their studies and achieve proper education.
With the exception of Jane, who finished as a college undergraduate in Computer Science,
Marie, Irma, and Cecilia stressed that they were only able attain up to a secondary level of education.
Two of the mothers specifically stated that they were then really persistent in trying to finish their studies, despite the lack of their parents‘ capacity to send them to school. For instance,
Cecilia narrated about applying as a house helper in exchange for tuition money, until she was able to finish third year high school. Jane, on the other hand, felt that her basic needs were being neglected by her father—thus, she applied as an entertainer in a Korean karaoke in order to be able to continue her studies in college.
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In turn, they saw the lack of education as the main hindrance to being able to seek proper jobs that will sustain their families. Due to not being able to qualify to the educational requirements, the mothers have only been employed in temporary jobs or through side lines. Most of them have also either considered taking, or being engaged in informal work, such as collecting garbage, accepting laundry jobs, and being house helpers or kasambahays. When asked about the job alternatives that she sees other than her current work as an in-house parent in KCAI, Marie responded “bale kung sa labas ako, magtatrabaho din. Maghanap ako ng katulong din, kasi hindi ako nag-aral eh, high school graduate lang. At saka, may edad na rin.(If I was outside the shelter, I‘d also work. I‘ll find hirings for house helpers, because I was only able to study until high school. I am also overaged.)
As seen in her narrative, Marie also identified being overage as one of the factors why it is difficult to find proper employment, other than the lack of educational attainment. This was affirmed by Jane, who is currently unemployed, stated, “kailangan talaga nila yung mayroong natapos eh saka overage na ako, kung gustuhin ko man mag apply na sales lady, kahit sabihin nila na wala sa hitsura mo na 36 ka na, eh pag-submit mo naman ng mga papers mo, doon ka naman lalagapak diba? Ilang taon ba ang sales lady? Minsan 18 to 26, diba?” (They‘re really looking for those who were able to finish a college degree, and I‘m already overaged. Even if I want to apply as a saleslady, and even if they‘d tell me that I don‘t look like I'm 36, I'd fall short during the submission of papers. How old is a sales lady usually? Sometimes 18 to 26, right?)
As of the moment, she has been relying on tour guide rakets by scouting for foreigner clients in the streets, who look lost or need help. At times, she engages in making faux documents such as barangay certificates and police clearance.
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Having been able to get to know other Kopino mothers, Marie said that many of them opted to work abroad mostly as domestic helpers, as driven by the need to provide for their children, and by the lack of jobs in the country. This is reflective of Irma‘s case, who has been working as a caregiver for the past 9 years. As a single mother, she stated that being able to work abroad is essential, especially at these times that one of her children is about to enter college.
Given such living conditions, all the mothers have expressed their concerns about not being able to provide for their children‘s needs properly, especially in the aspect of education, as evident in their frustrations from not being able to give proper allowances, to not being able to buy their child‘s P.E. uniform. In Irma‘s case, while she can relatively provide exactly for the child‘s needs, she finds that her child is struggling with the lack of attention of a parental figure, since she is often away and that they have no contact with the child‘s father.
From their repeated emphasis on wanting to be able to provide their children‘s educational needs, it could be seen that Kopino mothers view education as a way out of poverty, and to a better future. To quote from Cecilia, “gusto ko lang, mapag-aral ko iyong mga anak ko.
Mabigyan ko rin ng kinabukasan nang hindi matulad sa akin; dati kasi ako, hindi rin ako mapag-aral ng mama ko.” (What I only want is to be able to bring my kids to school. To give them a future so that they wouldn't end up like me, because my mother wasn't able to send me to school before.)
Problems of Miscommunication with the Korean Fathers
Miscommunication with the Korean father or their families has also been identified as a common difficulty experienced by the mothers.
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In Cecilia‘s case, she cited the language gap as one of the difficulties she encountered while in a relationship with the Korean man, saying “barok yung English namin. Minsan, kapag hindi niya maiintindihan, speak with actions yung ginagawa ko. Doon niya naiintindihan kapag may action yung pagsasalita ko sa kanya”. (He already asked many times before, if my child was his brother's child. My child's uncle was the one who said "is that my brother's child?") Jane‘s case also illustrated the language gap, narrating that she experienced losing communication with her husband‘s family when he died, since they didn‘t know how to speak English.
Miscommunication also occurs in cases where the relationship breaks up, with the mother not being aware of her pregnancy. A trend observed was that when they finally get to be informed about the pregnancy, the Korean men (or their families) exhibit tendencies of doubting if the child is theirs. Marie mentioned about the brother of her Korean husband being suspicious if the baby was indeed his sibling‘s, specifically sharing: ―kasi ilang beses na natanong iyon, kahit noon pa, anak ba daw ng kapatid niya. Ang kapatid niya ang nagsabi ng “Anak ba yan ng kapatid ko?” (He already asked many times before, if my child was his brother's child. My child's uncle was the one who said "is that my brother's child?")
Meanwhile, Irma shared in her narrative about her child having to undergo a DNA test, saying“noong buntis na ako, hindi siya naniwala na sa kanya. Pina-DNA niya yung anak ko.
Kung hindi niya pina-DNA yung anak ko, kasi pinalabas niya na hindi siya nagtiwala sa akin eh, na niloloko ko siya”. (When I was pregnant, he didn't believe it was his. He had his son undergo a DNA test, because he wanted to show that he didn't trust me—that I was fooling him) Cecilia, on the other hand, had experienced being questioned many details about the child, even about her last menstrual cycle after her relationship with the Korean father.
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Mr. Son has also talked about encountering similar cases of Korean men who were doubtful of their Filipina partners, since there were cases wherein the child being asked for support is not actually a Kopino. He would usually advise the men to check up on the DNA of the child if they aren‘t sure, and if the test proves positive, then they should take responsibility. Due to such cases, some men have been wary on whether to send support or not.
Korean Fathers Not Necessarily Being “Deadbeat”
When asked about the aspects of paternal recognition and support, the mothers were able to share that the fathers of their children have at least attempted to recognize, communicate with, and offer financial support to their children.
All mothers affirmed that their children were able to gain paternal recognition, whether personal or official, from their respective fathers. The process of official recognition in South Korean law requires for the father to register his child in the Korean census. With regard to this, two of the mothers—Marie and Jane—said that the Korean fathers were able to register their children.
Before leaving South Korea, Marie recounted that back in 2007, her child was able to gain a
Korean passport when the father communicated with them and tried to get them to travel back to
Korea. Personally, she said that the father was also aware of her pregnancy back when they first separated. Jane, on the other hand, is aware that her children are registered as citizens in Korea, since her deceased husband has been consistent in sending their children‘s documents to his country back then. However, due to the lack of funds to be used in document-processing, she is still unable to check such claim with the Korean Embassy.
In Irma‘s case, the father personally recognized their child after having been able to prove their relations through the DNA test; however, she did not mention of any official recognition.
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Cecilia‘s was the most complicated case, due to the situation of the father. Since the Korean man has been married prior his relationship with Cecilia, he could not register their child under the census. The father, nonetheless, personally recognized the child.
Despite eventual miscommunication or lack of contact, all of the mothers were also able to share experiences of times when the Korean fathers themselves tried to reach out to them. Marie narrated that she was able to send letters and pictures to the father back when her Kopino child was still young, and that in 2007, he tried to help them process documents in order for them to be able to go back to Korea. However, problems arose during the processing, and since then, their communication has been cut off. In Jane‘s case, she assured that her Korean husband has been a responsible father to their children, up until the time of his death. Meanwhile, the father of
Irma‘s Kopino child often tried to express efforts in communicating by trying to call her even when she was overseas, but this was cut off when the father contracted an illness and went back to Korea. Lastly, Cecilia mentioned that the father of her child has been meeting the latter every time he visits the Philippines, which happens on an average of three years. He has also promised to try visiting during the child‘s birthday, but this wasn‘t consistent. They have also been able to talk through online chat from time to time.
Financial support, however, was received depending on the situation and relations of each
Kopino family. After losing communication with the father, Marie hasn‘t been able to receive financial support from her Korean husband ever since. In Jane‘s case, her husband has been consistent in financially providing for their family when he was alive. His family has also been extending support to her and her children, but this was cut off upon the death of the Korean man, and the subsequent language gap between Jane and her in-laws.
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Cecilia‘s child has been receiving financial assistance from the father, but not consistently and regularly. She specifically stated that the father would leave them 20,000 php whenever he visited, and would send them money but only if they asked. “Sabi ko naman sa kanya, hindi ko na kailangan magsalita. Yung kung gusto mong suportahan yung anak mo, it’s up to you, pero kung ayaw mo naman, okay lang…‖ (I told him I didn't have to speak. If he wanted to support his child,it's up to him, but if he didn't want to, it's okay.) with this, she implied that if he really wanted to support the child consistently, they needed not to ask.
Irma‘s case is different, in a sense that she was the first to reject the father‘s offer of financial support, in the fear of losing custody of her child. This was evident in her words: ―una ang katwiran ko, kapag tumanggap ako ng pera sa papa niya, baka kunin niya lang sa akin yung bata. Pangalawa, inisip ko na baka, siyempre, may iba siyang papel na anak niya, dahil sa DNA test, kumbaga, wala akong pera tapos may pera siya, baka ilaban niya na pwede niyang makuha yung bata”. (My reasoning was, if I accepted money from my child's father, he might just take my child away from me. Second, I thought that he might fight for the child's custody, since he knows he has money while I do not. ) Her case exhibited the common attribute of other Filipina mothers with regard to being reluctant or resistant in giving the custody of the child to the father.
Feeling of Satisfaction of Being Together with their Child despite Poverty
The mothers were also asked about their level of satisfaction with regard to their current living conditions, and responses ranged from being neutral, to satisfied. A common statement elicited from the mothers was that they are thankful to be with their children, despite hardships brought about by poverty. They have also mentioned that the most important thing is that their children are able to go to school. They have also acknowledged that they continue to strive in making ends meet, despite facing shortcomings such as not having enough funds to manage their needs.
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The Longing of Children for their Fathers
Three mothers have talked about the longing of their children to see or get to know more about their fathers, except for Jane, whose children were able to spend their lives with their father before he died.
Marie narrated that her child expressed about wanting to see her father, especially after knowing that he got involved in an accident. Cecilia‘s child didn‘t explicitly talked about her feelings, but the mother felt that she was also longing whenever she sulked and said “puro pangako lang naman yan” (He's only full of promises.), pertaining to her father. At times, the child would also find her father‘s regular support, but Cecilia would always explain the situation of the father having a family back in Korea, before them. Irma has been trying to find the man through social media, because she felt her child‘s longing of wanting to meet the father he never got to meet.
Such narratives only imply that the feelings of longing has affected the children emotionally.
KCAI‘s social worker, who was able to talk to the children directly, cited that self-esteem is one of the main struggles faced by the children, especially by the males, who find that a father figure is important in forming their sense of identity.
Being Biracial as not Significant in the Experience of Discrimination
A common portrayal seen in social media is that Kopinos experience discrimination and bullying in the Philippine society. But when asked about the topic, participant mothers said that their children did not experience about such around their environment and peers—rather, the children are proud of being biracial.
Jane stated that this might be due to the fact that other populations of mixed-race children, such as Amerasians and Japinos, have already been emergent prior the Kopinos. In her interview, she
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said : ―parang normal na sa Pilipino yung may mga ganong lahi, so okay naman. Buti na lang nangyari sa amin, yung hindi kami yung una. Yung mga kasagsagan palang ng mga GI, yung mga Kano, tignan mo yung buhay nila noon, nilalait, pinagtatawanan, yung mga “Anak ng Kano yan! Putok sa buho” hindi nila kilala yung mga tatay nila.” (It seems that mixed-race children are already okay for Filipinos. It's good that we (Kopinos) aren't the first. During the time of the
GIs, the Americans, children lived their lives being bullied and teased about being children of
Americans who did not know about their fathers.) implying that Filipinos are more used to cultural diversity now.
The mothers, however, are aware of what the Korean society thinks of their children. Marie specifically cited about the negative media portrayal of the Korean media, and correspondingly said: “noong una, yung mga Koreans kasi kapag Kopino, iba talaga ang mga tingin nila sa bata, sa mga anak ng prostitute”. (At first, the Koreans would think that when they hear about
Kopino, they'd have an immediate perspective that these are children of prostitutes.) But as one of the earliest members of the KCAI, Marie attested that many of the stories from the 70+
Kopino mothers that she has encountered in the organization were not about Filipina women meeting Koreans through bars or through prostitution. Rather, relationships from this perspective only cover a fraction of the stories. Others include those who got married under the Unification
Church, those who got married, but whose spouses have died / have not been in contact, those who were in normal relationships but merely lost contact, and the like. b. Nuances
Differences in the Nature of the Filipina’s Relationship / Affair with the Korean
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The differing experiences on how the Filipina mothers were able to meet the Korean men attest to how the issue must be seen on a case-to-case basis, and not generalized into merely being unions due to prostitution.
Marie met and got married to her husband through under Reverend Moon‘s Unification Church.
She recounted that she was invited by her cousins to be converted under the church, and that one of its divine principles was about marriage. She was able to initially know the Korean man, a rural bachelor and farmer, through personal matching. Afterwards, she traveled from Mindanao to Manila to personally meet the man, and afterwards get married under the church.
Subsequently, she moved to Cheonan with her husband, but wasn‘t able to stand it due to language and cultural gaps. When she went back to the Philippines, she was already pregnant for six months, and as said earlier, the father did try to get them back, but their marriage certificate wasn‘t accepted in the processing of documents, as it was considered ―automatically divorced‖, thus her current situation.
On the other hand, Jane, Cecilia, and Irma shared the similar experience of working as entertainers in Korean karaokes, but even their respective situations differ from the generalized portrayal on Kopino mothers and children.
In Jane‘s case, she only worked at the karaoke for a month before being able to meet her would- be husband. She stopped from her work when the man advised her to, and she was able to establish a normal boyfriend-girlfriend relationship with him. The man even went to the normal process of courtship and introduced himself to Jane‘s family before asking for her hand in marriage. Jane even commended the man‘s attitude as a father, saying “sobrang saludo ako sa kanya bilang asawa at saka tatay, lalo na sa pagiging tatay”.
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Irma met the Korean man when she sidelined as an entertainer in the bar that he owned; back then, she already had 2 kids from a former husband. However, she did not like the nature of her peers in work, and immediately went back to being a spotter and a waitress. The Korean eventually courted her and afterwards introduced himself to Irma‘s parents, and asked her hand in marriage. They lived together as live-in partners, before being confronted with personal issues, such as the man being a womanizer. When they broke up, she didn‘t know that she was pregnant.
The father initially doubted that the baby was his, until seeing the DNA test. It was Irma‘s choice to leave the man for good, due to the lack of trust she felt from him.
Perhaps, the closest case to being prostituted would be Cecilia‘s. In order to support her two children, Cecilia worked as an entertainer in a Korean karaoke. Unfortunately, she was taken advantage of by her female Korean boss, and set her up with a Korean customer who was attracted to her. She and the man were able to start a relationship, but she wasn‘t aware that the man was already married in Korea—she only knew when she saw the man‘s family picture in his wallet. However, she was already pregnant with her Kopino child then. Thus, due to personal issues and due to his status as a married man, she was the first to separate.
Given Cecilia‘s circumstance, it must be noted that there are nuances even in the nature of her work—that women do not always voluntarily engage in the relationships they end up with, and that they are also vulnerable to being taken advantage of. In the first place, it is important to look at why they choose to be in such jobs.
Experiences on the Cultural Gap and Treatment
While everyone admitted to seeing language as a barrier, the perspectives of the mother regarding their experience on the cultural gap do differ.
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Marie and Jane, who have been the most exposed to Korean culture and in-laws, see the issue differently. During her stay in Korea, Marie was not able to stand not being able to understand the language, and the culture of masculinity in the area where she stayed. She said that while
Koreans generally kind, other unification brides also experienced many struggles while staying in Korea. Some even experienced domestic violence. For her part, Marie escaped from Korea to the Philippines after not being able to endure the language and cultural gap.
Jane was more fortunate—she did not feel the gap between her and her in-laws. Rather, she described them as very kind and welcoming. She wasn‘t able to experience living in Korea with her children, but Jane recounted that her in-laws would visit her and her husband whenever she gave birth. Her mother-in-law also encouraged her to pursue a vocational course in dress- making. Unlike Marie, she was able to receive a better treatment from her Korean in-laws.
II. Ways on How Non-Government Actors Help in Addressing the Issue : The Case of
Kopino Children’s Association Incorporated (KCAI)
Since the emergence of the problem in the country, NGOs have been active in assisting Kopino families, particularly those who are living in poverty. Thus, the researcher sought to know about the ways on how organizations are able to provide assistance to Kopinos, and the subsequent impact that they leave on the lives of the children.
In order to fulfill such objective, the researcher contacted the founder (Mr.Son), social worker
(Mr.Domingo), and the administrative staff (Ms. Myrla Reyes) of the Kopino Children
Association Inc. (KCAI) and conducted interviews with them. In its website, the KCAI is described as the foremost advocate in the promotion and advancement of Kopino children in the
Philippines. It believes in the vision of Kopinos serving as links to strengthening relations
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between South Korea and Philippines. Thus, it seeks to advance the interest of disadvantaged
Kopino children in the country, and help them in embracing both their Filipino and Korean roots heritage through educational and welfare referral programs. (About KCAI, 2015).
Given this vision-mission, the researcher also sought to gauge the extent of success on how
KCAI achieves its said goals, and in turn influences to the lives of its beneficiaries. This was done by taking the assessment of the participant mothers who were also able to receive help from the organization.
Lastly, the researcher interviewed the NGO‘s staff with the different constraints which they perceived as hindrances in pursuing their advocacy.
The data gathered, then, centered on three aspects—a.) the roles that the NGO plays in providing assistance to the mothers, b.) how these assistance leave an impact on the lives of Kopino families, and c.) the different constraints faced by the organization, as they pursue their advocacy. a. The Various Forms of Assistance that KCAI Offers to Kopino Families
Education and Shelter
Providing for shelter and education are the two main services that the organization is able to directly give to the children.
At least 15-20 children are housed in the shelter, which seemingly serves as the boarding house to all the Kopino children who are beneficiaries of the educational scholarships. Those who are housed in the shelter are also provided for with their basic needs, such as food, school materials, and educational allowances. Apart from such, Mr. Domingo says that he and Ms. Reyes also try
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to extend emotional support to the children by spending time with them, resolving conflicts that occasionally arise among the children, and listening to their problems, such as when they feel burn out with school.
As for education, the respective studies of the children are also sponsored by the organization.
Apart from those in the shelter, there are also other Kopino children outside who have been receiving the said assistance from KCAI. Six of the children are scholars of the Affordable
Private Education Center (APEC), a private high school; this was made possible when the founders of the organization wrote to APEC about the Kopinos. Meanwhile, the rest of the children have been attending Filipino public schools. The organization is also currently supporting two Kopinos who are in college—one in the University of the Philippines, and another at the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Marikina.
Other than their general education, KCAI has also been trying to integrate the children to their
Korean roots by offering them Hangul or Korean Language classes every Saturday. However, this depends on whether there are available teachers or not, since the teachers are mostly just volunteers.
While still on the planning stage, Mr. Son said that he and his wife are also aiming to open a school for Korean multicultural families, and mentioned that retired teachers from Korea will be invited to teach by basis of volunteerism.
Mr. Domingo states that the founders, through KCAI, are really aiming to help the Kopinos on a long-term basis by providing for their educational needs. “Ang goal talaga nilang mag-asawa which is talagang I admire, yung hindi lang makatapos yung bata—talagang yung high-quality education talaga. Talagang yung yung ine-aim nila para sa mga bata dito.” (The goal of the
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couple which I really admire is that they aspire not only to help the child finish school—they really want high-quality education. That's what they really aim for children here.)
Communication Services
The organization, through Mr. Son, has also been active in seeking to bridge the lost communication between Kopino fathers and their children. First, Mr. Son tries to search for the fathers in Korea, or contact them through their contact details. If successful, he personally asks for the fathers to register their children to the census, in order for the children to gain citizenship and be able to settle in Korea if they choose to.
Ms. Reyes, however, says “pero madalas kasi, ang mga nanay, ang alam lang nila yung name lang ng tatay. Hindi nila alam kung anong number ; wala silang mga solid evidence ba, or proof na background nung tatay”. (But usually, the only information that the mothers know about the fathers is their name. They do not know the contact number—they do not have solid evidence, or the father's proof of background.)She cites that the lack of basic information serves as a hindrance in being able to contact the father.
From Mr. Son‘s experience, all of the cases he has handled in relation to fathers who are single in civil status have been successful, in terms of recognizing the children. However, the problem is with those who already have a Korean family, prior having the Kopino child. Usually, those who are already married opt not to register their children in order to preserve their first family.
This is because divorce is very likely to happen when the Korean wife discovers about the child.
Many mothers have contacted Mr. Son to ask for communication services through their
Facebook page and website, and through this type of assistance, some children were already able to get in touch with their fathers, or even meet them personally.
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Livelihood
Since one of the principles of the NGO is to help Kopino mothers establish self-sufficiency, the
NGO has been offering livelihood alternatives to the mothers. This is because the NGO doesn‘t want to breed over-dependency on their clients, and wants to make sure that they are also able to stand on their own. Under this, Kopino mothers experienced being taught skills such as food and meat preparation, and were invited to events where they were able to sell different products.
However, the long-term plan of Mr. Son on the livelihood project for Kopino families is a
Korean canteen. He aims to establish a cooperative among the mothers and the children, wherein they can work in the canteen, and divide the profits equally. From these profits, Mr. Son also aims to help them save by providing them the minimum living allowance, and placing the rest on the joint bank account that he ought to open with the families. When asked why he is part of the bank account, Mr. Son responded about the Philippine culture of relatives having the tendency to borrow money and not to return the latter: ―I want to make them some excuse. They want to give the money to the relative, but they cannot give, because if there’s no signature from me, they cannot withdraw, so it’s a good excuse.”
This livelihood project, though, still remains to be on the planning stage due to the organization‘s limited funds. b. The Impact of KCAI’s Services on Kopino Families With regard to the impact of KCAI on the lives of Kopino families, almost all of the responses elicited from the participant mothers were positive.
First and foremost, they have expressed how greatly the NGO has helped in providing education to their children. For instance, Marie stressedabout how difficult it is to send her child to school
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due to poverty, especially without someone assisting her. Thus, she finds that the degree and quality of education that her child is being able to access right now is mainly due to the NGO‘s help.
As for the shelter, the mothers were able to observe how their children were provided with all their basic needs, such as food, proper housing, and even healthcare assistance. As an in-house parent in the shelter, Marie stated that they are able to live comfortable lives under the shelter, and even rated the providence of the NGO to 100%. In terms of healthcare, she also affirmed that the children are being financially assisted when they‘re sick. She cited an instance when Mrs.
Son took care of the hospitalization of two children who got ill of dengue fever. The NGO also paid for the child‘s hospital fees when Irma‘s child got into an accident after falling off a hammock.
For Cecilia, the NGO‘s shelter has been instrumental to the mothers in a way that it has helped the mothers become more mobile with job searching and working. The mothers feel at ease with leaving their children at the shelter, because they know that their children are in a safe place and in proper living conditions. Marie reiterated this, saying that the shelter was also helpful to other mothers who found jobs abroad and cannot be physically present to look after their child. Jane also commended the shelter for not being strict with the visiting hours of the mothers, and talked about how welcoming the people are, no matter what time it is of the day. Jane believes that the
NGO has a big impact in the education and basic needs of the child. However, she cited that the children sometimes experience delays in their allowances; nonetheless, she said that the NGO always tried its best to fulfill the needs of the children as much as they can. To the mothers, the shelter has also been a place where the children get to be exposed with Korean culture, through
Korean language classes and the Korean food being occasionally served.
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As for communication, Marie attests that Mr. Son has been efficient in re-bridging many Kopino families and being able to secure Korean citizenships for the children.
Lastly, the mothers believe that they have become more capable of finding ways to sustain their families, through the skills that they learned from the NGO. Cecilia, for example, is thankful to the NGO for giving her an opportunity to learn how to prepare rice cakes, as well as in lending her some starting capital while she was unemployed. She also believes that not only does the
NGO uplift the children—it also uplifts the mothers, saying “kaya na naming tumayo sa sarili naming pamumuhay, kasi marami na kaming alam. Kung inaangat nila yung mga bata, inaangat din kaming mga nanay, kaming mga magulang. Yun ang tulong na binibigay sa amin ng KCAI.”
(We can already stand on our own, because we already know so much. If they uplift the children, they also uplift us, parents. That is the kind of help given to us by KCAI.)
Overall, all the mothers interviewed attested to the significant impact of KCAI in their lives, both in terms of being able to improve the living conditions of their Kopino child, and in uplifting and empowering the mothers.
c. The Different Constraints Faced by KCAI
The KCAI staff identified financial constraints as the most apparent difficulty experienced by the organization. This limits the expanse of the services that the NGO is able to give to a few, especially since their ways of assisting are more of long-term.The staff also admitted that administrative work is usually frozen in order to give way to catering to the needs of the children, where most of the organization‘s funds are concentrated and allocated to. For instance, the staff weren‘t able to make visits to Kopino children outside the shelter for the purposes of conducting a profiling on the background, due to limited funds. They also experience a shortage
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in staffing, but cannot hire more employees. Other recreational projects such as a proposed camp activity for the children was not carried out, due to their problem in finances.
Since much of the financial support come from the pockets of Mr. and Mrs. Son, the founders of the organization, financial support is dependent on whether their businesses are earning well or not. Apart from them, Ms. Reyes identifies only two other regular sponsors—the Nazareth
Sacred Home, and the Korean Volunteerism Organization.
One of the NGO‘s ways of empowering Kopino families is through the protection of their privacy and dignity. Thus, the NGO tends to screen the donors prior accepting them, due to some cases where the kids‘ faces are being publicized. The NGO is very cautious in terms of accepting donations because some publicize the children‘s faces in order to do fund raisings, but the organization believes that being overexposed and portrayed as impoverished is also a form of exploitation. The NGO is firm in its stand of not commodifying poverty.
II. Summary of Findings from the Data Gathered
The rich narratives of the mothers have shown both commonalities and nuances, which are important in being able to balance the perspectives formed by media reports with regard to the
Kopino problem in the Philippines. Many of the Filipina mothers who have been seeking help from NGOs are sharing the same experience of coming from impoverished backgrounds, being the sole parent raising their child, and lacking jobs with sufficient salaries to support their families. Given the vast inequality between the rich and the poor in the country, disadvantaged
Kopino families, are usually considered as belonging to the poor – slightly poor sector. They are generally subjected to the vicious cycle of poverty, especially when the mother is unable to provide for the basic needs of the Kopino child, especially the proper education that he / she needs, which is in turn important in order to be able to seek for jobs. However, despite these
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conditions, the mothers would usually express feelings of satisfaction about having custody over their children, because what is important for them is that they are together with the child.
A common problem faced by the Filipina mothers in trying to connect with the Korean men is the tendency of miscommunication, or losing contact. Generally, this is caused by the language barrier and at times, the cultural gap between them and the men, which in turn hinders them from being able to know about the other basic information of the men. Nonetheless, the generalization that Korean father are deadbeat as portrayed by the media is also much distorted. As seen in the narratives, fathers have more or less been able to express efforts to recognize, communicate with, and offer support to their children. These, however, have not been as consistent and enough as expected by the children, thus they still express a sense of longing over their fathers.
The narratives also offered an entirely different perspective from the generalized portrayal of
Kopinos as being born out of sex tourism. In this sense, it is important to treat the relationship of
Filipinas to Koreans on a case-to-case basis, due to the differences in their nature. While it is true that a portion meet through bars or clubs, it is also important to see that there are also those who got married through the Unification Church, got legally married with their spouses, and those who have merely been in normal romantic relations with the men—in short, the cases are actually diverse.
Lastly, the mothers were able to narrate that their children do not necessarily experience a sense of discrimination for being biracial, especially due to the familiarity of Filipinos on Korean culture such as Koreanovelas today.
As seen, the problems of Kopino families in the Philippines are not much about discrimination, but about their socio-economic conditions. In light of this, NGOs have been playing key roles in
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assisting the impoverished families, and providing programs that are tailored for the children.
Under KCAI‘s case, the mothers were able to receive assistance in the forms of shelter, education, communication, and livelihood. Under the twin services of education and shelter, the mothers were able to share how their children were able to attain their basic child rights with regard to proper housing, schooling, and healthcare. Many other cases of lack of contact with the father have also been bridged by the NGO, through their communication services. Lastly, the
NGO was able to execute its aims of helping the mothers become self-sufficient in little ways, such as in offering and training the mothers on learning livelihood skills.
However, the KCAI also faces constraints, such as the lack of financial resources. This is because donations are not consistent, apart from those provided for by the founders and two
Korean-based organizations This was also exacerbated by the rumors about Kopino NGOs in the country using the children for profit, since other organizations have been overexposing the poverty of the children.
This is where one of the most essential attributes of the KCAI is seen—that it adheres to its principle of protecting the dignity of the Kopino children. They strive to keep the privacy of the children by not using their faces to call for donations, even despite the constraints faced by the organization.
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III. An Analysis of the Kopino Problem in a Larger Perspective
(vicious cycle of poverty)
Figure 5 A Diagram of the Overall Situation of Kopinos in between the Korean and Philippine Societies
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In the preceding chapters, the perspectives of both Korean and Philippine societies on Kopinos were established. Thus, it is important to view the plights of Kopinos from a bigger lens.
Employing social exclusion as the overarching theory, the researcher, through the diagram, was able to summarize what hinders Kopino families from being fully integrated on both societies.
In the Philippines, the main hindrance that the children are experiencing are rooted from their socio-economic conditions. Those who grow up in impoverished backgrounds are usually not provided for with their basic needs, and this is exacerbated by the strong income inequality in the country. Thus, they are subjected to the vicious cycle of poverty. Meanwhile, they face more constraints in terms of gaining acceptance from the Korean society. Koreans have the tendency to discriminate them on the basis of racial and skin tone hierarchy, which are rooted on the basis of looking at the individual and their country‘s socioeconomic status. Due to the position of the
Philippines as the less-developed country, they tend to associate Kopinos as belonging to the lower classes of society.Due to relatively being new to the concept of opening their doors to foreigners, the South Korean society is also still in the process of accepting multiculturalism in their country. Debates with regard to the Kopino problem had been present among the citizens due to negative media portrayal. Feelings of reluctance in accepting the children in the Korean society are due to the association of Kopinos to being products of sex tourism and trade.
In the midst of these problems, non-government actors serve as duty bearers in integrating the children both to their Korean and Filipino roots.KCAI serves as an example of this advocacy carried out by NGOs, as it strives to integrate the children on both societies by offering long- term solutions that will improve their socio-economic status, as well as empower the families.
However, it must be noted that other organizations are also prone to overexposing the poverty experienced by children.
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One of the possible solutions in integrating these children to their roots is through policy- making, but there is an obvious lack of multicultural policy that is inclusive of Kopinos and their rights in both societies. In the Philippines, the absence of a multicultural policy which will not only cater Kopinos, but mixed-race children in general, is yet to be crafted by the lawmakers. It seems that they are unable to look into the problem, since the Philippines is already facing many other issues needed to be solved by the government. The Philippine government also tends to be more inclined in answering to the humongous demands of its population, such as the general welfare of its citizens. Thus, the possibility of a multicultural policy still remains unexplored.Meanwhile, South Koreans are generally reluctant in enacting more policies for multicultural individuals, since they see this as a tax burden. For them, it is important to address the welfare of its own citizens first. Despite the lawmakers reaching out to the children in 2012, significant developments are yet to be seen as of today.
This is where interdependence comes into the picture. Given that NGOs have been more responsive to the diverse needs of Kopinos, the states may consider collaborating with them in terms of getting to know more about the issue. The information and expertise that the NGOs exhibit with regard to addressing the issue can be utilized by the state in crafting a multicultural policy that will cater to Kopinos, and mixed race children.
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CHAPTER V
Conclusion and Recommendations
One of the common sayings in the field of politics is that the personal is political, and this reflective in the study of the Kopino phenomenon. While problems of Kopino families start from the personal sphere, societal and political concerns enter as one looks upon their position in the both the Korean and Philippine societies in which they are part in, and are constituents of.
In exploring the Kopino phenomenon, there is a need to look beyond the narrow stereotypes fed by mainstream media. The Kopino problem is not merely an issue of Filipinas meeting Korean men under sex tourism. While a portion of the Kopinos are indeed born out of such sector, the cases are actually diverse, and the factors of language and cultural gaps should be looked upon as significant factors that contribute to the separation of the Korean fathers to their children. In the first place, it is important to look at the opportunities in the Philippines, and the gap of class hierarchies in its society, in order to understand why many Filipinas engage in prostituted work.
Driven by their need to survive from the widespread poverty in the country, many Filipina women are left with no choice but to accept jobs as entertainers and bar girls.
Two of the main questions asked in the thesis were about the different plights that Kopino families are facing, as well as the respective roles that NGOs play in addressing such. From the narratives studied by the researcher, it has been seen that Filipina mothers suffer from impoverished backgrounds, and that the large income inequality in the country is what traps their children to the same vicious cycle of poverty. Mothers have raised their children solely, not because the fathers are dead-beat, but because of the nature of the relationships that they had with the Korean men. Thus, this should be treated on a case-to-case basis.
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Fathers aren't necessarily dead-beat, but support by the former to the children are still lacking with regard to financial resources. Problems of miscommunication and cultural gap as experienced by the mothers during their relationships with the fathers were also apparent in the study. Given the overall experiences of Kopinos to poverty, it serves to be the significant factor that makes it difficult for the children to achieve their basic needs, such as education, healthcare and housing. From a larger perspective, it could be seen that socio-economic conditions still serve as the most evident factor as to why Kopinos are subjected to social exclusion in both
Korean and Philippine societies. For instance, much of the pre-conceived perceptions of the
Korean society not only on Kopinos but also Filipinos in general, are rooted from the economic relations of the Philippines as a ―labor and marriage-migrant sending‖ country to Korea.
The concept of intersectionality—the intersecting social identities and related systems of oppression—could also be observed in the position of Kopinos to the developments in the policies of the Philippines and South Korea. Since both governments are more focused on prioritizing the needs of their local citizens first, the needs of Kopinos take a backseat in the policy-making assistance programs offered. In this sense, Kopinos are not seen to be fully integrated in both societies.
With the current limited government action afforded for Kopinos, the civil society in the form of
NGOs, has proven to be efficient in helping address the Kopino problem. Concerned citizens have stepped up to create assistance programs and projects that would be of benefit to the children, both in the short term and long term. However, Kopinos are also vulnerable to faux organizations who may take advantage of their situation by raising funds through overexposing and exaggerating their living conditions.
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Interdependence between NGOs and the state, as asserted in the researcher‘s theoretical framework, can serve as a pathway towards combating the social exclusion felt by Kopinos in both Philippine and Korean societies. Both governments can utilize the expertise and experiences of NGOs in being able to craft multicultural policies that are tailored to the needs of Kopinos. In turn, they can provide for support in terms of helping address the constraints that these organizations face, and in policing those who are just taking advantage of the situation. If explored, interdependence may improve policy-making and service delivery for Kopinos.
Overall, the researcher was able to prove her thesis with regard to identifying some plights of
Kopino mothers, as well as the roles of KCAI as an NGO actively helping assist Kopino families.
The study, however, remains to be exploratory, and it remained limited on the goals of giving a clearer overview of the problem, as well as an idea on the key roles that NGOs play in providing for assistance through a single organization. It was not able to deeply cover the aspect of
Kopinos being involved in the policy process, or lack thereof. Thus, the researcher recommends the following:
1. Future researchers can study the perception of South Koreans or Filipinos regarding Kopino children, in order to be able to gauge public opinion on the possibility of policymaking.
2. The lack of a multicultural policy in the Philippines must be further studied.
3. A policy-proposal research for Kopinos and mixed-race children in general must be considered.
4. Since the research only delved upon KCAI, a study on the different kinds of welfare assistance offered by other NGOswould be helpful in contributing to knowledge on the issue.
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Overall, since the Kopino problem remains to be an emerging phenomenon, as well understudied but over-sensationalized issue, more academic studies should be conducted to the said population of mixed-race children.
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Hicap, J. (2009, October 04). Kopinos Search for Korean Dads. The Korea Times. Retrieved November 01, 2015, from http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2010/07/113_52887.html
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Kim, S. (2016, January 19). Website helps Kopinos find fathers. The Korea Times. Retrieved November 01, 2016, fromhttp://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2016/01/116_195775.html
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Lee, H. (2014, July 7). Kopinos, Children of Shameful Korean Men. The Dong-a Ilbo. Retrieved April 17, 2017 fromhttp://www.koreafocus.or.kr/design2/layout/content_print.asp?group_id=105504
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Lee, J. (2015, July 28). Helping Kopinos Keep the Bright Smiles. The Granite Tower. Retrieved April 17, 2017, from http://www.thegranitetower.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=1328
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Li, P. S. (2008). World Migration in the Age of Globalization: Policy Implications and Challenges. New Zealand Population Review, 33/34, 1-22. Retrieved April 14, 2017, from http://www.population.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/nzpr-33-and-34.pdf
Lowe, A. (2004, May 20). The Philippines' forgotten generation. BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-27379710
Mikkonen, H. M., Salonen, M. K., Häkkinen, A., Olkkola, M., Pesonen, A., Räikkönen, K. . . . Kajantie, E. (2016). The lifelong socioeconomic disadvantage of single-mother background - the Helsinki Birth Cohort study 1934–1944. BMC Public Health, 16(1). doi:10.1186/s12889-016-3485-z
Miralao, V. A., & Makil, L. P. (Eds.). (2007). Exploring transnational communities in the Philippines. Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network (PMRN) and Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC).
Miralao, V. A. (2007). Understanding the Korean Diaspora in the Philippines. In Exploring Transnational Communities in the Philippines (pp. 24-39). Quezon City: Philippine Migration Research Network (PMRN) and Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC).
Monisit, E. (2010, August 23). Foundation cares for abandoned "Kopinos" The Freeman. Retrieved September 29, 2016, from http://www.philstar.com/cebu- news/605076/foundation-cares-abandoned-kopinos
Nguyen, A. D., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2010). Multicultural identity: what it is and why it matters. In R. Crisp (Ed.), The Psychology of Social and Cultural Diversity (pp. 87-114). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
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Nuqui, C. (2008). International migration, citizenship, identities and cultures: Japanese-filipino children (JFC) in the Philippines. Gender, Technology and Development, 12(3). doi:10.1177/097185240901200310
Oh, J., Kang, D., Shin, J., Lee, S., Lee, S., & Chung, K. (2012). Migration Profile of the Republic of Korea (Rep. No. 2011-01). Goyang, Gyeonggi: The Migration Research and Training Centre of the International Organization for Migration.
Palumbarit, M. (2012). Finding Refuge and Home in Religion: The Case of Unificationist and Roman Catholic Filipina Marriage Migrants in Korea. Localities, 2, 235-292. doi:10.15299/local.2012.11.2.235
Park, K. (2009, September 9). Our Children, Korean + Philippine = Kopino. The Sookmyung Times. Retrieved April 17, 2017, fromhttp://smtimes.sookmyung.ac.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=376
Park,Y. & Stephen, E. (2013, August 30Is South Korea Ready for Multicultural
Families(“다문화”)? An Analysis of Social Media. Paper presented at the Session 254:
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Philippines. Department of Tourism. (2017, April 26). Industry performance for travel and tourism : February 2017. Retrieved from the Department of Tourism Web site: http://www.tourism.gov.ph/pages/industryperformance.aspx
Programs & Services. (2015). Retrieved from http://kopino.org/page/programs-services/
Rawal, N. (2008). Social inclusion and exclusion : a review. Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, Vol.2. pages. Retrieved September 29, 2016 http://www.nepjol.info/index.php/DSAJ/article/view/1362
Seachon, K. (2015, October). Issues of Filipino Migrant Workers in South Korea. In Investigating Transnational Spaces in Philippines-Korea Relations. Retrieved from http://journals.ateneo.edu/ojs/index.php/aiks/issue/view/222
Silver, H. (2007). Social exclusion : comparative analysis of Europe and Middle East youth (Wolfensohn Center for Development at the Brookings Institution and Dubai
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School of Government Middle East Youth Initiative Working Paper #1). Brown University : Rhode Island,USA.
Silver, H. (2007). The process of social exclusion:the dynamics of an evolving concept (Chronic Poverty Research Centre Working Paper 95). Brown University : Rhode Island,USA.
Seok, S. (2016, August 16). Kopino : Can I Find My Father?. The Sungkyun Times. Retrieved April 17, 2017, fromhttp://skt.skku.edu/news/articleView.html?idxno=24
Son, C. (2017, March 23). [Personal interview].
Son, N. G. (2015, October). Shifting the Focus on the Kopino Phenomenon: Contexts, Misconceptions, and Spatial Reform. In Investigating Transnational Spaces in Philippines-Korea Relations. Retrieved from http://journals.ateneo.edu/ojs/index.php/aiks/issue/view/222
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APPENDICES Appendix A: Consent Form (English)
Upholding the Kopino Advocacy: The Role of Non-Government Actors in Addressing the Plights of Korean-Filipinos
Warm greetings!
I am Liezl Ann D. Lansang, a senior and a thesis student from the University of the Philippines, Manila. I would like to invite you to participate in a research study examining the experiences of Korean-Filipino children in the country, also known as Kopinos, and the ways on how non- government actors serve in helping them achieve better lives. The study will be conducted in the aim of significantly contributing to the existing knowledge about Kopinos in relation to their reported impoverished living conditions, and in the hopes that the data to be gathered can be used to influence the creation of policies and programs suitable for their needs. The data collected in this interview will help me fulfill the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Manila. I am under the supervision of my faculty advisor, Professor Josefina G. Tayag, DPA.
Participation Requires of You: To answer interview questions, share one‘s insights, and participate in discussions which would concern the aspects of the research. There is no planned use of deception involved in this study.
Your Privacy: The researcher shall respect your privacy, and your participation in this study, as well your responses, will be kept confidential upon request. If you so request, any reference to you in the study will be by pseudonym, including direct quotes from your responses.
Risks to You: The researcher foresees minimal risk for those who choose to participate in thisstudy. There are no foreseen physical risks associated with this study; other risks might include the following:
You might experience anxiety, discomfort, or negative emotions as a result of responding to the questions asked of them in this research study. If you experience a negative reaction, you may choose to skip the question, to withdraw from the study.
Benefits to You: There are not foreseen direct and abrupt benefits to you regarding participation in this studybeyond the general knowledge that you are assisting in furthering the knowledge related to this research topic. It is however hoped that the findings of this study would somehow be of use to policy-makers and social workers. There is no compensation associated with participation in this study.
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This document acknowledges you understand of your rights as a participant in this study, which the researcher has explained to you prior to signing this document.
―I acknowledge that the researcher has explained my rights, the requirements of this study, and the potential risks involved in participating in this study. I understand there is no compensation for, or direct benefit of participating in this study. By signing below and providing my contact information I am indicating that I consent to participate in this study, that I am at least 18 years of age, and I am eligible to participate in this study.‖
You may withdraw from this study at any time by notifying me through the contact details listed below. If you have any concerns regarding your participation in this research study you may contact me or my faculty advisor. You may also ask for a copy of this document for your own records.
Signature: ______Date: ______
Printed Name: ______
Phone Number (Optional): ______
Email Address (Optional): ______
Postal Address (Optional): ______
Thank you for your participation,
Liezl Ann D. Lansang BA Political Science University of the Philippines, Manila Contact no: 09278021302 Email Address: [email protected]
Prof. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA Department of Social Sciences University of the Philippines, Manila Email Address: [email protected]
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Appendix B: Request to Conduct Interview
March 7, 2017
REQUEST TO CONDUCT INTERVIEW
Dear Professor Kyungmin Bae,
My name is Liezl Ann Lansang, and I am a Political Science student at the Department of Social Sciences at the University of the Philippines Manila. The research I wish to conduct for my undergraduate thesis involves the role of non-government actors in addressing the plights of Korean-Filipinos. This project will be conducted under the supervision of Professor Josefina Tayag, DPA from the Department of Social Sciences of the College of Arts and Sciences in our university.
One of the important parts of my research involves the need to identify factors as to why no programs or policies exist for Kopinos. With the Kopino problem as the center of my research, questions will also include gauging the impact of how non-government actors help improve the lives of Kopino families based in the Philippines.
Due to your ample knowledge about Kopinos in the Philippines, I am hereby seeking for your participation in the research as a key informant. I believe that you will be instrumental in the completion of the this thesis due to your first-hand experiences in prior research about these children, and are capable of providing rich and valuable insights that secondary data might not be able to cover. Should you be able to spare some of your time and accept this request, I will immediately schedule a date that will be convenient with your schedules. I will also email a copy of questions to be asked in the interview. If you are based in another country as of the moment, I hope that we can correspond through a Skype or email interview.
Upon completion of the study, I promise to provide the participating organizations with a copy of my manuscript, in order to help broaden the knowledge and awareness about the situation of Kopinos in the Philippines. If you require any further information, please do not hesitate to contact me on these platforms:
Mobile : 09278021302 (Globe) / 09980781848 (Smart)
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Email : [email protected]
Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter.
Yours sincerely,
Liezl Ann D. Lansang
Department of Social Sciences
College of Arts and Sciences
University of the Philippines Manila
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Appendix C: Request for Permission to Conduct Thesis (Organization)
February 1, 2017
Kopino Children Association, Incorporated
91, Camerino Street, Marilag, Project 4,
Quezon City, 1100 Metro Manila
REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CONDUCT THESIS
Dear Kopino Children Association,
My name is Liezl Ann Lansang, and I am a Political Science student at the Department of Social Sciences at the University of the Philippines Manila. The research I wish to conduct for my undergraduate thesis involves the role of non-government actors in addressing the plights of Korean-Filipinos. This project will be conducted under the supervision of Professor Josefina Tayag, DPA from the Department of Social Sciences of the College of Arts and Sciences in our university.
I am hereby seeking your consent to participate in this research as my contact non-government organization, in order to be able to find qualified participants in my study. Prior sending this letter, I have read and researched about your organization, and I believe that you will be instrumental in the completion of this thesis due to the depth of your knowledge and experience in catering to Kopinos.
As such, I have provided you with a copy of my thesis proposal which includes copies of the measure and consent and assent forms to be used in the research process, as well as a copy of the endorsement letter duly signed by my thesis adviser.
Upon completion of the study, I promise to provide your organization with a copy of my manuscript, in order to help broaden the knowledge and awareness about the situation of Kopinos in the Philippines. If you require any further information, please do not hesitate to contact me on these platforms:
Mobile : 09278021302 (Globe)
Email : [email protected]
Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter.
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Yours sincerely,
Liezl Ann D. Lansang
Department of Social Sciences
College of Arts and Sciences
University of the Philippines Manila
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Appendix D: Research Instrument—Guide Questions
The questions served as guides in facilitating the interviews with the respective respondents, with the purpose of directing the discussion towards eliciting insights on topics that will be fundamental to the study. Main Probe Questions for Kopino mothers: 1. How would you describe your nuclear family‘s current living conditions? 2. Are you employed? If so, what is the nature of your job? 3. Do you believe that you are capable of being the sole parent supporting your children? Why or why not? 4. Have you been in contact with the fathers of the children? 5. As a sole parent of a Kopino, what are the different struggles that you are experiencing in raising their children? 6. In your knowledge, what are different problems that your children are facing? 7. How effective do you perceive NGOs as in delivering assistance to your children?
Areas of Inquiry
A. Living Conditions and Family Background
a. How would you describe your daily life, in terms of your way of living and your activities? b. How many members are there in your household? c. Are you employed? i. If yes, what is the nature of your job? Do you think that your wage is enough to sustain your family‘s daily needs? ii. If no, why not? What are the constraints? d. Are you satisfied with your current living conditions? Why, or why not?
B. The Kopino Father
a. How did you meet your child‘s father?
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b. Have you been in contact with the child‘s father? i. If yes, did the father express efforts in recognizing or supporting the child? ii. If not, what are the reasons as to why there is a lack or loss in communication with the fathers? c. Have you expressed efforts on communicating with your child‘s father? What are your reasons why?
C. The Kopino Child
a. Do you think that your child has enough access to material needs such as ample financial resources, and basic children‘s rights such as education, healthcare, and proper housing? i. If not, what are the reasons why? b. In your perception and knowledge, what do you think are the different problems that your Kopino child is facing? i. Do you think that paternal abandonment plays a major role in these problems? c. Are you the only one in the family supporting your Kopino child? If not, who else in the family is doing so? i. Do you believe that you alone are capable in solely raising your child? ii. Are there any struggles that you have experienced in raising your child solely? What are they?
D. Assistance from NGOs a. How were you able to come in contact with the NGO for assistance? b. What were the kinds of assistance that you and your child received from the NGO? c. What is your feedback on the assistance provided for by the NGO? i. Do you think that the assisting NGO has influenced your life significantly? ii. Did this contact with the NGO help you gain awareness about the rights of your child?
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iii. To what extent was the NGO helpful in the achievement of your child‘s basic needs, such as food, shelter, and education? iv. How effective do you think NGOs are in helping give alternative solutions to the problems of Kopinos?
Main Probe Questions for Kopino NGO: 1. In your experience of dealing with Kopinos, what do you perceive as the common problems that these children and their mothers face in terms of their living conditions? 2. In what ways do you help in giving solutions or helping alleviate these problems? 3. What are the different forms of assistance and programs that you offer to Kopinos? 4. In your perception, how successful have these programs been in helping Kopinos achieve better lives? 5. How are you able to financially support your organization? 6. Have you been in contact or collaboration with state actors in terms of helping the Kopinos? 7. What are the different constraints and limitations that you face in terms of sustaining your work and advocacy?
Areas of Inquiry
A. History of the NGO
a. How did your NGO start with its advocacy? b. How did your organization know about the Kopino problem in the Philippines? c. How many years have you existed in the country, and how many cases of Kopinos have you handled? d. In your experience of interacting with Kopino families, what are the different problems that you believe they are commonly facing?
B. Ways of Assisting Kopinos
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a. What are the different ways on how you extend assistance to Kopinos? i. Does the NGO perceive this assistance as a means for the child to be able to achieve his/her basic human rights? b. Has the NGO developed programs that will be beneficial in helping Kopinos achieve better lives? i. What is the nature of these programs? ii. Which aspects of the Kopino‘s life have these programs been influencing? iii. In your own evaluation, how successful have these programs been in helping Kopinos achieve better lives? c. What events do you consider as achievements in the process of helping Kopinos?
C. Contact with the State a. Have you been in contact or collaboration with state actors in the process of helping Kopinos? i. If yes, which state actors have been involved? (E.g. LGUs, government agencies, national government) ii. If not, what do you think are the reasons why? b. Have you exerted efforts in making state actors more aware of the Kopino problem? If so, what is their response?
D. Possible Constraints and Limitations Faced a. How are you able to financially support your organization? i. Do you think that these financial contributions are enough to maintain your cause? ii. Do you see the management of finances as a constraint in carrying out your objectives? iii. If so, how do you solve the problem? b. What are the other aspects that you perceive as constraints and limitations in your advocacy? i. What are your ways in dealing with these constraints?
Main Probe Questions for Experts
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A. Professor a. Based from your preliminary studies, what is your background on the Kopino problem in the Philippines? b. What do you think are the causes of the emergence of the problem? c. What do you think is the outlook of both Korean and Philippine societies on Kopinos? Do you think that they experience a degree of discrimination or social exclusion? How severe is this? d. What important insights were you able to gather, or problems that you were able to identify in your study about NGO welfare programs concerning Kopinos? e. Are you aware of any state assistance given to Kopinos in either the Korean and Philippine governments? Why is it that there is none?
B. Social Worker a. Has there been any concrete and direct state action with regard to the assistance of Kopinos, as well as mixed-race children in general, in the country? i. If none, what are the possible reasons why? b. In the absence of direct concrete action, are there any state programs that could indirectly benefit Kopinos? c. What are your insights with the duty bearer role that NGOs assume in terms of helping mixed-race children? i. In your perception, is it possible for the state and NGOs to collaborate in pursuing programs and policies that will help the lives of Kopinos become better?
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Appendix E: Summary of Interviews and Corresponding Themes Elicited
A. Experts
1. Mr. Cedric Son, Founder of the Kopino Children’s Association Insights about the Kopino problem, and the situation of the said mixed-race children
Themes Insights Remarks ―Korean media is really corrupt. I do not believe that they are journalists. In Korea, we call them the ―sseureki‖ (쓰레기), means like a ―basura‖.‖
―They want people to watch their program. If Negative media The media is a powerful something‘s really sensitive, if they show up the portrayal and tool which influences the Kopino‘s problem, and say that the Kopinos are not connotations on perspectives of Korean much the problem, who will watch? But, then they Kopinos society on Kopinos. show, the media, it‘s the Korean men who stay in the However, the Philippines and they buy the woman, like the sexual generalization of Kopinos trade, and show Korean men are really bad, then the as children born out of sex result is the Kopino, and that it is the responsibility of trade and illegitimate Korean men.‖ affairs has resulted to the
term bearing negative ―(Kopinos are viewed negatively by South Korea) connotations. In this case, it because of media. Media make the Kopinos negative, is more of the Korean because there is the sexual trade, and then the bond, media that sensationalizes and then Korean men avoid.‖ the story.
―The Philippine media never makes it a problem, it‘s For instance, the portrayal mostly quiet. It‘s the Korean media‘s problem.‖ of the media that there are
10,000-30,000 Kopinos He thinks that Koreans who just learned about Kopinos according to Mr. Son is not in the media are very misinformed. correct, because these are
actually numbers of Kopino, as a term, is viewed and used negatively Korean-Filipino couples. because of media portrayal. The media interpreted the
numbers as the ranks of ―. So my case, I‘m not ashamed of the Kopino word, abandoned children. because my children are better than them in education. Education, also economically, I‘m better than them. So I complain to some couples about the Kopino word, you want to discriminate the other child? Kopino and your child, are no different. They are all same, 50% Korean, 50% Filipino. What‘s different? You are legally married, only that? And then you want to discriminate?‖
―In Korean society, never pansin about the life of the
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child. They only see Kopino children as abandoned, illegitimate child. But the legitimate child, they never pansin. What‘s different between legitimate and illegitimate? Pareho lang na Korean and Filipino e. They are Korea‘s human resources.‖
―Kopino meaning is really negative to the Korean society. Many Korean and Filipino couples are married legally. Most of them live in Korea, so somebody telling them, ―your child is a Kopino‖, but really they hate to point out that the child is Kopino, because the meaning is too negative in Korean society.‖
―I don‘t know how many cases. So I told Wall Street Journal, around 30,000, mixed. I told them like this, and then some Koreans got that number. Actually, it‘s the legally-married Korean and Filipinos, not the abandoned. When I said 10,000, it was just an estimate. And then it‘s 10,000 already. And then I was interviewed by Wall Street Journal, it was suddenly 30,000. ‖
―Another thing is that Korea, internationally-married South Korean couples, we call them multicultural families. And then Multicultural families face society’s views on Korean society is not a multicultural society, they discrimination in a sense Kopinos and really discriminate multicultural families, some mixed- that communication gap multiculturalism blood.‖ causes children to be unable to adapt to the ―Even the Korean society also, if there‘s a family, they Korean educational don‘t discriminate. And if they‘re rich, nobody can curriculum. The lack of discriminate them, if they have a house, car and support and guidance due business. Even if the mother is really a prostitute, they to her lack of knowledge in will not discriminate.‖ the Korean language, makes it difficult for the (On possible discrimination of Kopinos in South foreign mother to follow up Korea) ―If my daughter is poor, difficult life, they‘ll on the child‘s performance discriminate. But my child is rich, no discrimination.‖ and experiences in school.
―Because in Korea, there‘s discrimination, you don‘t Discrimination on know how terrible. Because in Korea, education is multicultural families can really competitive. Mother must help, but even foreign be rooted from the long wives cannot speak Korean. How can they teach the experience of homogeneity child, or support? Even if they don‘t know what in the Korean population. kailangan the school, when the school asks them to Today, it is largely based prepare something. Mother doesn‘t know what to do, on socio-economic status and the father is also busy. And then, the multicultural and racial hierarchy. student cannot follow the curriculum. So almost around 70% multicultural families give up on high school. Many Koreans visit in the Philippines study here, because they hate competing in Korea. So if they
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cannot follow the curriculum, they will not study there. In Korea, there is discrimination. If I have a classmate, and I want to be friends, I should have permission in my mother. And then there‘s the multicultural student, cannot study well, family support, skin is so dark…they will be broken-hearted. If we leave them there, they‘ll hate Korea. Another case, 70% international-married couples have complicated lives and failed families, 30% medyo okay. More than 50% of multicultural families divorce, especially Filipinas, they never give up the child. If they want to separate the man, they bring the child to the Philippines, and then he returns to Korea alone. And then she‘ll stay with the mother or relative here. The mother or auntie takes care of the child.‖
―I want to point out that Korean society is already mixed.‖
―I don‘t want to blame the children, because they‘re also victims. I want to give them some opportunities. If they become rich, no discrimination.‖
―(Discrimination also depends) on economic status. Before I sent my daughter to Korea 3 times, to study the Korean language. She studied, in elementary, grade 4 or 5, almost them want to be friends with my daughter. You know why? Because my daughter knows how to speak English well. They also think that my daughter does not have a difficult life. She comes to Korea only to learn the Korean language, maybe she‘s rich. No discrimination.‖
Philippine ―In Korea, now the woman‘s life upgraded. Women are society’s views on more powerful than men, so when women choose the The urbanization of life and Koreans and men, they check many things. What university he the industrialization of the Kopinos graduated, how much is his money, how much the country had also translated salary, if it‘s below what she wants, she doesn‘t want to to many local women not marry. So many of the Korean men have complex over wanting to settle down the Korean woman, when they meet, the woman wants easily, thus the lack of to compare him to other men, there is really stress. But marriageable women. when they arrive here in the Philippines, Filipinas never ask about that one. What university, how much is the money, and then salary…never asked. So Koreans misunderstand them, ―wow, the Filipina is really…like Rather than a sense of a different world‖. First time, they‘re really close, and discrimination, Filipinos do then some exercise the English.‖ admire Kopinos in terms of being half-Korean. ―Kopino is not negative in the Philippines. So However, discrimination
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Filipinos, they envy Kopinos about their skill. The only occurs when their socio- problem is poverty.‖ economic status is being looked upon. ―Yeah, (Kopinos are discriminated) if they are poor.‖
―Not all (Kopinos experience a sense of discrimination in the Philippines).‖
―Only, the problem is that they are poor economically. Because here, it‘s the Philippines‘ problem. Because Philippines has big gap with the rich and poor, Poverty economically. Korean society is a lot better, The large income inequality experienced by homogeneous economically. In the Philippines, the traps the poor into the Kopinos poor people cannot upgrade to rich. But in Korea, even vicious cycle poverty. if they are poor, if they try to work hard, or they are Thus, with thought of smart, they can go to the…parang celebrity. But the foreigners as rich and Philippines, only the way is marriage.‖ superior, women sometimes see marriage as a ticket out ―Of course they need help, because they are poor, of poverty. because the mother is…even though ordinary parents, mother and father are married, and then there‘s a child, But for those who rear their also difficult. But how about the single mothers? Only mixed-race children solely, they take care of the child, and then she has no big life is difficult due to their income.‖ low incomes and lack of educational attainment. ―Same time no education and poverty, you cannot This subjects the child to separate. They‘re difficult, because they cannot study. the same living conditions Mothers have low income.‖ and the same cycle.
―When I started the KCAI, I must have a plan, what‘s the problem, how can our association go, I discovered that Kopinos‘ problem is poverty, not moral situation.‖
―. You point out the father‘s duty, how can we help? The child‘s already here, and we cannot reverse the past. So the problem is poverty.‖
―But we need to teach them some knowledge and give them opportunity. They must be rich, because if they‘re rich, no one can discriminate them. Yes, socio- economic standing is the problem, not the skill, the face, the lack of father…it‘s not the problem. Around 50% of Filipinos have broken family.‖
―Filipina women also something… ―white skin‖. So Filipinos tend to see Filipino culture, they want the more white child, so they choose the foreigners are superior, and influences of American. If there‘s like a mestizo, ―wow‖, envy which sometimes leads it in the lives of talaga.‖ them to discriminate even Kopinos themselves.
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―Yes, (Filipinas) see foreigners as superior. The Filipinos discriminate themselves, so many things combined, the result is the Kopino.‖ The predominant influence of Catholicism in the ―But you know, Filipinas, they never give up the child. Philippines is seen in the ―(They don‘t go for abortion…), because it‘s ―God‘s familial decision-making of gift‖. And then really, they love the child. And then the Filipino mothers. When another thing, international marriage, like me, my wife pregnancy comes into the is a Filipina, we fight a lot because of different scene, the mother is usually nationalities, different personalities. So some Korean- reluctant, or not in favor of Filipino couples, first time they love, but later they aborting the child. discover, it‘s not my life, it‘s not my partner. Then they separate, but only the woman is pregnant. But Korean Meanwhile, on the event men want to get the baby because if the mother takes that the relationship breaks care of the baby, the mother cannot provide. The due to cultural differences, Korean wants to get the baby, but the Filipina never the mother is unwilling to gives up. Because if she gives the child to the father, give up the child. This she might lose the child.‖ could be attributed to the strong familial ties observed in Filipino ―And then Filipina also avoid poverty—many of them culture. want to marry the foreigners. When they live in, pregnant, and then of course there‘s some cultural gap, The problem with money, so when they separate, one thing the Korean man really on the other hand, is the want to avoid, but the Filipina never want to give up familial culture of Filipinos the baby, and then she‘d want support.‖ to sometimes be dependent to their relatives. For ―Here, the Philippines‘ problem, if there‘s a Filipino multicultural families, this with a business, if there‘s a family, they borrow is seen in the way that money—borrow money is bigay, not borrow.‖ relatives and parents expect the Filipina to bring ―I want to help (them know about the) Korean culture. pasalubong, or make Meaning, if she has some dream, pangarap, not only remittances. Meanwhile, pray for God, believe in herself. If she wants to buy the the concept of lending house or have business, she must save the money, and money is not really about invest here, even if the family asks the money. I want borrowing, but rather to teach them that it‘s not easy.‖ giving.
Lastly, the attitude of Cultural gap is really one of the major factors that Filipinos is seen in the really contribute to the problem. idiom ―nasa diyos ang awa, nasa tao ang gawa‖. This implies that alongside prayers that Filipinos usually do for their dreams, they also have to work hard, and that is what the NGO founder wants to instill on them.
―That‘s why Koreans hate the foreign blood, because
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it‘s the invade (the war experiences), and then they On South Korean come to the Korean society. That‘s the basic. And then The racial and skin-tone racial and skin- 1950, the Korean War. Americans, especially the Black hierarchies institutionalized tone hierarchy Americans. They‘re not responsible. But Chinese- in the views of the South Korean, you cannot notice the difference. Korean and Korean society are both Japanese, also the same, you don‘t know if mixed- rooted from their blood or not. But Black American and Korean woman, experiences from the war. mostly they are the prostitute‘s child. Almost all. And then the Black American soldiers, maybe 90% abandoned, because they bought the woman. When babies are black, they hesitate to be close, so until now there is a discrimination in Korean society with multicultural families. Around 30,000 Koreans and Filipinos married. Years ago, around 25,000 couples married legally.‖
(There are) many cases (of father abandonment). On paternal The issues with paternal recognition, or the ―Not all don‘t want to take responsibility, but many of recognition is on fathers possible lack them are selfish. They do not notice that they who already have a family thereof (Kopinos) are family. If the Korean man has a family in South Korea. South in Korea, and then there is the Kopino child, and then Korean wives are powerful the Korean wife discovered that one, 99% they will in terms of threatening for separate.‖ divorce, while the men are afraid of divorce, which is why Kopinos who have ―(There are cases where the father abandons) because fathers who are already he want to enjoy. You know some joke? I‘ll tell you married prior, are having a one joke. It‘s ―I love you‖. In Korean man saying to hard time communicating Filipina, ―I love you‖, and then Filipina saying ―I love with their fathers. you‖ to Korean men. Do you know the real meaning? Korean men saying I love you, ―I want free sex‖. But Partly, the lack of paternal Filipinas saying I love you, ―I want your money‖. For recognition could be seen some men, they want to abuse the woman, then run in the irresponsibility of away.‖ some of the men, who come to the Philippines for ―(It also depends on) the real mind. Who‘s a really sex tourism or leisure. good person, a responsible person, even if it‘s a difficult life, they try to help. Some irresponsible As for single fathers, persons, even if they are rich, they want to avoid. One recognition is easier father I visited in Korea, he‘s rich, but he doesn‘t want because there are no prior to meet a child.‖ marital issues involved.
―If somebody doesn‘t want to communicate, meaning, they have family in Korea. If wife discovered, then family is broken. Many fathers are afraid of divorce.‖
―Almost (all of the single fathers) recognized. Many cases, they have a Korean family. If no family, why not? I‘ve no cases who‘s single and did not recognize. Most of them have no family, before they met the
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Filipina here. But halimbawa, around 40 years old man, they have a family already, and the child‘s already grow up.‖
Insights on Government Action regarding the Kopino Problem, and KCAI’s role as an NGO
Themes Insights Remarks ―If it‘s not something beyond their work, they cannot do. Halimbawa, connecting the father and mother in The plight of Kopinos Korea, they cannot do. They cannot call the Korean take a backseat with father. It‘s because it‘s a personal matter.‖ regard to government On limited support, because government action ―I‘m a civilian, so I can call the father. If the governments are focused government calls the Korean father, they‘ll on helping their own complain.‖ citizens first. For South Korea, multicultural ―: Because governments, they start to help with their policies still remain a hot nationals. But here, Kopino, if no Korean passport, debate among nationals they don‘t reach out. Philippine government, they who are reluctant to will help Filipinos, not Korean. In the Philippines, a spend on foreigners / large percentage of Filipinos need some help, and our mixed-race individuals. Kopino children is one of them. So that‘s why some Thus, taking action NGOs like us try to extend help. Government cannot remains difficult for the touch this one. If you give them the Korean national, government. at that time, they can ask the Korean government some of their rights.‖ As for the Philippines, the pressing needs to ―The Philippine government cannot pansin, because prioritize homogeneous here, there are many problems already. If only the demands and other government help the Kopino children, other Filipinos general problems serve as will complain. Mixed-generation and other Filipinos, factors as to why there is what‘s the difference? They‘re the same Filipinos.‖ a lack of attention on pursuing the ―You must change the law in Korea, you must join implementation of a the congressmen, make some law. But the people multicultural policy, or who check the policy, Korean embassy, they cannot programs. do anything.‖ Policy-making is seen as So the only action you can create for Kopinos is to a legitimizing element legislate the law, and there is no existing law so far. towards helping these mixed-race children. On NGO’s roles: ―I tried to help some Kopino children get Korean a. Communicatio citizenship. In Korean law, if there is a Korean Communication is the n with the father, father registers in Korea the NSO, then they most direct means of Korean can get citizenship immediately. I ask the Korean assistance that the NGO parents father, just please, register your child to the Korean offers in terms of (mostly census.You must be the father who tries to register bridging the father and
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fathers) and accept the child. the child. While some The first step is recognizing. And when they register fathers do dismiss Mr. the child in the Korean census, if they have the Son as an intruder to their Korean passport, anytime, they can go to Korea and personal lives, the type of work.‖ service has been beneficial to the children ―You must persuade them and touch their heart. It‘s in terms of gaining a your child, your blood, how can you avoid? I try to Korean or dual find the father, and help them register. So I met many citizenship. Korean fathers in the Korean immigration who registered their child.‖ There seems to be many cases in which the father ―So I brought one Kopino child in Korea, now she or the parent showed has a Korean passport. You know in Korea, many willingness to at least police check out the street if they see the foreigner, register their child under they ask the passport or some ID. Some illegal stay the Korean census. In like TNT, they arrest, then deport. That child was other cases, Mr. Son‘s going somewhere, and then the police asked the ID. help is significant in She cannot speak Korean, so police think she‘s TNT. discovering if the parent But when she gave the Korean ID, the police cannot has registered their child do anything.‖ to the census or not. The Korean Embassy can also ―Last month, one Kopino child visited us, and she rely on him in assisting doesn‘t know how to do so I brought her to the the children with Korean embassy, and then I discovered that she was document processing, and registered in Korea, she doesn‘t know. I visited the in checking if they are embassy, I asked one consul. Dati she visited Korea, qualified to apply for a but she lost the passport. She has no other record, passport or a claim of only the Philippine NSO paper. She saw the birth citizenship. certificate, and tried to check there‘s no name, so she checked there‘s issue in the passport, there‘s a record that she‘s coming from Korea to here, she found out. And she checked—she‘s registered in Korea. I applied her for Korean passport. Three weeks later, she got the passport.
Also, when I went to Korea, one Kopino child asked me to find the mother (the mother is Korean, the father is Filipino). She gave me the address, but the address changed already, she‘s not there. And then, she found out in Facebook the mother, so I contacted the mother. She lost the chance to gain Korean citizenship. There‘s amnesty time, but the mother didn‘t know. You can register the son in Korea. Anyway, now she doesn‘t know what to do, so I asked her to invite him in Korea. I will get the visa here. I can help him get a Korean visa. If he applies alone, he cannot get it, but I can ask the Korean embassy.‖
(On the difficulties of fulfilling communication
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services) ―Many of them want to complain. ―Who are you, why are you entering your life?‖‖ b. Shelter and ―We help through the shelter. Shelter is just one of education the parts. It belongs to the education. At least 15 kids One of the main (are in the shelter). ‖ advocacies of the NGO is to help the Kopinos not ―: Education, not only for Kopino children. My wife only in the short term, but and I have a plan for Korean multicultural families. the long term. They see So we have a plan to open a school for the children the achievement of also. Plan is when we make the school, in Korea, proper education as one many retired teachers, so we invite them, so we don‘t of the means to be able to need to hire them or pay the salary. We ask them to get out of poverty, and a just dedicate.‖ fulfillment of one of the child and the mother‘s ―At the shelter, they sleep and study there. They go main aspirations. to a regular Filipino school. Yes, we sponsor their studies. Tuition fee, some private donors.‖
―(For Korean teachers), volunteer. Because if you hire the teacher here, if you pay the Korean salary, more than 100,000 php a month. So how can we support? And then we‘d hire Filipino teachers. There are teachers volunteering, but we want to open a regular school.‖
―Dati, one Kopino child visited us, she worked at 17 or 16 years old, we asked what do you want, she said she wanted to study. So we asked the degree, but she has a terrible record. So my wife asked her, how can you study? Sabi niya, she was disappointed with her life, she knows she cannot study, so that‘s why she gave up studying. But if she has a chance, she‘ll study hard. So we gave her tuition fee to study in a university (Lyceum). She finished. Now she‘s telling me, if she couldn‘t have met us, she would‘ve worked in a bar.‖
c. Livelihood ―Long before, I was planning the livelihood (project) programs for but I had no money. But this time, I‘ll try to make the The NGO not only seeks mothers and Korean canteen, I‘ll start the Korean ulam. Today I to empower the children children must go to UP Shopping Center. I started 25 years through educating ago, when I met my wife, we started a business in UP them—they also engage Shopping Center.‖ with mothers in terms of helping them be equipped ―Another project is the livelihood, for the mother and with income-generating children. I want to have the cooperative. I will invest, alternatives, through but owner is our Kopino children. They will work, teaching them vocational and then there‘s income, I will not get any money. and technical skills, e.g. They‘ll get, they‘ll divide. I‘ll start, and then when how to cook food that they start, there‘s income, they will divide equally. they can sell outside. Halimbawa, there‘s 5 children, or mothers who work
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there in the canteen. 100,000 income, they will divide for 5 persons 20,000 each, I will not get any. Then if there‘s 20,000 income, I‘ll give them only the minimum living allowance, halimbawa 8,000, and then the remaining, I will make a bank account. A joint account, so if there‘s no signature from me, they cannot withdraw.‖
―Yes. They work, and then they save at the same time. Here, the Philippines‘ problem, if there‘s a Filipino with a business, if there‘s a family, they borrow money—borrow money is bigay, not borrow. I want to make them some excuse. They want to give the money to the relative, but they cannot give, because if there‘s no signature from me, they cannot withdraw, so it‘s a good excuse.‖
―Many case. Canteen, the vegetable, fish and poultry, piggery…halimbawa, we have the vegetable business, I know how to do that one. We will open the vegetable cooperative, then we deliver the vegetables. And then if they cannot sell, it will go to the canteen. Supply, but some shop, they say if they cannot sell, it goes to the next day they‘re selling, but only that day. So every day, it will be sariwa. And then the remaining, if they couldn‘t sell, it will go to the canteen. And the canteen, they can buy the vegetables really cheap, only original price. Many. If the mother and child wants to join, they can.‖
―I believe that if we‘re successful with the livelihood, many Korean donors will appear. Not the 1000 USD only, maybe they will donate 10,000 USD…and then I‘ll make the statements really clear. And then, most of the problem is the attitude of our Kopino mothers and children. They must trust me, and if I lead them somewhere, they‘d follow. And then I told you about the bank account, more than the living allowance, they must save in the bank, and when they save in the bank, later if they want to buy a house, or if they want to buy some land, or buy stocks like this, I will allow them to withdraw. For their own investment.‖
―Not yet open. Planning stage, but no cooperatives yet. I‘ll start this month or next month. If we success with the business, I‘ll ask the Korean society to help the Kopino children.‖ On the lack of legal / ―Family is broken, the father‘s life will be also lawsuit services ruined. He loses the job, he loses the family. If he has The NGO believes that a business and then people notice that he has a the preservation of the Kopino child, people will not join his business, so he father-child relationship
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loses his business also. If the father is ruined, how is important, since the can he help the child? And then here, another issue is also a personal problem, some Kopino child gets the money from matter. Thus, it does not Korea, all the relatives will visit and ask money.‖ deal with offering lawsuits, but rather ―Even though, I oppose the kaso. Because if the kaso, connecting the child to it will break the family, the child and the father‘s the father. relationship.‖ ―I worked 2003 in Korean Association. I was the social welfare director here in the Philippines. I While helping his fellow joined that association to helping Koreans. Every citizens here in the On initiating and month, we have a meeting, and then every regional Philippines, Mr. Son upholding the Kopino director came and report what happened there. That heard about several advocacy time, one word was issued—―masarap Korean‖. Kopino cases, which led him to thinking that ―Halimbawa, immigration officer, Korean who‘s Kopinos may be the managing the driving school, English institute, and solution into improving then ask them the visa and proper paper, they ask the relations of money. And then NBI, Bureau of Immigration, City Philippines and South Hall, police…they threaten them and ask money. Korea. By encouraging Even last year or this year, there was an issue in them and giving them Angeles (Camp Crame incident). opportunities through giving them access to So Korean man has money, but no power. I was their basic needs, the there, but cannot do anything. Philippine founder thought that they government, like the police, or the NBI, will be able to play key immigration…they have the authority, to investigate roles in the Philippine and check up.‖ government. As both Korean and Filipino, Mr. I started with helping fellow Koreans.And then I was Son believes that these thinking, how can we solve this problem? I children will be able to discovered the Kopino children. If we educate them, help their fellow if we help them to success, our Kopino children…of nationals on both sides, course, if some Korean will be doing wrong, he must and serve as human be punished, but if somebody made a mistake, if our resources and bridges Kopino children is the police or abogado, they can towards improved PH- help Korean society.‖ South Korea relations.
―They can serve as bridge between Korean and Philippine society.‖
―I heard (about Kopino cases) many times. But even that time, Filipinas think, the mothers, it happens normal in the Philippines. That time, they never ask for help, just I want to help them and give them some opportunity. I joined 2003 in Korean Association. And when I worked in the Korean Association, I thought it was saying, because our Kopino children are Korea‘s human resources. You develop them, they‘ll be the bridge between Philippines and Korea. It‘s not the shame, they are resources.‖
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If developed, these children can serve both Philippine and Korean societies.
―You must help them wisely. You must improve their life here. Even if the father doesn‘t want to recognize them, you should give them an opportunity here.‖
―So we want to educate them. Now, in global, if not communicate with other country, they will not survive, we must communicate with other countries. Our Kopino children will be the bridge between Philippines and Korea. They‘ll help both countries. So you‘ll never think about them negative, and teach them the positive.‖ On possible ―The Korean embassy recognizes us. They know the collaborative efforts purpose of our work. Our work is what the Korean Despite the government‘s with government embassy wants. So some Kopino visit the Korean lack of involvement, the Embassy, they connect with us. The government embassy tries to redirect cannot be involved with this problem. I must help Kopino cases to Mr.Son them with processing the papers.‖ for resolution.
―I want to ask the Korean government to make a Mr.Son‘s persistence in (multicultural) school here and support. If children terms of making the live in Korea and study there, they cannot avoid government aware of the discrimination. So I will go to Korea in June and Kopino issue may open attend a forum, say what‘s the problem with Kopinos possibilities of support and how they can help them.‖ and collaboration between the NGO and the ―Like in education, halimbawa Korean government government. asked to join some school, Korean and Filipinos. For example, Filipino and Korean citizens can study in that school. I will try to ask the Korean government this time. Halimbawa, Korean government will build the school here. We want to make it inclusive to all multicultural families.‖
―First, we must ensure the success of the livelihood (before asking support from the government)‖. On how the NGO ―(Money mostly comes) almost from our shop, our sustains its advocacy, pockets. Our office here. Our pocket. My wife‘s a One of the NGO‘s ways and the different Montessori trainer, we have the Montessori of empowering Kopino constraints faced in Manufacturer Company. She teaches here and families is through the the process abroad.‖ protection of their ―Some donors, but not so much.‖ privacy. Thus, the NGO ―Nobody ask them (the government). Here, NGOs tends to screen the donors wanted to get support from private donors. Me, I prior accepting them, due hesitate with donors. Kasi, somebody donate money, to some cases where the they ask report, kahit the little money. Even I never kids‘ faces are being asked the support of the government.‖ publicized. The NGO wants to avoid subjecting
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―Many times, it was really a miracle that happened the children from poverty every time. Really, something kulang, you have no porn. funds, somebody appears (private donors). Only Donations aren‘t regular Korean nationals. ― either—thus, the NGO is supported by the pockets ―(Donors), they saw us in social media, or saw us in of the founders media. They donate 1000 USD…I thank to God, that themselves. Due to the more than 10 years, even our business was really negative media portrayal difficult, almost bankrupt. Our business, dati we have to Korean society, the the kaso in the court, then somebody betrayed us, we NGO also experienced were almost bankrupt. Even me, my plan was going being badmouthed for to Korea to earn money, because our business was keeping the donations, almost bankrupt. Even our family cannot stand, but when in fact there isn‘t even that time, we continued this work.‖ much in the first place. For the NGO, they find it ―Another problem is Koreans saying bad things to us. easier to cope despite the They spread bad rumors to Korean society. That we financial constraints get the money from donors, and then we use them because the founders can personally.‖ support the organization at least minimally, but ―You know, not many donors donate for more than they find a problem with one year. So I was up here in the TV, they think I get other organizations a lot of money, but that is not true. So that‘s why, I without an income- barricaded some donations, I was afraid.‖ generating source, because of how prone ―Yeah. It‘s not simple for more than 10 years. If I Kopinos are to poverty had other (agenda) in mind, how can I continue this porn in order to one for ten years? Even this time, if the livelihood is encourage donations. successful. The main purpose is that I don‘t want to use Kopinos for our benefit. I do not get any, really.‖
―We have a business, so we need less support from donors. But missionaries, they get donations from the Korean church, so when they ask money from the Korean church, they must make the Korean fathers so bad, so they can get the donation. Korean missionaries have no income, their only source is the Korean church, so they exaggerate the issue and make Koreans feel the responsibility.‖
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2. Professor Kyungmin Bae, Research Fellow at the UP Korea Research Center, and Senior Lecturer at the UPD Department of Linguistics Insights on Korean society’s stand on multiculturalism and Kopinos, and Korean media’s negative portrayal on Kopinos
Themes Insights Remarks Korea’s stand on ―Some countries are very aggressive when it comes to multiculturalism multiculturalism, like Korea for instance. It‘s because With the relatively late Korea has been closed for so many decades, and it opening of Korea‘s was not ready to accept foreigner, or foreign doors to foreigners, blooded overseas Koreans, or overseas Koreans in the country still general, who are not footed in the Korean peninsula.‖ remains aggressive with the idea of ―In the past, the Korean government had not been multiculturalism. taking care of these non-Korean citizens, but because of globalization and internationalization, they had to The government, observe, but no choice. So they had to come up with, however, tries to cope ―how do we embrace all these foreigners, like OFWs, with the new need by and then foreign brides and their children, and we establishing ministries have so many foreign students take up university or which cater to graduate levels?‖ and all of a sudden, there‘s a boom multicultural families in population, which is so new for the Korean and foreigners. government.
So it‘s been maybe past 10 or 15 years, there has been a short, short span of time. Korea had to come up all these ministry of, what‘s that? Ministry of Women, Gender and Family. And under the ministry, they have subdivisions, they have to take care of these multicultural children, have to provide language education for all these wives, and have to provide support for these illegally documented laborers. All these things, maybe we can say Korea, in some extent, tries to categorize everything because it‘s new. There was nothing like this.‖
On the situation of ―It‘s also helpful if you say, "does our government mixed-race really have any, anything called, what's that, The Philippines seems children in the multicultural policy, or the national policy which tries to focus on migrant country and the to embrace even non-Filipino citizens, and Filipinos workers when it lack of a overseas. Okay, we have this system of 'balikbayan', comes to issues on multicultural okay we have this system of giving some special visa migration. A
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policy for foreigners. What about the children, what about multicultural policy these others? Then I think you can fit in some that is tailor-fitted category of Kopino, but the--what's complicated here towards mixed-race is they're Filipinos. You cannot really say these are children, however, just Korean children. And then the problem is more or remains absent. But less the same; when I say more or less the same as NGOs, who have Amerasian or Japino, it was just late. And then after observed the need, Kopino, what's next? Which nationality is next? took action in helping Which nationality will rise, and we will call these Kopinos. There is also children with other names? It‘s just who started first, a pressing need, for me to say.‖ because throughout the years, different ―But you, can really see, yeah, maybe if we call can it populations of mixed- 'trend', we can try to look into, or some, like, like I race children have said earlier, Amerasians. I don‘t think there‘s any been emergent in the policy that fits their welfare or their marginalized life, country. because it‘s usually by NGOs, and when you see Japanese-Filipino children, there are so many NGOs, which were established so many years ago. so what about Japan and the Philippines, and in fact, a few years ago, the Japanese government and embassy tried to give some visa to accept these half- Japanese children, only if they are acknowledged by their biological fathers.
So when some Korean NGOs and some other concerned Koreans in the Philippines, when they saw policy change of the Japanese embassy. Some of them were also "oh! I thought we also give some grants for these children, so they can visit Korea or they could really, finally look for their biological father." ―There was complication because not everyone really Rationale for the wants to find a biological father, and to be frank, The Korean limited government what's the use if they were undocumented but if they government is action on the part were really married, and then the father left or died. It considering many of the South can be considered a little more seriously, but what factors with regard to Korean about having sex with tourists, like having sex at the the issue, especially government club, like these things. So many things are with the lack of undocumented, and then it‘s not easy to prove these documentation in the are really the outcome between interaction interactions. Thus, between Korean and Filipino. they stay silent, and are wary, in the issue. How are you sure? And then you as a foreign government, cannot really issue this kind of official statement quickly. That's why the Korean government--I mean the embassy here in the Philippines is rather reserved. They don't really come forward.
So usually, Mr. Son is approached when some Kopino mothers visit the consulate or embassy. They
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sometimes refer those ladies to him. Because embassy cannot really do anything, once they do it, it may cause some diplomatic problems and it may cause a wrong reputation about Korean image.‖ I was quite surprised because they see themselves Perspectives of very Filipino, and they don‘t really see, they don‘t Kopino children are Philippine-based really boast about having Korean ethnicity. They highly influenced with Kopino children know they are half, and they know what Kopino Filipino values, and do about Korea means. Even one girl was very knowledgeable. She not show strong even knew how media portrays about their life and interest with regard to then what they think of their mothers. I was really staying in Korea. surprised, but my conclusion was, there are certain factors that we can really categorize what kind of identities they show, like when it comes to their mother, and when it comes to Korea in general.
They see Korea as a foreign country they want to visit and it‘s nice if they can study long, if they can work or if they can have some more stay to experience culture. It‘s a very general view. Like any other Filipinos would say. And when it comes to father, it‘s good if we can see father once in a lifetime, it‘s okay. He might have another life, I‘m fine because I‘m with my mother here. These things. I concluded they don‘t really show very strong Korean-ness and then they rather show very local perspectives about Korea. Negative media ―You know, it‘s mostly negative because that‘s what portrayal of the media always do. And then when you see the news The perspective fed by Kopinos on Korean coverage by Korean media in Korea, you really see so the Korean media to media much sensationalism. For instance, they don‘t see the the Korean society is other context, they only see this particular happening very sensationalized of having so many Kopino children, every year and and narrowed down to then they try to connect it with Korean guys sex Kopinos being tourism, but that's it. That was it. That's why it only products of made the image of the Philippines very low.‖ relationships brought about by sex tourism, ―So, what do they think about these children, even if when in fact, it is not these children live very happy, very ordinary lives, the case. they already categorize Kopino, the word itself, the term itself shows they are marginalized. They are not In the Philippines, welcomed by Philippine society, but when you see Kopinos aren‘t as what's really happening in the Philippines, nobody discriminated as what cares. Who cares about Kopino? Honestly? Who they are portrayed to would care if you ask some people, "oh, what about be, or rather, the Kopino? Do you—what do you think about Kopino?" Philippine society is "What's Kopino?" not informed by their plights. Because nobody really cares. So there's really discrepancy of how they think about this News reports also phenomenon. Like this social phenomenon because have the tendency to when the media portrays it, they don't see the echo numbers and
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contextual frame, why it is happening, and why in the content from Philippines? They just burst out, "oh Philippines, preceding news more Kopino. Ah more Korean guys, more tourism." articles, even though Like these things.‖ sources aren‘t necessarily accurate. ―Some coverage also shows they try to connect this problem with child sex. In fact, there is one very big NGO, TacTeenNaeil. The very big NGO came here and then they, I think they had some communication with DSWD and also CFO, Commission for Filipinos Overseas.
So when they had discussion with these DSWD and CFO, their approach was a product of child sex. but it‘s not always right, because how can you generalize Kopino is really 100% related to gender issues only and child sex only?‖
―I think they also agreed that the approach was very wrong, so I think they didn't really cooperate with TacTeenNaeil so these biased media approaches just make it worse, but on the other hand, if you try to see some reports in English, it's also wrong because they also based on what was already reported, for instance, thirty thousand Kopinos!‖
―It‘s understandable, as a foreign correspondent, when you have to write a piece, so you look for the existing news report, ah, it says 10,000, maybe it‘s 10,000. Then over and over and over again. They just recycle, what was already put for the public so it just gets worse, and its useful if you can watch some Korean made shows, but it‘s in Korean. So if you can get help from some Korean friends or someone else.
I mean I‘m not saying they‘re very well made, but I‘m saying you can a tleast see printed media. And then on public TV media channels. And then some other independent media, how they really try to project these issues and the Philippines. Because the consequence what, what's worse is the image of the country and its always the Philippines. Whenever you watch the TV, it‘s just the Philippines.‖
―Because they need some piece to hook the readers.‖
(Do you think there is a disconnect between the actual situation and how it is portrayed?)
―Yeah! Like at first I said they don‘t see the context, they only see this particular phenomenon. There are
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Kopinos by Filipino mothers and Korean husband or partner. It‘s just a product of prostitution. Everyone here is a prostitute, and every Korean from Korea is a sex tourist. They're so good at generalizing this few. But if only they could see, why do Filipina mothers, or some Filipinas had to work in this sector. Why is this sector really not decreasing? And why does it (attract) Korean tourists so much? And who are these guys, and how they really come to the Philippines? Who are aiding these sex procedure? You really have to see. But these days, there are some uh, police reports that they really caught Koreans in the Philippines or some other countries, so now we can link it‘s not really one way phenomena, but there's a supply and there is demand and it happens. ‖
―Our earlier discussion when the multicultural families increase early 2000, they tried to call these children, Kosian. Korean-Asian. Like, it's very neutral. They couldn't really accept these days, they really call Korean, because the perspective has gradually changed, but if you really see late 90's, you can't really imagine how Korean Society is that closed.
Kosian was the term invented so these half Asian- half Korean, whatever Asian ethnic background they had, Kosian. They invented this word, Kosian, and then for sometimes, they really used it. To be neutral. Because, it's because Asian mothers, I mean Asian foreign brides were dominant compared to Caucasian, or African or other ethnicity. So this is one of the terms, Kosian, like Amerasian or Japino. And then Kopino, is as far as I know, was invented by Mr. Son. And then it was used past, around ten years after it was invented. So this has already fixed image when you call Kopino someone. It already has prejudice.
so, some other Korean-Filipino couple, really resisted calling their children Kopino because they don't want to be put in the same category. So, of course, there is nothing different, Kopino or Korean-Filipino children, whatever, but it since it already established its image and everyone knows some issues behind Kopino, its already stuck with that image. So we can really say the plight of KoPino children are really turned ever since.
Like Kosian, these days, people rarely use the word Kosian. It was at the beginning of policy making and
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then trying to open up, trying to embrace different ethnicities.‖
3. Lala, KCAI Admin Staff
Themes Insights Remarks Siguro yung kakulangan sa pera, kasi madalas Problems faced sa kanila yun yung hinihinging tulong, sa Education is one of the common by Kopino pagpapaaral ng mga anak, pagsustento sa mga aspirations of mothers that they families bata, kasi karamihan sa mga mother, iniiwan want their child to achieve—at ng mga Korean father, o kung hindi iniiwan, the same time, they find it napuputol yung communication. So yun yung difficult to provide such need ginagawa ni Mr. Son, parang nirereconcile o for their children. hinahanap yung mga tatay. Roles assumed by ―Yun, yung communication, isa na ‗yun. Si the NGO: a. Mr.Son, hinahanap niya yung tatay, o kung A limitation faced by the communication hindi naman hinahanap, cinocontact. Pero communication services is the madalas kasi, ang mga nanay, ang alam lang lack of basic information given nila yung name lang ng tatay. Hindi nila alam by the Korean father to the kung anong number…wala silang mga solid mother, which then becomes a evidence ba, or proof na background nung source of miscommunication. tatay.‖
―Oo, walang basic info, tama. Pero minsan nga, boyfriend na nila, hindi nila alam yung ganun.‖ (reason for miscommunication) b. education ―Yan yung educational assistance ng Kopino,
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nagpapaaral ng mga bata, nagbibigay ng Educational assistance is given, allowance. Pero assistance lang ha, hindi sagot but the limited funds also limit lahat. Kumbaga allowance lang yung the NGO from fully supporting nakakaya naming iprovide.‖ such cause. c. livelihood ―Livelihood, project para sa mga nanay. Pero The livelihood projects are still hindi pa siya nagagawa kasi limited yung on planning stage. funds.‖ Efficiency or ―Siguro, meron na kasing isang nakagraduate impact of at nakita ko na naging mabuti yung nangyari There is at least one case of a organization’s doon sa batang yun, kasi ngayon, HR na siya child who was able to achieve assistance sa isang company. Sa kanya, kung siya yung proper education which attests pagbabasehan ko, effective. Tsaka yung mga to the effectivity of the hinahanap na tatay, nakikita naman, as long as organization ; some younger may basic info at walang naging problema sa kids were also able to contact pagitan ng nanay at tatay. Kadalasan kasi their fathers through the nagkakaroon ng away mag-asawa, ganyan, communication services. kaya nagkakahiwalay.‖ Sources of ―Sa scholarship, mayroong nagsusupport na Only three donors constantly financial support dalawang Korean organizations sa Korea. support the NGO, with the Tapos si Mr. at Mrs. Son, nagbibigay din sila. founders included. Isa yung Nazareth Sacred Home, tapos isa yung KVL, Korean Volunteerism Organization ata, Korean-based pareho.‖ Constraints faced ― Limitado yung support namin, kasi ang by the pinakasustainable program namin ay yung Financial constraints prove to be organization scholarship, yung educational assistance the most apparent difficulty namin. Pero yung communication, at yung iba experienced by the organization. pang program, hindi masyadong nabibigyan This limits the expanse of the ng support. Limited lang siya for educational services that the NGO is able to assistance.—more on doon nabibigay.‖ give. The NGO, meanwhile, tries not to expose the faces of ―Siguro financial—number one. Kasi kung the kids in publicizing their maraming support na nanggagaling sa iba issues in order to respect their pang organization, o sa ibang lugar, mas privacy and dignity. marami pang matutulungan, Siguro ganoon, kasi sinasala rin nila, kasi diba meron naman na iba na gustong magsupport, pero naeexpose naman yung mga bata. Ayaw nila Mr. Son ng ganoon. Gusto nila tago pa rin yung mga bata, yung hindi kailangan picturan at ipost kung saan-saan.‖
(On whether donations or constant or not) ―Yung dalawa, constant naman. Bale tatlo, kasama yung mag-asawa. Two Korean-based na donors, tapos sina Mr. and Mrs. Son.‖ On possible ―Kadalasan nga yung Korean Embassy, yung collaboration of mga naghahanap ng tatay, pinapasa pa sa For Lala, collaboration between government and KCAI, sa organization namin.‖ the state and NGO is difficult NGO on the issue due to the bureaucratic
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―Hindi sila nagbibigay (ng tulong), strikto ang processes of the former. She Korean Embassy. Kasi meron ding problema believes that the NGO provides sa language, dahil Korean sila, tapos Pilipino, more direct assistance. hindi magkaintindihan. Kasi sa Korean Embassy, Koreans din ang nagtratrabaho.‖
―Siguro, possible. Medyo, kaya lang kasi sa gobyerno ngayon, parang nakakapagduda rin e. Pwedeng oo, pwedeng hindi. Pero sa tingin ko, parang malabo, kasi maraming hinihinging mga papeles yung gobyerno, kumbaga red tape. Eh sa amin more on, kapag nakita naming kailangang tulungan, tutulungan talaga. Hindi na kami nanghihingi ng maraming…bago mo tulungan, nakailang papeles na di ba, ganyan sa gobyerno e. (Sa org), mas direct na patulong, mas mabilis.‖
4. Rommel, KCAI Social Worker
Themes Insights Remarks Perceived problems of ―Sa Kopino kasi, yung iba, hindi na talaga Kopino families : nabibigyan ng sapat na education. Kasi, di The social worker perceives a. poverty ba, dahil Kopino sila, may mga cases dyan poverty as one of the main na, yung Korean, most of the time guy, problems of Kopino tapos Filipino women, magmimeet, minsan families, and attributes it to mabubuntis, iiwanan. So parang nagiging the fact that the mother solo parent na lang yung Filipina mother. solely raises the child, Parang lahat naman sila Filipina mother, without the help of the tatay yung Koreano. Ganun yung cases. father. He identifies that Bale, hindi sya natutugunan in a sense na some are really poor, while ano talaga, kasi single mom na lang.‖ others, slightly poor. As for living conditions, there are (On housing) ―Nakapagbi-visit naman some who live in slum kami, hindi lang lahat. Pero... meron din areas, while others live with talaga slum areas. Minsan meron din dun their relatives. Other tila ganyan lang o... napakaliit lang. Mga mothers strive to fulfill their ano rin lang yata siguro yun, mga 10 square children‘s needs through meters. ‖ working overseas. However, this is to the ―Majority (mahirap). Kasi yung iba meron expense of not being able to namang nag-aabroad yung parents. Ang guide the child as they grow
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problema, yung walang maiiwan sa bata. up. Yung iba (naiiwan sa relatives). Kaya lang, meron din sigurong... yung iba ayaw din sa relatives nila eh. Kasi siguro yung treatment din..‖
―Meron kasing poor talaga, meron namang slightly poor lang. Halos (lahat) came from a poor family.‖
―Pagpalagay natin yung magulang, medyo kinakapos ng konti talaga. Let's say kung ang needs ng mga bata ay, let's say, 100% siguro ang mga natutugunan siguro mga 60 to 75. Tantiya ko lang naman. ‖
―Food, naaanuhan naman, pero hindi yung tipong sagana. Na yung tipong pag ang bata gusto nyang mag-meryenda, hindi. Sakto lang yung almusal, tanghalian, hapunan. Napapakain naman, kaya lang, hindi yung pinakasatisfied.‖
―Meron kaming cases na kaya namang paaralin. Kaya lang, wala nga lang supervision. Kasi nag-abroad nga yung mother. Meron kasing hindi talaga kaya. Katulad nung meron kami dyang wala na talagang parents. Orphaned na talaga . Meron naman dyan, kasi kunwari siya yung unang anak, tapos may kapatid sya sa iba. Kumbaga half-sister, half-brother lang. Siyempre parang nahihirapan, siyempre ang hirap din sa pakiramdam nung kunwari, magtatrabaho yung napangasawa nung women, tapos meron siyang isang anak. Ang ipa-priority nun, siyempre, yung original na anak.‖
―Solo parent lang kasi eh. Tapos minsan nakikitira pa sila sa relatives nila. Siyempre pag nakikitira ka, kailangan mong makisama. Magbibigay ka pa, kung makikitira sila sa nanay nila, or sa tita nila, siyempre yung kung anong resources na meron yung nanay ng bata, ishe-share dapat...damay na lahat.‖ b. Longing for a ―Yung Kopino children kasi, longing din, complete family longing for, tingin ko ah, longing for a The main inner struggle of complete family. Kasi halos lahat sila dyan Kopino children is the talagang longing pa rin sila sa tatay nila eh, longing for a family, and it
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kahit sabihin mong wala nang pag-asa yung affects them emotionally, iba.‖ particularly with regard to their self-esteem. The ―Nakakaapekto yun. Yung isa sa struggle Filipino culture of a nila, siyempre yung self-esteem. Kunwari complete family sa mga lalaki, wala silang mapapagkuhanan exacerbates this need. ng sense of identity. Wala naman silang tatay eh. More on feministic side ng mother ang nakikita. So yun yung nakikita ko…yung brokenness ng family.‖
―Kahit mahirap, ano, basta kumpleto. (On importance of family relations)‖
―There's no one na nag-ga-guide sa yo. Yung tipong walang nagtuturo sa 'yo ng values. Kasi lumaki ka na yung nanay mo nagtatrabaho, tatay mo wala. Inabandon kayo or... Hindi naman pala lahat yan inabandon pala. Yung iba nawalan ng communication talaga.‖
On portrayal of some ―Ang mga organization kasi, actually isa sa organizations to the mga nakikita kong problema nila yun... For other organizations, the Kopino problem pero sa tingin ko wala naman sa... masyado drive to seek for donations nilang pinapabigat. Kumbaga hyperbolic often causes them to portray yung ginagawa nila minsan eh. Actually the situation as hyperbolic, bawal nga yung pi-picture-an nila yung which in turn compromises dusing-dusing. Kadalasan may mga the childrens‘ dignity. ganyang organization. Pero meron naman talagang very poor talaga. Pero not all... di naman lahat.‖ Reasons of abandonment / ―Meron kasing mga mother dyan na sila na miscommunication / mismo yung humiwalay sa Korean. Situations of Kopino breaking up of Kopino Kasi minsan cruel din yung…sa Korea, families differ on a case-to- families meron cases dyan na yung mother, case basis, and cannot be nainterview ko. Parang napunta sila sa sa generalized by mere arranged marriage. Parang meron yata products of sex tourism. In silang certain organization dito na nag- some cases, families break arrange ng marriage nila sa mga Koreans. up due to Nung mga unang taon siguro nagsama sila, miscommunication, nagkaroon ng anak, pero sa Korean culture maltreatment and lack of kasi, usually ang pinaka nagru-rule ay yung adjustment to cultural gaps, parents ng lalaki. lack of communication to the man‘s family after his Bali ang nangyari parang alila talaga siya, death, and other reasons as sinasaktan. Kaya yung iba, nagdecide na well. lang na kumalas. Yung iba naman, ah, umalis yung tatay, tapos nawalan ng communication. Wala, umalis, pumuntang Korea, naputol bigla yung communication.
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May ganung cases din kami, na yung tatay pumunta ng Korea, tapos yung sa bahay nila, na iniwanan, parang nasunugan. Tapos meron naman na, nabuntis. Nabuntis, nagkaroon ng relationship dito, tapos iniwan lang, ganun. Ta's meron naman dito na cases din na namatay na yung tatay.‖
―Sa mga bata na nandoon. Tingin ko mas madaming iniwan. Yung naghiwalay talaga yung parents. Common nga lang talaga yung nang-iwan. Atsaka yung "nag- separate.‖
On whether (On facial features) ―Asset pa nga yun kung discrimination occurs or minsan eh. Kasi actually yung nagiging As for their biracial not on Kopinos under the mas lalo silang nagiging good-looking eh. features, Kopinos do not Philippine society Okay naman (yung pagtrato). Siguro 'pag really experience a sense of bata, aasar-asarin, kasi singkit, pero pag discrimination or malalaki... okay naman. Iba talaga yung bullying—rather, the social itsura eh. Nag-iiba talaga eh. Lalo na kung, worker finds it an asset for uso pa ngayon yung mga Koreanovela. the children due to the Tapos medyo kamukha mo pa yung…may familiarity of Filipinos to mga guy kami diyan na good-looking, na Korean culture, such as parang mga pang-Koreanovela, parang Koreanovelas. He also nagiging ganun yung mukha.‖ notices that those who are mostly teased or ―Dito kasi sa atin sa Pilipinas, ang tingin discriminated are those of ko, ang aasarin din, maitim eh. Pag mas darker color. maputi ka, okay, mas asset eh. Pero pag maitim k, kung sa African siguro, na-mix, baka yun din, tingin ko, aasarin ng mga "baluga" yung mga yun.‖ Roles assumed by the ―Siguro, let's say twenty (yung nasa NGO: shelter). Pero yung twenty na 'yan, kaya ko a. Education and syang i-categorize dun sa scholarship. Kasi Around twenty kids are able shelter yung mga batang nasa shelter, beneficiaries to receive educational ng scholarship. Tapos meron ring mga bata scholarships from the na nasa labas na beneficiaries ng organization. Emotional scholarship.‖ assistance is also offered to the kids through conversations and check-up ―Kasi siyempre primary na dyan yung by the staff. Basic needs pagbibigay ng needs nila. Yung allowance, such as food and shelter are yung food, basic needs. Food. Shelter. Pero also provided, as well as minsan we provide yung parang mga allowances. emotional…inaaddress din namin yun eh. Lalo kapag nabu-burn out na yung mga By principle, the NGO bata.‖ seeks to build a collaboration with the
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(On supposed parent-NGO collaboration) parents, but they find it ―Parang ano, ah, pag may tumutulong lang, difficult to coordinate with parati na silang wala. Pero sa principle sana the parents. ng NGO, laging may counterpart na yung ano eh, parents.‖ As for schooling, a private school sponsors some of the ―Bali private school yung APEC, meron children, while the rest are kaming apat dun na wala na kaming enrolled in public schools in binabayaran sa tuition. Tapos... the rest sa Quezon City. ano na, sa public. Parang sumulat yata sa direktor nila (si Mrs. Son The NGO has also been ). Tapos na-grant naman yata yung striving to take the children (scholarship requests). Anim pala (yung to college. scholars).‖ From time to time, the ―Meron kaming dalawang college. Isa dito NGO tries to assimilate the sa UP, scholar. Isa naman, dun sa children to Korean culture Pamantasan ng Marikina, PLMar.‖ through activities such as learning Hangul, but this is ―Yung mga nasa shelter, talagang provided not consistent, since na talaga yung food nila eh. Tsaka teachers are only gotten allowance, tsaka gamit. Halos lahat na eh.‖ through volunteer basis. If there are no volunteers, the ―Meron pa nga church ang nagbibigay dyan program stops. eh. Church na ina-attend-an nila. Minsan nagbibigay pa ng allowance sa kanila yun The NGO believes in eh.‖ providing education first and foremost, for the ―Sa basic activities, simpleng observation founders see this as a key to sa kanila sa shelter. Mag-ii-spend ka lang improve the lives of the ng time sa kanila. Spend ka lang ng time, children and make them halimbawa sa mga problema nila, productive. makikinig ka lang. Tapos gawa ka ng action kung paano mo masosolusyunan. Tulad kahapon. May mga bata dun na mga teenage na, nagkakaroon ng conflict. Siyempre nagkakasamaan ng loob. Nag- iinitiate na rin kami ni Lala na, "kausapin natin!" Kumbaga, masabi nila sa isa't isa yung gusto nilang sabihin. Ireconcile natin, para hindi na lumala.‖
―Ngayon naman may nagtuturo na rin sa kanila ng Hangul. Sa ngayon consistent eh. For the past two months. Consistent naman. Nung nakaraan kasi nahinto eh. Wala na kasi yung nagtuturo eh. Kunwari kasi may pupunta ritong Korean, kaibigan nila Ma'am, or other friends, siyempre kung may iko-contribute sila, willing naman, pero for a certain period lang.‖
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―Ang goal talaga nilang mag-asawa which is talagang I admire, yung hindi lang makatapos yung bata. Talagang yung high- quality education talaga. Talagang yung yung ine-aim nila para sa mga bata dito. Kaya pansinin mo, yung naka-graduate, Lyceum. Tapos ito... may hoping, sa U.P. makagraduate yung isa namin. Yung isa naman, sa PLMar. Kung ang bata dito ay talagang masipag mag-aral, tsaka may potensyal, sigurado talaga. Ba-budget-an talaga nila lalo yun. Actually yung pagba- budget nila diyan minsan personal na eh... Even yun, personal na rin lang halos yan. Halos sina Sir na rin lang…sariling pera na nila halos yung ano ginagamit nila.‖
b. communication ―Kasi dito kasi sa amin, meron kaming communication. Di pa namin siya Due to the communication napapangalanan kung anong magandang gap commonly experienced ipangalan dun, pero for the meantime, by Kopino families, the generic term, communication. Merong bata NGO has offered assistance dun sa page, minsan magpapatulong, in order to re-bridge mahanap yung father nya. Madami din eh. families together. Ibig sabihin marami ring nawalan ng communication with their father.‖ c. livelihood ―Si Sir ngayon, isa sa mga goal nya (ang livelihood), may farm na yun eh. May The livelihood project inuupahan nang farm yun sa Pangasinan.‖ remains to be a goal of the organization as well, but ―Ang goal nya kasi talaga ay makapagtayo this hasn‘t been carried out. talaga ng restawran. Na ang restawran na A restaurant is the supposed yun, ang mag-ooperate ay yung mga outcome of the project, in mother. Para in a way na ano, self- order to help mothers sufficient na talaga yung mga mother. become self-sufficient. Parang sila rin yung tumulong sa anak nila. Parang kasi, ang problema rin kasi dun sa mga clients... Gusto nila, lahat na lang, iaasa sa NGO. Isa yun sa problema. Oo, mahirap sila. Oo, hindi nila kaya, pero minsan yung cooperation din... minsan yun yung nawawala sa kanila.‖ Donors and providers that ―Kasi ang nagiging sistema kasi dito, may help sustain the NGO’s magdo-donate. Tapos the rest silang mag- While there are some advocacy asawa na eh (Mr. and Mrs. Son). Meron donors who contribute to silang business, yung tinatawag nilang one- sustaining the organization, digital. Yung sa UP Shopping Center Lahat most of the money comes nung kinikita nun halos napupunta lang sa out from the funding of the mga bata.‖ founders.
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Constraints faced by the ―. Sa 'min kasi, ang nagiging problema sa NGO amin, inuuna talaga namin sila kesa sa Due to financial constraints, operation. Sa admin. Kunwari, let's say ano, the staff feel that their magbi-visit kami. Eh walang budget. administrative work is Alangan naman naman magvisit kami tapos being limited as well, such wala silang kakainin. Yung visit kasi, on as in profiling the order to know their situation. Tapos... background of the Kopino makapag-ano rin, kami ng recording. Ng families. parang, mga records nila. Kasi kailangan rin kasi sa DSWD yun eh.‖ The NGO is also limited in catering to others who need ―May lumalapit kaya lang hindi na rin help, since their lack of namin ma-cater yung iba. Meron na rin funds constrains them to. kaming mga natanggihan kasi limited lang The NGO‘s goals on yung budget eh. Kasi we are after din sa assisting are more of long- quality, not just the quantity. Kasi, ang term, thus they cannot dami mong bibigyan ng tulong, pero ang promise help to many ibibigay mo, kakarampot rin lang naman.‖ families / children.
―Siyempre, unang-una talaga dyan yung financial, kasi yung buong budget namin sa isang taon, hindi namin masecure eh. Kasi usually sa good strategy na dapat itong year Administrative work is na to, ready na yung budget mo. Dapat usually frozen to give way fixed na kung saan mo makukuha. Pero to catering to the needs of ngayon hindi eh. Hindi ganun yung the children, and financial scenario, kasi nagdedepend na rin lang din support is dependent on dun sa kiktain ng business nina Sir. So whether the business of the kung malaki yung kita, matutugunan talaga. founders is earning or not. Pero may season din kasi na mahina yung Financial constraints also shop, kaya yun.‖ limit the staffing of the organization, as well as the ―Ang epekto sa min (ng financial other projects that the staff constraint), more on sa admin. Dun namin would like to carry out for mas nararamdaman, kasi yung mga bata, the children. Most of the hindi na gaanong ramdam kasi sila yung funds are really allocated to priority. Napi-freeze yung trabaho namin. the basic needs of the Kaya imbes na mag-a-allot kami ng budget children. for visitation, eh kukulangin yung budget sa mga bata.‖
―Minsan, imbes na kumuha pa kami ng other staff, hindi na kami nakakakuha.‖
―Tingin ko financial lang talaga yung pinaka-major. Kasi kapag na-budget-an yung mga dapat budget-an, madami kaming project na pwedeng gawin eh. Kami ni Lala, ilang beses andami naming naiisip na
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gawin sa Kopinos. Pero hindi namin ma- implement. Yan, katulad ng camp. Gusto naming at least one to two days na retreat sa mga bata para marefresh naman sila. Kasi hindi lang naman komo binibigyan mo sila ng allowance, yun na eh. Kailangan din nila ng guidance. Kailangan nila ng guidance, yung may magtuturo sa kanila in life. Decision-making, how to face challenges...‖ ―Itong organization, hindi ito yung tipong The NGO tries not to katulad ng iba kung papansinin mo. Yung publicize the children‘s masyadong namamalimos for the faces in order to seek On the nature of the other..Kasi ine-exploit din yung mga bata. donations, because they organization with Naeexploit din kasi sila eh. Biruin mo, believe that overexposure is regard to respecting the tutulungan mo, magbibigay ka ng also a form of exploitation. dignity of the children kakarampot na halaga. Tapos ie-expose mo This is the same with yung mga mukha ng bata.‖ filtering out the donors and those who visit the ―Kasi tingin ko, yung dignity ng bata children. The NGO nasasagasaan din eh. Kasi we social believes that other workers, isa sa principles ng social workers organizations should try to na tinuturo ng mga prof sa amin: "Every avoid publicizing the ―dire man has a work in dignity." So kung... oo, situation‖ of Kopino mahirap na yan eh. Pero kung mahirap na families over and over, in nga sila, abandoned na sila, masyado mo order to preserve their pang inuulit-ulit sa media, masyado mo dignity and also to nang ineexpose yung kahinaan nila.‖ empower them.
― Si Sir Son kasi, medyo may prinsipyo kasi As a social worker, the talaga si Sir. Siya yung tipo na mapili sa interviewee also thought mga donors. Masyado niyang tinitingnan that a child protection yung exploitation ng mga bata. Kas sa policy for those who are totoo, isa yan sa mga nakakawindang being helped by minsan: kunwari, may donor na ganito, organizations should also magbibigay ng certain amount. Andami pa be implemented. niyang hihingiin na report sa 'yo. Andami pang gusto nila ganitong format, pagpalagay mo na na meron ka nang ibang donor na nanghihingi ng iba't-ibang format ng report, iba't-ibang anggulo, masyadong demanding, tsaka yung tingin ko, sa part ni Sir, yung exploitation siguro sa mga bata. Ayaw kasi niyang gamitin yung mga bata.‖
―Minsan bi-visit, tapos magpapa-picture sa Kopino, tapos sasabihin, ano, "you want to....you want to help this Kopino children?" Magreraise ng fund yung isang beses, isang round, tapos ibibigay kunwari sa amin...
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What if kung sa second round, nag-raise sila, hindi na nila ibinigay sa amin? Hindi mo na malalaman yun eh. Pero nakuha na nila yung kumbaga sa business, naging franchise na nila yung organization mo. Maraming ganyan eh, even sa church.‖
(Regarding other organizations that help Kopinos) ― Masyado nilang ineexploit kasi. Biruin mo, pe-present sa church. "Eto po yung mga bata na inabandona ng magulang, inabandona ng ganito," ipapakita yung mga pictures... minsan kasi may mga organization na the more na humihingi... na nagbibigay sila ng tulong, minsan nagiging demanding sila eh. Kaya nga isa sa gusto naming gawin, kung possible, makapag- raise kami ng child protection policy. Kasi sa naging trabaho ko, sa mga past organization na napagtrabahuhan ko, tsaka sa mga seminars na madalas kong na- attend-an, (about) child protection policy, you will make a policy na talagang mababantayan mo yung rights ng bata. Nakabase talaga siya sa mga rights ng bata.‖
―Sa part ko as a social worker. Makapag- establish kami ng child protection policy. Na yung policy na yun, mai-aapply talaga kung may magdodonate. Pag may mag- iinterview. Pag may magka-conduct ng study, para hindi masyadong exposed yung mga bata. May cases pa mga ganito eh: kailan lang to ah, yung picture ng bata namin, kinuha. Tapos ginamit pang- marketing. Ginamit na pang-raise ng fund. Parang: "Help The Kopino Children," tapos picture ng bata namin yung kinuha. Oo, kitang-kita (yung mukha!)‖.
―Wag na lang nilang ipakita yung picture. Parang by words na lang. Siguro pwede kang magpakita ng a little bit, siguro by presentation lang... not in the form of print...‖ On possible ― Pwede naman. Tsaka goal rin talaga collaboration of namin, kaya namin pinu-pursue yung Collaboration with the government and NGO DSWD, kasi sa DSWD, once na maging state, particularly the with regard to the member ka dyan, actually renewal na sa DSWD is possible in terms Kopino problem min. Nakapagpa-register na kami dati. of strengthening the Renewal na lang. So goal rin namin na networks of NGOs.
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makakilala kami ng ibang organization. Actually, yun naman talaga goal namin, Collaboration with the para hindi naman masyadong mabigat. government, itself, Atsaka collaborative, ganito mag-work however, is impeded by yung organization, yung mga NGO. To give many bureaucratic you an idea, since na-experience ko na sa processes which makes it work ko: yung mga NGO na yan, si ganito difficult for the NGO to kine-cater, sabihin natin, livelihood; si secure proper documents. ganito... ah, shelter ng streetkids, shelter ng Securing documents is ganyan. Minsan nagkakatulungan ng NGO. difficult, specifically in Pag hindi namin nake-cater, irerefer namin NCR, because there is no sa iba. Ganun sila nagtutulungan. Kaya lang assistance in terms of sa ngayon, wala pa. Wala pa kaming processing. gaanong koneksyon sa ibang organization.‖
― Kasi ang problema kasi sa kanila, 'pag hihingi ka na nga ng tulong sa kanila, ang dami pa nilang kukunin sa 'yo. Ang dami pang requirements, parang tinutulungan mo na nga sila, papagurin ka pa nila. Ako, maiintindihan ko, kasi social worker ako. They are securing yung organization. Kasi marami na rin ngayong sindikato. Mga pekeng NGO. Naiintindihan ko yun. Pero yung tutok nila sa yo? On how to comply? Minsan nagkakatalo rin eh. Nung sa Rizal pa ko nagtatrabaho, medyo mabilis. Pero dito sa NCR, medyo mabagal na, medyo mahirap na yung processing. Kasi dun sa Rizal, meron silang grupo dun na tutulungan ka talaga, how to comply dun sa requirements mo. Dito medyo mahirap eh. Parang kung may kakilala ka, mas madali eh. Kung may kakilala ka sa government, mas madali. Pag wala, madali lang namang tumanggi yang mga yan eh. Pag lmapit ka, sasabihin, "ay sa ngayon po kasi, hindi pa po namin alam, pero kunin po namin number niyo, if ever, tawagan na lang po namin kayo" – mga ganun.‖
On limited government action on the part of the ― Kung sa government kasi, consistent The programs mentioned Philippines naman yung mga program nila. Like yung by the social worker (such 4Ps, kaya lang, minsan yung mga mother, di as the 4Ps) cater mostly to rin naaaccess yun eh. Tsaka hindi rin naman the homogeneous needs of ganun talaga nako-cover lahat. Ng the population—for government.‖ instance, for the impoverished sector of the ―Actually, even in the Philippines, marami society in general. tayong magagandang batas eh. Ganun din
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yung DSWD, LGU... Pagdating sa models, Policies regarding child pagdating sa strategies, madaming protection were also masasabi. Andyan nga yung mga doctor, discussed, and the social doctorate pa nga yung iba dyan eh. May worker believes that it is mga master's degree. Pero tingin ko the lack of proper implementation yung problema. Pagdating implementation that sa policies, magagaling sila. In fact, dun nga remains to be the problem sa kanila ako kumukuha ng ideas eh. Ng in the country. While the mga strategies eh. Pag umaattend kami ng policies crafted are good in mga seminars, yung iba mga local paper, these are yet to government officials pa yung nagiging materialize well in terms of speakers eh. Magagaling sila, kaya lang, execution. Often times, implementation, tingin ko kinukulang. (on even the officials child protection policy)‖ themselves are confused with regards to ―Kunwari, may mga batas tayo na implementation. sumasaklaw sa rights of the child. Yung policy na yun, parang naka-ankla sa kanila. Parang kino-conceptualize or parang ginagawa nyang relevant sa organization. Katulad ng how to treat a child, ganun. Yung mga simpleng ethics. Kunwari sa amin, pag ako may kakausapin akong babae, yung bata. Hindi ako yung kaming dalawa lang. Minsan, most of the time, sinasama ko si Lala. Yung mga ganung klase.‖
―One time, um-attend ako ng DOJ meeting. Pinag-uusapan nila yung batas. Ano nga eh, kung sinong mag-iimplent, nagkakaroon din sila ng problema eh. Kasi parang forum sya. DOJ. Tapos pinatawag yung presence ng DSWD. Pinapatawag yung PNP. "O, pagdating sa implementation ng batas na 'to, sino yung manghuhuli? Sino yung mag-a- assess?"
Effectivity / impact of Kasi di ba, gaya ng nasabi ko kanina, na the organization to more on qualitative kami than quantitative, With regards to efficiency Kopino families we preferred na mas konti lang, pero and effect, while the NGO talagang maibibigay mo lahat, halos lahat is limited to catering to kaysa sa madami, pero gapatak lang. only a few kids, the social Actually mapalad nga sila sa ibang worker assured that their organization eh, mapalad sila in terms of needs are provided for very provision. Kasi sa ibang organization, well, and consistently. He medyo konti lang. Ang lamang nga lang finds the lack of staff as nila, sa staffing. Sa mga ibang organization, one of the setbacks, but lamang sila sa staff. Madami silang staff. finds being able to bring
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Pero kami konti lang. Pero yung mga bata, kids to school as an napu-provide naman yung needs. Pero sa advantage. number talaga ng mga successful, biruin mo, iilan lang yun, pero bibigat ng tinapos.‖
B. Mothers of Kopino children
1. Marie Park, 48 (not her real name)
Themes Insights Remarks Current living ―Ako nag-aalaga sa kanila (kids) ngayon, parang conditions in-house parent. Kaming mga mama, tumutulong Marie Kim, 48, is din kami sa mga gamit nila, halimbawa, mga… currently an in-house pero ang allowance nila, kay Ma‘am at tsaka kay parent in KCAI. She Sir.‖ assists in maintaining the shelter and looking after ―Bale kung sa labas ako, magtatrabaho din. the kids. Prior being an in- Maghanap ako ng katulong din, kasi hindi ako nag- house parent, she resided ano eh, high school graduate lang. Tsaka ano eh, in Mindanao, before being may edad na rin.‖ married to the Korean father. However, she went (On living conditions) ―Wala akong choice eh. Oo, back to the Philippines talagang ganon kami, probinsyana. Tapos nandito pregnant and raised her na eh. Tsaka malaking tulong naman na sa amin.‖ child alone. Due to poverty and only being ―Ano lang, syempre probinsya, mag-ano ng mga able to attain a high school baboy, mag alaga, magtanim tanim.‖ diploma, she finds it difficult to send her only ―Hanggang college? Hindi ko kaya. Magkano ang child to school, especially allowance niya, magkano lang din ang kita, hindi, in college, which is why hindi ko kaya. she is thankful to the Siguro, magkano ba ang pang college ngayon? organization. In the Magkano lang din ba ang allowance ko? So siguro, province, their livelihood stop muna siya tapos mag ano muna ako ng baka, includes farming and tapos magpapalaki. Kung asahan ko ang sahod ko raising animals. ngayon, hindi talaga kaya. Kaya ngayon, at least nandyan si Sir, aambag ambag na rin siya. Marie finds poverty as a Karamihan kasi ng mga mama dito, nasa ibang big limitation, specifically bansa, DH. Kaya hanggang college, with the lack of a proper nasusuportahan rin sila.‖ job, which is why she encourages the children to ―Balakid talaga ang kahirapan lalo na kung wala study hard. kang tamang trabaho. Kaya sabi ko sa kanila, mag aral kayo ng mabuti kasi para sa inyo rin yun. Iba Prior discovering KCAI,
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din kasi ang nakapagtapos. Yung mga kamag anak Marie engaged in informal ko din kasi, nakapag aral, yung mga kapatid ko, work, such as being a mga pinsan ko, todo kayod talaga.‖ house helper, doing the laundry, and even ―Ayun, nung nandun pa ako sa Paranaque, di ko na collecting garbage. She alam kung anong gagawin ko sa anak ko, kasi bago was unable to look after palang kami dito and hindi rin kami taga dito eh, her child, and was thinking sabi ko ano bang gagawin, uuwi nalang ba kami sa about going back to the Mindanao? Kung saan saan ko iiwan yung anak ko, province and giving up on babae pa naman. Halimbawa magkatulong ako, fixing their papers. bihira lang din naman ang isama ang anak. Natakot yung pamangkin ko (na nag-aalaga sa anak ko) kasi bata pa, na dalhin doon sa mga kaibigan niya, nakarating sa Baclaran, Paranaque. Ngayon, natakot yung pamangkin ko, sabi niya huwag na ako magtrabaho, umuwi na daw ako doon kasi yung anak ko, galain. Tapos ayun,umuwi nalang ako. Siguro sa Panginoon din, kasi grabe ang tiwala ko sa Panginoon, ―Lord, hindi ko na kaya. Ano bang gagawin ko dito? Mamasura nalang ba kaya kami.‖ Okay lang sana kung wala siya kaso nandito kasi siya kaya ang ginagawa ko is, ano, buti nalang yung ano, nahirapan ako kahit grade 1. Saan ako kukuha ng 5 piso, 10 piso? Kaya ang ginagawa ko, kung may magpatapon ng basura, ayun, hala para lang may mapag baon to. Ang nangyari is, okay lang sa probinsya kasi may kapatid ako doon, pero wala akong mahingian ng tulong dito.‖ Details about the ―Ayun, bale nagsama kami ng papa ng anak ko (sa Korean father and Korea) tapos hindi ko ma-ano. Grabe yung struggle Marie is one of the the familial tapos hindi pa ako marunong sa language. Sa migrant brides who got relationship unification (ko siya nameet). Sa Mass Wedding married under Reverend dati, 1990‘s. Kinasal kami dito tapos nag process Moon‘s Unification ako. Kasi pinapunta kami. Kasi dati, may Church. However, due to unification tapos doon ko na lang din nalaman na experiences in cultural and church unification pala tapos, marami kami, language gap, Marie went maraming Pilipina na may kasamang Korean back to the Philippines, noong time nung 1990‘s. Marami rin di with her mother-in-law nagkaintindihan. and husband knowing that (Nakarating ako ng Korea), tapos tumakas ako. she is pregnant. Bumalik ako dito, buntis.‖ In 2007, the father ―Sa unification, nagpa convert po ako sa amin. expressed efforts to take May nag invite po sa akin, unification church, mga his family back to Korea, pinsan ko din. Unang una, picture match tapos but the Embassy stopped personal match. Yung papa ng anak ko, pumunta accepting papers of dito sa Maynila, tapos kami rin, mula Mindanao, Unification marriages. The pumunta kami tapos nagkita kami, ayun pinakasal. child, however, was able Minamatch nung church.‖ to secure a Korean passport.
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―Oo, kinasal kami. Tapos umabot ng 2 years, doon na ako pumunta sa kanya. Pagdating ko sa kanya, After the difficulties in grabe, hindi ko maintindihan, tumakas ako. processing papers, the Nahirapan ako sa Korean.‖ father stopped communicating with Marie and her child, as ―(Nag-stay ako) sa Cheonan. Tapos pagbalik dito, well as in giving support, buntis na Six months na, 1999. Alam niya na buntis and according to the latest ako, pati yung biyenan ko. Alam nila. Tapos noong communication of the umabot nung 6 years, nagpadala ako ng picture ng father to Mr.Son, he is still anak ko, ng picture ko tapos tumawag ako doon, unable to face his family. sulat. Noong 6 years na, biglang nagpadala ng pera yung papa niya, ―Pumunta ka sa Maynila, mag The brother of the Korean process ka ng papers mo.‖ Kaso pag punta ko dito father also expressed noong 2007, di na matanggap yung marriage doubts on whether Marie‘s certificate ko kasi divorced na daw, automatic child is indeed his divorced na.‖ sibling‘s child.
―So pumunta din yung papa ng anak ko dito, tapos ayun nga, hindi na tinatanggap sa Korean embassy. Na stranded kami dito. Hanggang ngayon, hindi pa kami nakakabalik ng Mindanao, 10 years na.‖
―Kinukuha sana kaming dalawa nung 2007, bale may Korean passport na siya…‖
―Hindi na (nagcocommunicate). Pero noong 2007, sinubukan ko tsaka nung 2008, hindi na siya nag…pinabayaan na kami, buti nalang na-ano ko tong Kopino association.‖
―Yung kapatid naman niya yung humahanap. Pero yun nga, nagtanong kung totoo ba daw. Kasi ilang beses na natanong iyon, kahit noon pa, anak ba daw ng kapatid niya. Ang kapatid niya ang nagsabi ng ―Anak ba yan ng kapatid ko?‖ So si Sir, sabi ni sir para walang duda, sige ipa-DNA test natin. So ayaw na rin niya, kasi sabi ni Sir kapag positive, sila magbabayad. Eh automatic talaga na positive yun. Personal nga tinatanong nga ako ni Sir eh, kasi nung time na yung, alam din yun ng biyenan ko kaso hindi na matanong ngayon kasi ulyanin na.‖
― (On recognizing the child) Kinikilala naman niya, yung mga tiyuhin, mga uncle lang niya yung ano. Yung sa biyenan ko, ulyanin na rin. Alam naman nila na bago ako umalis doon, 3 months ako sa bahay nila. Pero nag stay pa ako sa center, ang tawag sa amin, training center din, nag stay pa ako doon ng mga 3 or 4 months, nag study ako doon
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Korean language tsaka traditional, kasi marami silang inexplain sa amin. So ayun, 3 months lang kaming nagsama, yung biyenan ko is okay naman tsaka ang papa nito, yung mga tiyuhin lang. Kasi ang papa, wala din trabaho, umaasa din sa kapatid niya. Farmers lang.‖
―(On financial support) Oo, dati. Ngayon, di na namin inano. Dati lang, yung time na mag process kami pabalik ng Korea, nung time lang na yun.‖
― (On whether the father is expressing efforts to communicate) ―Sa ngayon, hindi na. Sa last na sabi niya kasi kay Sir, ang sabi niya, hindi pa din daw niya kami kayang harapin mag-ina. Di ko alam kung may ginawa ba siyang paraan pero ang last na sinabi niya kay Sir, hindi pa niya kami kayang harapin.‖
Specific details ―Bago kami makapunta ng Korea, kailangan about the naming munang may ma invite na 3 dito sa Marie sees religion as the ―Unification Pilipinas. May madre na nga eh, ib-bless na nga eh, main reason why she Church‖ hala totoo ba talaga na mag asawa ka. Kasi doon, married the Korean. She kailangan mo talagang mag asawa. talks about how many Kasi yun na nga, bale, may divine principle. Bale Filipinas and other races may books din sila na parang bible. got married to Koreans Requirement ang mag asawa, tatlo nga ang iinvite through the matching of namin. Kasi nung 1990,mix! Nandun si reverent couples by the Unification nun, kinasal din kami sa unification nila. May Church. She says that American, may Korean na nag asawa ng Japanese, marriage is one of the babae man o lalaki. Matagal na pala yung divine principles of the unification, kasi yung pastor din namin, bale doon church. kami sa center, thru matching din. Malaki na nga ang mga anak niya eh, dati pa pala yun na ang ano, oo. Oo nagulat nga ako. Bakit ba kasi ano, ewan ko ba, sa spirit siguro ganon. Siguro nga, yung religion.‖ Specific details ―Mahirap. Ang lalaki sa kanila, halimbawa, bus. about Korean Ikaw man, matanda man, bata, ikaw man ay babae, For Marie, one of the culture as ang paupuin talaga ay lalaki. Healthy pa sila, lalaki. factors that made it hard experienced by Ganon ang ano nila sa Korea. Tapos kapag kumain for her to stay in Korea is the mother nanaman, kapag nakaupo na sila, bilisan mo na ang the masculinity of Korean pagseserve kasi yun talaga. Pero mababait naman culture. Brides also had a sila, depende nalang din. Pero karamihan sa mga difficult time adjusting to nag asawa doon, sa unification kasi minsan mag- the culture because of the gather kami, mag kwento-kwento sa mga buhay said factor, where females nila, mahirap talaga, mahirap. Minsan aabot ka ng had to serve males all the 3 to 4 years, doon ka talaga mahirapan kasi yun na time. Koreans were also nga ang iba, buti nalang nakapag tapos sila dito strict with money. kaya nagtrabaho sila doon. Maano din sa pera, matipid sila. Di sila basta basta magbigay.‖
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Experiences of ―Yun, may Filipina doon na tumakas, tinulungan other Filipinas talaga na tumakas sa pamilya niya. Pasang-pasa oo, Some Filipina brides also who got married kasi hinampas. Pini-picture-an pa niya yung mga experienced domestic through pasa para, kung may susunod sa amin, mga ka- violence under their unification batch, makita nila kung paano nga. Pero bumalik husbands. din ulit, hanggang sa marami na siyang anak, kahit pinalo palo na siya. Oo, naka paa na nga siyang tumakas doon.‖ Details about the ―Anak ko? Isa lang.‖ Kopino child Marie‘s child has been ―Oo, dito na (since magsimulang mag-asikaso ng staying in the shelter since papeles). Nung Grade 1, pinapaaral ko siya sa she was 8 years old. Paranaque pero nung Grade 2, dito na siya hanggang ngayon. Grade 9 na siya.‖ One of the difficulties faced by the child is with ―Pero pagdating namin dito (sa shelter), Grade 2 na her studies. As for being siya, 8 years old.‖ ―fatherless‖, Marie is thankful to Mr. Son, who ―May Korean passport na siya. Pwede makapunta treats her child and the siya ngayon tapos pag 18 na siya, siya na mag ano other children similar to kung anong citizen niya.‖ his own.
―Minsan magsabi siya sa akin na gusto niya The child, however, umuwi, napapagod na siya. Ano kasi dito, study expresses her longing to talaga. Pero oo, kumportable naman kami dito. see her father, especially Ayos lang naman kami dito pero more on study, since they were given study. Kapag Sabado, may Korean language, may news that the father got tutor sila. Kapag Linggo, kailangan mag church. into an accident. Pero kumportable naman siya dito. Kumpara naman, mas mahirap pa sa probinsya. Kasi marami naman tumutulong. Yung Korean church namin tumutulong din sila, nagbibigay ng pera.‖
―Minsan, yung iba daw, inaano talaga na walang tatay pero at least ayun nga, si Mr. Son, tinuturing na niyang mga anak niya. Kung anong hingiin nila.‖
―Yung anak ko, gustong gusto na daw makita papa niya, naawa daw siya sa sitwasyon ng papa niya (nahulog sa kahoy).‖
On the possible ―Sa ano, yun ang balita, yun ang balita sa mga discrimination Koreano pero sa mga Filipino, wala naman. Ano Marie finds that experienced by nga sila eh, proud kasi may ibang lahi. Pero sa mga discrimination only occurs Kopinos due to Koreano, parang down ang paningin sa Kopino.‖ on the side of Korean their biraciality society—specifically, she ―Hindi naman (problema dito), sa mga Koreano states that the Koreans talaga, iba ang tingin nila sa mga batang Kopino.‖ tend to look down on Kopinos.
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―Hindi naman siya natutukso, yung pagiging Kopino niya, okay lang.‖ In the Philippines, however, being a Kopino (Due to negative portrayal)―Noong una, yung mga is not an issue. She even Koreans kasi kapag Kopino, iba talaga ang mga says that the children find tingin nila sa bata, sa mga anak ng prostitute. Pero pride in their biraciality. hindi naman, hindi dito sa Kopino Association. Ewan ko lang sa mga iba, ano na daw kasi, hundred hundred na parents ang may Kopino. Kami 70+ kami dito last last year pa eh, 70+ kami pero yung mga story, hindi ganyan na sa bar, karamihan hindi naman.‖
Details about how ―Kung ako lang mag-isa, baka hanggang the NGO helps the highschool lang tapos mag stop muna siya, mag Marie recognizes that it Kopino families aano muna ako ng baka kasi mahal din ang baka will be difficult for her to doon sa probinsya. Kaya laking pasalamat ko na send her child to school nakita ko din tong Kopino Association.‖ alone, and is thankful to the NGO for helping her in ―Yung kapitbahay naming, nagtrabaho pala sa terms of providing Korean Immigration, ayun, sinabi niya, yung mama education to her child. niya is kaibigan kami. Ang sabi niya, ―Mar, ang anak ko may kakilalang Kopino Association. Sige She narrates that she knew kapag may time ka, dalhin mo yung mga papers about the NGO through a mo na katibayan na ang asawa mo or anak mo ay neighbor who worked at Kopino siya.‖ Ayun, sa awa ng Diyos, sa tulong the Embassy. din ng Panginoon, Ang anak niya ay lalaki, so ayun, naghingi ako ng tulong, sabi niya,‖Sige Marie also talked about punta tayo doon.‖ Dito na si Sir, pero wala pa tong the various forms of building na to, nag rent lang sila before. So ang assistance that the children ginawa ko, nagpunta ako dito, ayun, natanggap get from the NGO. She naman ako ni Sir. Nag ano muna ako ng 6 to 8 affirms that the children months, nagpa member muna ako, nag Grade 2 na are being assisted in terms yung anak ko, ayun, iniwan ko na siya dito.‖ of healthcare / when they‘re sick. (Forms of assistance) ―Ahh, pag ano, may nagkasakit sila, o pabunot ng ngipin. Ahh, depende She also talks about how rin (sa ospital). Kapag malaki laki na, kailangan na the NGO has been din naming dalhin. Pero kapag lagnat lang, pwede strongly supporting the kami mag request. Pero ano lang, kami. Oo, educational needs of the financial assistance (kapag may sakit sila). May children. The NGO talked nagka dengue nga dito eh. Ayun, sinugod ni to a private school in order Ma‘am, walang mama , tapos may staff kami. Si to secure some Ms. Lala ang nag asikaso. Dalawa yung nagka scholarships, while those dengue dito.‖ who aren‘t accommodated were enrolled in public (Education ―Oo. Lalo na. Suportado talaga yan ni schools. Ma‘am. Sa pag aaral nila, mga public school naman to. Yung sa apat ko ngayon, tawag nun, sa As for the shelter, Marie APEC, private school siya. Tapos nagpa-assist sila, said that it was built by sa may ari, wala silang bayad.‖ Korean volunteers, while
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the lot has been rented on (On shelter) ―Ah etong bahay, ang nag build nito, a five year contract. mga Korean volunteers pero ang lupa, inuupahan namin. May bayad ito. Every month. 5 years na Mothers collaborate with contract. the NGO in terms of helping their kids with extra allowances. The ―Ay oo, laking tulong talaga. Yung sa pera, okay shelter was also helpful to lang din kasi kung may ma i-request nila, maibigay other mothers who found naman.‖ jobs abroad as domesic helpers and cannot look ―(Yung nanay, nagcocontribute sa) mga ano nila, after their child. extra allowance, mga gamit nila sa school. Oo, tumutulong naman, yung may mga nanay. May Mr. Son also assists the patay na ang nanay tapos hindi ma-contact contact Kopinos in terms of ang tatay. So lahat lahat ng mga ano nila, kay helping the child gain Ma‘am at kay Sir. Dito na sila lumaki, 5 years Korean citizenship (mostly palang nandito, hanggang ngayon, nandito pa rin.‖ for securing papers).
―Kasi ang mga mama dito, nag DH nga eh. Tapos may iba naman, may edad na, di na talaga makapag-ano ng trabaho. Yung isa naman naming, helper din sa Korea. Yung iba, nangingibang bansa yung ibang mama. Karamahan din dito, hindi na nag asawa, so sila lang ang nagpapalaki sa anak nila.‖
―Yung ibang nanay, nagtatrabaho. Kahit ano nalang na trabaho dahil kailangan din naming mag assist. Pero karamihan, pa extra extra, walang permanent.‖
―Ang gusto nga ni Sir, na kahit baby pa ang mga bata, i-Korean citizen na sila. Yun ang unang unang ginagawa ni Sir. ― Assessment on the ―Oo, malaking tulong. Hindi basta-basta, malaki degree of the talaga. Kasi sa ngayon, mahirap talaga ang For Marie, the NGO has NGO’s assistance magpapaaral, lalo na sa akin, walang nag aassist sa greatly helped her and the akin. Yung iba kasi nag-asawa ang ibang nanay other Kopino families. She nila, ako hindi na. Marami rin kami dito na hindi stresses that it is difficult na nag asawa talaga, nag-focus nalang sa mga bata. to bring her child to Yung iba din, nag asawa para may makatulong. school, and believes that Pero ako, malaking malaking tulong talaga. Hindi the degree of education yan maabot ng anak ko, kung hindi dahil sa Kopino that her child is being able Association. Oo, nag aral nga siya ngayon, private to access right now is nga eh. Saan kami kukuha nun?‖ mainly due to the NGO‘s help. ―Malaki talaga na nandito ako sa Kopino, iba talaga. Kung wala ako sa Kopino, hindi ko alam She also believes that it is baka nag asawa na yan, napariwara na kasi hindi helpful that her kid is ko talaga alam. Malaki talaga dito. Makikita kasi being exposed with other
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ang kalahi nila, ganun ba ang itsura, ang layo Kopinos, who are in the namin, probinsya kami, hindi naman kami same race as her, and that makakita doon ng Koreans. At tsaka sa language they are also being din, tinuturuan sila ng Korean language.‖ exposed to Korean culture, through Korean language ―Para sa akin, 100% siguro. Oo, 100% talaga, i- classes, for example. compare ko sila, hindi naman sila mahirap o ano. Kasi sabi nga ng boss namin, hindi naman kayo as Marie even rates the in dito kawawa, as in. Sa tingin naming, middle providence of the NGO to lang, hindi mayaman, hindi mahirap.‖ 100%. She states that they are able to live comfortable lives under ―Oo, kumportable talaga sila kasi hindi naman sila the shelter. pinapahirapan, wala silang kahirap hirap dito. Mag study lang sila, okay na sa kanila. Tumutulong sila As for communication, sa gawin dito, okay lang, kung hindi naman, okay Marie attests that Mr. Son lang din, so ano pa bang hahanapin nila na has been instrumental in kumportable na buhay?‖ re-bridging many Kopino families, and being able to ―Sa akin naman kasi, tinutulungan naman ako ni secure Korean citizenships Sir. Marami na rin natulungan ang Kopino na for the children. nakarating na sa Korea dahil kay Sir, nakita na nila ang papa nila. Kahit baby pa nga eh, nag-aano si The NGO‘s help, however, Sir ng paraan para maging Korean citizen ang mga is limited to some, because bata, citizenship tsaka makapagtapos sa pag aaral.‖ the NGO is trying to cater to those who need their ―Marami sana ito, marami pa sana nag makapunta help the most (especially dito, marami pa ang gustong mag stay dito, kaso due to the financial inano talaga ni Ma‘am at Sir na pinipili, hindi constraints). naman sa pinipili pero yung wala talagang matakbuhan, yung wala ng mama, wala ng papa. Kasi yung iba dito, patay na talaga ang mama, tapos nag aasawa ulit ang mama. Ang priority talaga ni Sir, kasi ang iba din dito ay okay naman. Yung ibang Kopino ay okay naman talaga as in. Ang priority nga dito ay yung wala talagang matakbuhan, as in. Alam naman kasi nila na malaki din ang tulong sa kanila.‖
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2. Jane Kim, 36 (not her real name)
Themes Insights Remarks Current living ―Nagrerent ako sa may bandang Manila tapos siya conditions dito tapos mayroon kaming bahay sa Laguna. Tapos Jane, 36, lets her relatives yung dalawa kong anak nasa Makati, sa kapatid ko take care of her kids as she naman, kaya hiwalay. seeks different temporary Kaya nga hindi lahat, yung isa nabibigyan ko. Hindi jobs in order to sustain sa lahat ng oras, nabibigyan ko. Minsan eto muna, their needs. She works as a sunod nalang siya o kung sino mas tour guide, or sometimes nangangailangan, ganon. Minsan wala rin ako, in processing faux talagang ni cellphone, wala. Kaya malaking tulong documents with her talaga tong Kopino sa anak ko.‖ Computer skills, as she was able to reach an ―(Work) Ano lang, sideline-sideline lang. Kasi undergraduate in Comp before mayroon kaming travel agency, nagtotour Sci in terms of education. kami ng mga Korean around the Philippines. So nakakapagsalita naman ako ng Korean, dito naman Even tour guiding isn‘t a ako sa Maynila lumaki, kaya alam ko na kung saan regular job, since she only pwedeng dalhin yung mga tourist. Doon scouts for customers who nagkakaroon din ng mga tip tip, ganon. Minsan look lost or who look like kapag mayroon nagpagawa ng mga documents, they need help. She finds yung mga mag aapply, kaso ano yun, mga fake the lack of educational parang Sta. Mesa. Oo, mga barangay certificate, attainment and being police clearance ganon, kaya kong gawin yon kasi overage as factors in not nakatungtong naman ako ng college. Nag CompSci being able to find a decent ako. Undergraduate ako ng CompSci.‖ job.
―Sa ngayon, unemployed ako. Wala akong She admits that she is not pinapasukan, talagang hanap-hanap lang ng satisfied with their current diskarte, ganon. Raket-raket lang. Talagang pag living conditions, but is totour guide, sama-sama sa isang, halimbawa happy that her children are dadalhin mo sa Puerto Galera, ganon. able to go to school.
(On looking for clients) ―Halimbawa, upo ako, Even her providence of nandyan lang ako sa kanto, maya-maya may financial support to her makikita kang yung, alam mo ba yung bagong salta, children is not constant. A yung titinga-tingala, yung titingin-tingin, so alam lot of times, it frustrates mo na na bago dito tapos tatanungin mo na ―Are her that she cannot give
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you looking for someone or some place? Are you what her mother (who lost?‖ yung ganon, ―Can I help you?‖. Minsan takes care of some of her mayroon suplado, yung parang takot na takot. Kala kids) needs for the mo diba? Tatakbo na agad. Mahirap din, hindi yun children. basta-basta.‖ Sometimes, when she is home in the province, she ―Kailangan talaga nila yung mayroong natapos eh resorts to fruit-picking and saka ano, overage na ako, kung gustuhin ko man garbage collecting in order mag apply na sales lady, kahit sabihin nila na wala to raise some money. She sa itsura mo na 36 ka na ganon diba. Eh pag submit admits that she will not be mo naman ng mga papers mo, doon ka naman able to raise her kids alone lalagapak diba? Ilang taon ba ang ano, ang sales without the help of her lady? Minsan 18 to 26, diba? immediate family.
Education is her main (On whether they are satisfied with their living aspiration for her children, conditions) ―Siyempre hindi pero sa ngayon yung in order to escape out of mga anak ko hangga‘t nakakapag aral sila, masaya poverty. na ako dun. Kaysa naman, doon lang ako malulungkot kapag nahinto yung pag aaral nila, na alam kong matatalino naman sila, sayang.‖
―Mahirap talaga. Minsan pupunta yung nanay ko sa akin, ―Neng, wala nanaman, may sakit na yung anak mo, ganito‖ yung bunso. Pag may pera talaga ako, bigay ako, bibigay ko lahat pero pag talagang wala, ako na lang yung nagagalit na sa sarili ko na ―wala akong mabibigay, anong gagawin ko? Sunod ma, wag ka nalang basta-basta pupunta rito, parang awa mo na, wala naman akong ibibigay, pamasahe..‖ gumaganon nalang ako. Tapos hindi ko na lang siya naihahatid palabas kasi nga masama yung loob ko na aalis yung nanay ko, wala man lang akong naabot, yung ganon. Pero pag mayroon naman akong pera, ―B‘at kaya hindi pumupunta si mama?‖ Nagtataka ako. Tapos pag pumunta, ―Ngayon ka pa pumunta, wala na akong pera, hinihintay kita…‖ ganon ganon.‖
―Nandyan talaga yung ni pang PE Uniform, wala talaga. Talagang ―Ma, yung teacher ko, tinatanong kung kalian daw ako mag PE Uniform‖ ―Wala pa tayong pambili nak eh.‖ yung talagang ganon, yung puro pasensya nalang.‖
―Mahirap talaga. Kasi wala akong trabaho, diba? Hindi ka degree holder na magyayabang na ayoko na diyan, dito nalang ako papasok, wala kang inaasahang sahod, hahagilapin mo pa. Noong nasa Laguna nga ako, tanghali na wala pang bigas,
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ginawa ko umakyat ako ng ano, star apple, caimito, sabi ng Nanay ko ―Jane, tanghali na mahangin na, bumaba ka na diyan!‖ Makakakuha ko, mga mahigit apat na kilo, ibebenta ko ng 20/kilo may mapambili lang ng bigas ganon. Ang hirap talaga, parang iikot ako sa buong paligid, mas malawak pa dito, hahanap ako ng plastik, bakal, ibebenta namin, talagang lahat iisipin mo.‖
―Siguro hindi talaga (kayang buhayin ang anak mag-isa), lalo na kung wala yung magulang ko, hindi talaga. Pero kasi nakikita ko, ako, gusto ko mag aral, nakikita ko kasi yung maitutulong sa‘yo ng edukasyon eh kaya sinasabi ko sa anak ko na, kapag hindi na ko nakakapaglakad, pwede ka na mag asawa. Unahin mo yung pag-aaral mo kasi ako nga hanggang ngayon nga gusto ko pa din mag-aral kaya huwag mong sayangin yung chance. Kahit nga niluwal na kita, nag aaral pa ako sabi kong ganon sa kanya noon, kaya tuloy mo, huwag kang hihinto. Lalo na‘t may opportunity na ganito, na tumutulong, hindi lahat nabibigyan ng ganitong tsansa, huwag mong sayangin.‖
Details about the ―Na meet ko yung father niya, sembreak noon eh. Korean father College. Kasi father ko noon, time niya sa Jane‘s determination to and the familial Mandaluyong, pulis siya. Ngayon, lima kaming study brought her to work relationship magkakapatid tapos parang hindi ako naaasikaso, in one of the Korean yung para sa akin. Gustong gusto ko mag-aral noon, karaokes in Makati. so ginawa ko, naglayas ako, buyo na rin ng kaibigan ko. Tinulungan naman nila ako. So para Despite meeting in a masustentuhan ko yung pag aaral ko, nagtrabaho Korean karaoke, Jane and ako sa Korean karaoke pero 1 month lang ako doon, the Korean father actually na meet ko na yung asawa ko. Karaoke, sa Makati. were able to establish a Korean karaoke. Entertainer lang. Tapos nag-aaral relationship and eventually ako sa umaga pagdating sa gabi, pasok ako doon, got married. The Korean talagang mahirap din. Pero 1 month lang din naman was a Singapore-based ako doon nagtrabaho tapos umuwi na ako sa amin tour guide who was kasi in-advise ako ng asawa ko na ―pangit yun, uwi training to work in the ka na sa pamilya mo‖ ganon. Mabait kasi siya.‖ Philippines as well. Eventually, he and Jane ―Talaga namang normal na boyfriend-girlfriend got married with the kami noon. Walang perang ano. Lalabas nga kami, permission of both sa Harrison Plaza kami magde-date. Ang pera niya families. While Jane‘s may maliit lang na dollar tapos ako may peso. Sa grandfather was initially akin siya magpapapalit, yung ganon. Tapos skeptical on the foreigner, namanhikan talaga yan sa amin.‖ the latter was able to prove his intentions. ―Parang nagte-training siyang mag tour guide dito sa Pilipinas kasi tour guide siya before sa Singapore. The Korean‘s family has Matagal siya doon, 6 years siya doon.. Tapos may also been welcoming
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asawa siya before pero divorced, wala silang anak. towards Jane and her Hirap kaya noong bago kami nakasal. 20 lang ako children. They were fond noon tapos hahanapan pa ako noong singleness of the children, and used proof na wala akong asawa.‖ to constantly visit them.
―Tapos tuwing nanganganak ako, yung mga birth As a husband, Jane certificate ng mga anak ko tapos kopya ng marriage narrates that the Korean contract namin hinihingi ng in-laws ko tapos was responsible and that sinisend sa Korea. So alam ko mayroon silang (yung they were able to have a mga bata) dual citizen.‖ good life at some point, until the man got ―Sabi ng lolo ko, baka dati daw kasi yung mga diagnosed with illnesses dummy, yung mga Japanese, yung inaasawa yung and until they got bankrupt mga Pilipino lang, para lang makapag business- due to their former business dito. Baka daw gamitin lang ako sabi ng employees. lolo ko. Sabi niyang ganon, ―Huwag pakikita sa akin hangga‘t hindi siya pinakakasalan noong Koreano After the man‘s death, na yan, tatakwil ko siya‖ sabing ganon. Nanganak Jane had lost na ako kay (name of child), December, nakasal communication with the kami, March 15, 2001.‖ Korean‘s family due to language gaps. However, ―Para lang magmano siya sa lolo ko, ganon siya she affirms that the family kabait, matino. Ang dami kong nakilalang Korean was very accepting of her na talagang, excuse lang ha pero yung mga walang- and the children. hiya talaga. Kasi kung Makita mo kung paano sila mag-utos puro ―Yah! Yah!‖ mga ganon. Iba yung ugali talaga nila, walang respeto. Bibihira lang ako makakita ng Koreanong ano, talagang tao. Isa na doon ang asawa ko.‖
―Sobrang saludo ako sa kanya bilang asawa at saka tatay, lalo na sa pagiging tatay. Andyan yung ayaw na ayaw niyang ilalabas ko yung bata kahit na itatakas ko , ―No no no! Very polluted.‖ Sabing ganon. Gusto niya yung may service kami. Pero kasi talaga yung sa bata, unang apo kasi yan sa side nila. Unang meet ko nga sa parents niya sa airport, yumakap sa akin yung tatay niya, umiiyak ―Thank you, thank you.‖‖
―Talagang naging maganda naman yung buhay namin, yung pagtutulungan naming nagkaron kami ng kotse, nagkaron ako ng credit card naman, may savings account ako na may dollar. Doon talaga (nawala noong magkasakit yung asawa). Saka ano rin, yung mga kinuha niyang tauhan kaya nga nasabi ko maraming walanghiyang Korean. Biro mo pinakain mo na sa palad mo, tinuka ka pa. Kinuha niya sa Korea, walang kamuang-muang dito sa Pilipinas, tinuruan niya mag guide dito so yung English learning center
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naming, 2nd and 3rd floor, yun. Sa taas, doon sila nag stay, parang dormitoryo nila. Libre lahat, habang nag t-training sila, nag gguide paminsan-minsan, Noong nasanay sila, natuto, dito kami naka- kontratang shopping center, sa iba dadalhin. Ngayong nakapamili na, dadalhin na nila kung saan naka kontrata. Makakabili pa ba yung guests? Diba wala nang pera nakabili na sa una so wala nang pumasok na komisyon sa agency namin.‖
―Before naman ,kahit namatay na ung father nila, kasi ang hirap, hindi marunong mag English yung side ng father nila eh. Tatlo lang silang magkakapatid na lalaki, gitna yung asawa ko. Yung panganay, hindi marunong, well konti, divorced siya, walang anak. Yung lolo nila talagang hindi marunong mag English. Yung bunso, may pamilya na hindi rin marunong, saan ka hihingi ng tulong? Saan ka pupunta doon, diba? Noong una nagpapadala, sa kanya dumiretso, hindi ako nangingialam, hindi ako kumokontak doon, pero nahinto na. Oo, hanggang siguro sa makakaya nila, sinubukan naman nila (sumuporta). Ako, pasalamat na ako doon basta kinilala lang nila yung mga anak ko diba?‖
The mother’s ―Marami (ang abusado). Na tingin nila ay sila yung thoughts on mas matalino, mas ma-pera. Lamang lang sila ng Jane, however, narrates Koreans in pera sa atin kasi diba Samsung, LG puro Korean yan that she was also able to general eh. Eh sa atin ano ba? OFW lang, diba? (laughs) encounter many rude Ngayon doon sila yumabang, ganito sila, ganito Koreans who think that tayo. Kaya kung makapag utos-utos sila ganon na they are better than lang pero mas matalino tayo kung tutuusin.‖ Filipinos due to their economic strength. Details about the ―Eto, yung panganay ko, 16. Top 1 siya, matalino Kopino child yan eh. Honor student, yan yun.: The Kopino child didn‘t want her mother to re- ―Hindi naman ako nakasal ulit. Sa una lang kasi marry, implying that there ayaw nila (ng mga bata). ―Mama, pwede ka mag is possible discrimination boyfriend, huwag ka lang magpapakasal.‖ Kasi sabi or bullying in school on niya, ―Paano pag umattend ka ng class meeting? broken families. Sasabihin ng classmate ko, bakit iba yung last name mo sa mother mo?‖ yung ganon. So para wala ng issue, sundin ko nalang sila.‖
―9 (siya nung namatay ang papa niya). Kaya nag matured nga yan kaagad eh.‖ On the possible ―Hindi naman sila kinakantsyawan. Kasi ano na eh,
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discrimination bago Korean, madami nang American, Japanese eh, Jane states that the faced by the child diba? So parang normal na sa Pilipino yung may children do not really due to his / her mga ganong lahi, so okay naman. Buti nalang experience discrimination biraciality nangyari sa amin, yung hindi kami yung una. Yung in terms of their being mga kasagsagan palang ng mga GI, yung mga Kano, Kopinos, because tignan mo yung buhay nila noon, nilalait, Philippine society has pinagtatawanan, yung mga ―Anak ng Kano yan! been used to mixed-race Putok sa buho‖ hindi nila kilala yung mga tatay children. nila. So sabi ko naman sa kanila, bakit ka mahihiya? kilala mo tatay mo, dala mo apelido ng tatay mo diba? naging mabait sa‘yo ama mo, bakit mo ikakahiya lahi nila?‖
Details about ―Yung education naman, kampante naman ako na how the NGO tutuloy niya. Nakita ko naman, nakapunta ako dito, helps the Kopino safe naman siya, kampante naman ako.‖ Jane asserts that the families assistance that she was ―Dito siya naka-stay (sa shelter)? Oo. Etong last able to observe in her school year lang. Mag 1 year pa lang siya dito.‖ child‘s one year of stay in the shelter were on ―Para sa akin, malaking tulong na yung tinutulungan education and food. She nila yung anak ko. Okay na sa akin yung kahit wala also appreciates how the ako, hindi naman ako naghahangad. Education NGO isn‘t strict to ganon. Binibigyan naman siya ng allowance dito. mothers who visit their Hindi naman sila mahigpit. Wala naman silang children, and said that it is rules-rules na bawal yung may bisita, kailangan open at all times. isang bisita lang ganon. Tignan mo parang pamilya talaga. Biro mo, ilan na kami dito ha. Natulog na She also observed how the kami ng ilang gabi dito, naranasan ko na din NGO tries to incorporate matulog dito, dalawang beses. Maganda dito, Korean culture to the welcome.‖ children in terms of introducing them to ―Sagot nila yung education at pagkain, hindi lang Korean food and holding talaga nagugutom. Minsan may times na mapili Korean language classes. talaga sa pagkain yung mga bata ayaw yung ganitong gulay, kasalanan na nila yun kung bakit di nila kinain, magugutom sila diba? Pero pagdating sa pagkain, minsan nagluluto din daw sila ng Korean food dito. Talagang pinapa feel pa rin daw ng Kopino na may dugo kang Korean kaya kailangan mo pa din maramdaman na kumain ng Korean food, yung ganon.‖
(On introducing Korean culture) ―Every Saturday, meron silang Hangul class.‖
Assessment on ―Parehong malaki yung impluwensiya at malaki the degree of the yung impact. Kasi kung wala sila, baka yung anak Jane believes that the NGO’s assistance ko, tambay nalang. Hindi ko kasi kaya silang NGO has a big impact in pagsabayin mag-aral. Kung sa pagkain pa nga lang the education and basic
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ng tatlong beses sa isang araw, doon palang X na, needs of the child. Despite fail na eh, ano pa kaya yung mapag aral sila?‖ some delays on allowances, she commends ―Hindi ko naman masabi na laging on time, minsan the NGO for trying to nga daw na dedelay yung allowance nila pero kahit fulfill the needs of the papaano, tina-try naman nila ibigay kung ano yung children as much as they kailangan ng mga bata dito, so yun lang naman. Sa can. pagkain, lagi naman mayroon dito eh, pupunta kami mayroon namang mga bigas. Kaya magaling yung She has been hearing KCAI, marami pa silang matutulungan na mga bata rumors about the NGO at magulang.‖ profiting from the kids, but says that she doesn‘t ―Effective kaso ano, sabi ng nanay ko, ito ay tago. believe such case, since Kasi parang may mga issue, parang ginagamit lang she sees how helpful the to para mapagkakitaan. Pero tingin ko hindi naman organization is to the kasi nakakatulong naman. Tapos sila pa masama. children. Ganun naman lagi, ikaw na yung gumaw ang maganda, ikaw pa yung napasama.‖
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3. Cecilia Santos, 41 (not her real name)
Themes Insights Remarks Current living ―Sa ngayon, naging okay ang buhay ko ngayon conditions nung mayroong tumulong sa akin na DSWD, Cecilia attributes her nakasali ako sa 4Ps, nabigyan ako ng pagkakataon current living na makakuha ng trabaho. Napagtraining nila ako. conditions to programs Nagamit ko yung pagtretraining na yun : that she was able to nakapagtrabaho ako, nasusuportahan ko yung mga avail from the anak ko. Anim kasi ang anak ko e, pero yung anim government— na anak kong iyon, hindi naman iisa ang tatay nila— specifically, she cites bale sa anim na iyan, dalawa sa una, dalawa sa help gotten from pangalawa, dalawa sa pangatlo. Sa ngayon naman, DSWD through 4Ps wala kasi akong kasama sa buhay. Ako yung and job trainings. Right kumbaga pinaka-tatay at nanay sa mga anak ko. now, she is a security Itong pagkakataon na pagiging security guard ko, guard. pinahalagahan ko. Pumapasok ako ng trabaho. Maski sabihin nila na sa trabaho ko, mahirap, okay Cecilia hails from an lang, kasi ang gusto ko lang, mapag-aral ko iyong impoverished family. mga anak ko. Mabigyan ko rin ng kinabukasan nang Despite wanting to hindi matulad sa akin. Dati kasi ako, hindi rin ako badly go to school, she mapag-aral ng mama ko.‖ was not able to, due to poverty, and only ―Sobrang hirap namin, hindi ako nakapag-aral, finished up to third year nakapagtapos. Pinilit ko makapag-aral ng high school. In her highschool, makatungtong. Pumapasok ako na desperation to have a walang baon, kasi gusto kong makatapos. Nung better life, she thought time na ‗yon na nakapag-aral ako ng third year, that marrying would be tuwang-tuwa na ako doon. Pagkatapos kong mag- the solution, but she aral ng third year, bale nasa province ako noon, was wrong—she lumipat ako doon kasi sobrang hirap dito, wala na realized that at 16, she kaming pambayad sa upa, lahat wala. Dito sa was too young to have Quezon City dati, sa Cubao. Umuwi kami ng a family. She also probinsya, akala ko doon ko rin matatapos yung experienced domestic pag-aaral ko. Pero sa sobrang hirap din pala doon, abuse from her first hindi ko nagawang makapagtapos. Naging alila din husband, apart from the ako ng nagpapaaral sa akin, parang hindi ko poverty that she nakayanan, bumalik ako ng Maynila. Pero nung experienced along with time na ‗yun, sa sobrang hirap, parang naisip ko, their two children.
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mas maganda sigurong mag-asawa.‖ At first, she entered ―Ngayon, nag-asawa ako, nagkaroon ako ng informal jobs such as dalawang anak. Akala ko maganda, dahil sa murang housekeeping to edad ko at sa sobrang hirap, nagawa kong mag- Korean bosses, but her asawa. Pagkatapos ng mga ilang taon, narealize ko bosses maltreated her. na sa sobrang bata ko pa, hindi ko kayang In her need to have a magkaroon ng pamilya. E kasi yung naasawa ko rin, better paying job, she parang isip bata rin—parehas kami. E entered as an nangbubugbog, sugarol, palainom, lasinggero. Ang entertainer in a Korean ginawa ko, yung dalawa kong anak, kinausap ko karaoke. She admits, yung mama ko na bantayan at magtratrabaho ako however, that dito (Manila). Una kong naging trabaho dito, perceptions on katulong ng mga Koreano.Ano yun, nasa 18 years entertainers are wrong, old, kasi nag-asawa ako, 16 years old, bata pa ako and not everyone noon. ‗Di pagpunta ko dito sa Maynila, namasukan engages in prostitution. akong katulong sa mga Koreano. Hindi rin maganda ang pagtanggap ba, pagtrato sa akin. Yung down na Currently, she admits down talaga ang ginawa. Na halos minsan hindi na that she was not ako pinapakain. Sariling bansa na natin ‗to. Ang properly able to support ginawa ko, nagtiis ako ng tatlong buwan para lang her first two children may maipadala ako para sa mama ko, para sa mga properly, thus they are anak ko. Nasa probinsya sila dati, sa Catanduanes. also experiencing ‗Di, lumipat naman ako ng trabaho, may nakilala poverty. However, she ako. Akala ko okay ang trabaho na papasukan ko. is trying to support the Malaki daw ang kikitain. E ako naman, dahil sa rest of her children hangad ko na malaki ang kita, dahil mayroon nga now, including her akong dalawang anak na sinusuportahan, pumasok Kopino child, who is ako, yun ang pag-eentertainer. Pero, yung sinasabi currently staying in nilang porke entertainer ka na masama ka na, hindi. KCAI‘s shelter. As in mag-eentertain ka lang, iinom, pero depende sa isang babae kung gusto mong magpapabastos sa Regarding her current mga tao. Oo. Ang sa akin kasi, maski ako naging job, she says that it is entertainer, para ding katulong kasi yung entertainer not regular work, but e. Uutus-utusan ka, pupunasan mo yung mga table, rather she only gets to seserve mo siya, yung pag-inom niya, tapos yung work when there is a mga kinakain nilang mga pagkain, kailangan need for a temporary aayusin mo. Pero iba yung pagkakaintindi ng iba na guard replacement. She ang entertainer hindi maganda.‖ finds the pay okay, though, because she ―Ngayon, yung sa anim kong anak na iyan, dahil sa was able to negotiate sobrang hirap ko noon na wala pa akong raising it a little above hanapbuhay, yung dalawa kong anak na panganay, minimum wage. hindi rin sila nakapagtapos. Kumbaga kung ano yung nangyari sa akin noon, ganoon din ang Prior being a security nangyari sa kanila na hindi rin sila nakapagtapos ng guard, Cecilia engaged pag-aaral sa sobrang hirap. E yun, nag-asawa na in informal work such lang yung dalawa. Ngayon, apat na lang sila. Yung as doing the laundry dalawa naman, etong tatlo na ‗to kasama ko, itong 9 and selling ricecakes on and 10 years old. Pero si (Kopino child), nandito the streets. As a house siya (sa shelter), nakastay-in siya dito. Ngayon, maid, she experienced
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tuloy naman ang trabaho ko para masuportahan ko maltreatment both from silang lahat.‖ her Filipino and Korean bosses. ―Nag-apply ulit ako ng trabaho. Magmula noon, parang nahirapan na ako kasi wala akong pinag- She also admits that aralan e. Highschool lang, third year highschool they experienced living lang talaga natapos ko. Wala akong pinag-aralan, in a barong-barong just hindi ko alam kung saan ako magtratrabaho. to find cheap housing, Nagsumikap ako sa sarili ko, kung anong klaseng in order to support her trabaho ang kukunin ko para maalagaan ko yung children. mga anak ko. Nagtry ulit ako ng katulong. Mahirap na naman yung napuntahan ko, kababayan natin With regard to raising mismo, ganoon ang ginagawa. Maltrato din, na her children, she thinks halos mababa na nga ang sahod, nilulugmok pa sa that she cannot raise all pagkamahirap. Umalis ako. Ang ginawa ko dahil of them all alone nahihiya na ako sa mga magulang ko, kinuha ko because of lack of yung mga anak ko. Nagrent ako, naghanap ako ng salary. She also says tiglilimang-daan ang rent ng bahay, maski barong- that this is because she barong, talagang tumira kami ng apat kong anak.‖ isn‘t a regular employee. ―Security po ako ngayon ng isang Bench company. Pero sa ngayon po, tinanggap ko lang ang Despite their living pagrereliever kasi kung magpoposting na talaga, conditions, Cecilia is regular posting, mababa po kasi ang sahod ko, wala satisfied in a sense that sa minimum. Kaya tinanggap ko yung pagrereliever, she is together with her kasi kinausap ko na medyo taasan naman, dahil sa children, and that they sobrang layo, ginawa kong 500 pesos.‖ are able to eat.
―Reliever po kasi, kung sino yung absent doon sa mga guard nila. Absent yung guard nilang nakapost doon, ako muna yung substitute. Yun yung tinatawag nilang reliever.‖
―( Bago mag-sekyu), naglalabada ako. Labada, plantsa, kung may pagkakataon naman na nakakahiram ako ng puhunan sa halagang 500, nagluluto-luto ako ng puto kasi okay din naman ang tubo sa pagluluto ng puto, kutsinta...pero pakonti- konti lang iyon, kasi diyan lang po ako sa kalye nagtitinda.‖
―Sa ngayon, dahil sa sahod ko, kulang (ang pangtustos sa pamilya). Kasi hindi pa talaga ako regular employee, ano lang, kumbaga sa pagrereliever, minsan sa 15 days na yan, ang napapasok ko lang is 10 days, 12 days. Magkano lang ang makukuha, e yung pagkain namin sa araw- araw, pamasahe ko sa araw-araw, baon nila sa school araw-araw.‖
―Satisfied na rin ako, kasi ano e, ginagawa ko
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naman ang lahat at kasama ko mga anak ko, iyon ang pinakamahalaga sa akin. Maski nahihirapan ako, basta magkakasama kaming mag-iina. Yun ang sa aking pananaw. Kung may pagkakataon na minsan, nahihirapan akong makakuha ng pambiling pagkain, nakakautang naman ako sa tindahan at yun naman, nababayaran ko tuwing sweldo ko. Kapag walang pambili, utang muna. Kumakain kami tatlong beses isang araw—hindi katulad dati, isa- dalawang beses lang, nung pagkahiwalay ko sa unang asawa.‖
Details about ―Siguro mga ilang taon din ako sa pag-eentertainer, the Korean nakilala ko yung Koreano. Nanligaw siya sa akin ng Unfortunately, Cecilia father and the tatlong taon. May edad na siya--siguro nasa 22 na was taken advantage of familial ako, mga 21. Tapos siya 44 years old, pero hindi ko by her Korean boss and relationship pinapansin yun kasi nga may edad. Pero yung set her up with the man nangyari, may naging amo ako sa karaoke na siguro who was attracted to sa sobrang paghahangad nung nanliligaw sa akin, her. gusto na akong makuha, itong Koreana na amo ko, niyaya akong uminom, kausap niya yung nanliligaw Initially, the Korean na iyon sa akin. Inuman, tapos maya‘t maya yung father showed care to patawag niya sa akin, pinapainom ako nang Cecilia and her family, pinapainom. E ako naman kasi, pakikisama ko lang but since she learned din, dahil trabaho ko, ayaw kong mapagalitan ako, that he is a married uminom din ako ng uminom. Hanggang sa man later than when nagknockout na ako, yung wala na ako sa pagkatao she got pregnant, and ko, dahil halo-halo kasi yung pinainom sa akin. when she knew about Noong time na ‗yun, hinold na pala ako nung may- his habits, she was the ari. Paggising ko, basta ang sabi lang sa akin nung first to separate. waiter, pinasakay daw ako sa taxi ni ma‘am tsaka Cecilia also nung Koreanong nanligaw sa akin. Paggising ko experienced the kinaumagahan, sobrang sakit ng ulo ko, hotel na language barrier with pala ‗yun, nakahubad na ako. Wala na akong her child‘s father. nagawa. E ang nangyari noon, dahil sa may nangyari na, parang naging magboyfriend na kami The reason why noon, yun start na ‗yun. Tapos lagi niyang Cecilia‘s relationship tinatanong sa akin kung may problema ako—sinabi with the man turned ko sa kanya na may dalawa akong anak na broken is due to him sinusuportahan, tsaka may sakit pa yung anak ko being actually a noon, pulmonya. Nagyaya siya sa akin sa probinsya, married man back in sabi niya gusto ko makita ang anak mo. Edi umuwi Korea, as well as his kami ng probinsya, Catanduanes. Nakita niya doon habits. There is also a yung dalawa kong anak, sabi niya tanggap naman factor of niya. Tutulungan niya raw ako—yun ang salita sa miscommunication, akin. Pero nung nakauwi na kami ng probinsya, since she did not know siyempre magkatabi na kami, hindi ko namalayan na about her pregnancy nagdadalang-tao na rin pala ako noon. Nabuntis na until after they rin ako noon, pero hindi ko talaga alam na buntis separated. ako. Ngayon pabalik na kami, sabi ko magpapaiwan muna ako kasi pagagamot ko muna yung anak
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ko.Binigyan naman ako ng perang pagpagamot. Tapos ito, bumalik na siya dito sa Maynila, sumunod na rin ako. Ngayon, hinanap ko siya, tumawag siya sa akin, sunduin ko raw siya. Nakita ko doon sa karaoke, may babae na rin. Nung nakita kong ganoon, agad akong nakipaghiwalay. Ako na mismo ang nakipaghiwalay kasi sabi ko, kami na, pero hindi ko alam na may asawa pala siya sa Korea. Time na ‗yun hindi ko alam na may asawa siya sa Korea. Sabi niya binata siya. Nung maano ko dito sa Pilipinas pa lang na nambababae siya, nangangaraoke, iba‘t ibang babae ang tinetable niya, agad akong nakipaghiwalay. Pero ayun lang ang problema sa akin, hindi ko alam na buntis pala ako dito sa anak kong Kopino.‖
―Yung amo ko, parang masasabi kong sa sakit ng loob ko noon, masasabi kong ibinenta ako ng amo ko, dahil lang doon sa gusto din nung Koreana na mapunta din ako doon sa regular customer niya. Sa regular customer niya, inalagaan niya yung customer na yun, para siyempre dagdag-kita na rin niya yun e, bale ipinush niya ako doon sa Koreano.‖
―Barok yung English namin. Minsan, kapag hindi niya maiintindihan, speak with actions yung ginagawa ko. Doon niya naiintindihan kapag may action yung pagsasalita ko sa kanya, kasi nag-aaral siya dito dati ng English. Pagkatapos nung nangyari doon sa ginawa ng amo ko, parang nagsama na rin kami.‖
―Noong time na ‗yun, hindi ko alam na buntis na pala ako. Nung nakipaghiwalay ako, buntis na pala ako noon, never na siya talagang tumawag. Okay lang ‗yun sa akin, continue pa rin ang buhay ko. Bumalik ako sa trabaho, pero inisip ko na iyon— hindi na mauulit, sa nangyari doon sa Koreano. Nagdoble ingat na ako ngayon sa mga amo kong Koreano / Koreana, tsaka sa trabaho ko. Bumalik ako kasi kailangan ko ng pera talaga para sa mga anak ko. Nasusuportahan ko yung magulang at mga anak ko dahil dito sa kita ko. Pero hindi ibig sabihin na karaoke, may mga bagay na hindi dapat na maganda. Hindi dapat isipin na porket GRO ang isang babae, bastusin na. Lahat ng bagay kasi, iyan ang iniisip ng iba e. Ang sa akin lang, ang GRO naman kasi, girls relation officer, yan ang madaling salita. Pero ang pagkakaintindi nila sa GRO, baboy. Prosti. Tinuloy ko ang pagtratrabaho ko. Edi wala na kaming connection ng Koreano na ito. Tinuloy
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ko, pero parang nanghihina ako, mayroon akong gustong kainin. Doon ko nalaman na buntis na pala ako, dalawang buwan na. Binalewala ko. Ang gusto kong mangyari noon, kung totoo mang buntis ako, inisip kong ipalaglag yung bata kasi another paghihirap na naman sa buhay ko, dahil sa pagkakamali ko, naulit na naman, dahil ang pagkakaala ko magiging totoo itong foreigner. Ngayon nagkamali na naman ako. Inisip kong ipalaglag pero wala lang, continue lang ako ng trabaho hanggang lumaki nang lumaki yung tiyan ko. Pero yung bago kong among Koreano, naintindihan niya, nung nakita niyang lumalaki yung tiyan ko, tinanong ako, buntis ka ba? Sabi ko, opo sir. Sinong ama? Sabi ko Koreano po, naghiwalay na po kami. Nagalit yung amo kong Koreano, bakit hindi ka pinanagutan? Mayroon pa pa lang Koreano na medyo okay sa Pilipina. Bakit hindi ka pinanagutan? Sabi ko kasi hindi ko alam, dahil di ko rin alam na buntis ako, tsaka nambababae. GRO na nga kami, ganoon pa ang gagawin sa amin--parang laruan ang tingin sa amin ng ibang foreigner at Pilipino. Pinapatunayan ko lang sa sarili ko na hindi ako ganun. Ngayon, ang sabi ko, kakayanin ko na lang po ito, sir. Gusto ko itong ipalaglag pero natatakot ako. Floor manager na ako noong nalaman kong buntis ako. Sabi niya, ―gagong Koreano, gusto niya laro Pilipina? Ako hindi ganyan‖. Kasi siya rin may asawang Pilipina. Pinanindigan niya yung Pilipina, kasi pinagpaalam niya yung Pilipina na iyon sa magulang. Pinakasalan niya. Bakit ganoon daw yung nakilala ko.‖
―Nung pinanganak ko siya wala. Ang naging contact On ko lang dito is yung kaibigan niya rito sa Maynila na During her pregnancy, communication Koreano, Mr. Kim din ang pangalan niya. Siya ang Cecilia was not able to with the father nagpoprove na anak niya itong si (child‘s name). be in contact with the Pero yung Koreano (tatay), hindi siya naniniwala na Korean father. Initially, anak niya si (child). Sabi ng kaibigan niya dito, the father even doubted kinakausap niya, kasi sinubukan din ako ng kaibigan that the child was his. ng ama ni (child). Buntis ako, edi nagkikita kami Their main noon, sabi ―Cecilia punta ka dito‖, sabi ko ―kuya correspondence was wala akong pamasahe‖, sabi ―bibigyan kita, ‗wag through the man‘s kang mag-alala.‖ Korean friend, who tested to see if the child ―yung kaibigan niya dito sa Pilipinas na Koreano, was really the father‘s lagi kaming nagmemeet noon. Kasi may mga child. Eventually, pagsubok din ang ginagawa niya sa akin para however, the friend was maprove niya kung anak talaga ng kaibigan niya able to convince the yung dinadala ko. Ngayon, tuwing pinapapunta niya father that the child was ako sa bahay nila dito sa QC Circle, pag indeed his.
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pinapapunta niya ako, sinasabi niya ―sige bibigyan kita ng panggastos mo‖, kasi buntis na ako noon, edi On Cecilia‘s part, she pupunta naman ako, sabi ko ―kuya pasensya ka na was wary not to contact kasi walang trabaho‖, sabi niya ―okay lang yun‖. the father in the fear of May Koreano siya na borders. Nung makita ako, potentially destroying a gusto ako nung Koreano. Kinausap siya, yung family. Since she knew kaibigan namin na Koreano, nung border. Ang he was a married man, ginawa nung kaibigan naming Koreano na yun, she didn‘t dare contact ikinulong kami sa isang kwarto, pero ako nakahiga him during her course ako noon kasi sabi niya magpahinga ka muna, kasi of pregnancy. nung hinawakan niya yung tiyan ko, magalaw. Pinahiga niya ako, sabi niya sige diyan ka muna The first direct magpahinga kasi nagluluto pa yung katulong ng correspondence of the pagkain, tatawagin niya na lang. Ito palang Koreano Kopino family na may kursunada sa akin, kinausap siya, pinapasok happened when the niya doon sa kwartong tinutulugan ko. Ngayon itong child was four years Koreano, kung ano-ano na yung ginagawa niya sa old. The father was akin, sabi ko, edi nagalit ako noon. Sabi ko ―ano ka able to fully confirm ba‖? Parang wala kang manners sa Pilipina.‖ that the child was his, through questioning ―Nung buntis pa kasi ako, wala pang aksyon. Cecilia, and through Pinanganak ko siya, wala pa din. Maski hirap na observing the child‘s hirap ako, may contact number ako sa kanya, hindi facial features. ko ginawa, kasi nga yun yung sinabi ko sa kanya na ayaw kong makasira. Ayaw kong isipin niya na The father comes to the pera. Nalaman ko (na pamilyado siya), pagkatapos Philippines every now naming umuwi ng probinsya, pagbalik ko dito, and then to visit the nambababae sa karaoke, pinahawak niya sa akin child, but not so often yung mga passport, papers, yung wallet. Sabi niya, (around 3 years in kumuha ka ng pambayad sa taxi, hindi ko naman average). Their mode sinasadyang makita sa wallet, nakita ko doon yung of correspondence also picture ng pamilya. Sabi ko pamilyado pala ‗to. remains through Doon na ako, sabi ko ayoko na, hiwalay na tayo. chatting. Pagkatapos noong sinabi kong hiwalay na, ni tawag, ni ano wala, hindi na siya tumatawag.‖
―Hindi ko talaga ginawa (kumontact) kasi nga may pamilya. Ang alam ko kasi sa Korea, kapag ang isang Koreano pamilyado, at nalaman na may babae dito sa kung ano mang bansa, basta malaman na may babae ang asawa, magkakaroon ng problema, mag-aaway, hanggang mapupunta sa hiwalayan. Maghihiwalay silang pamilya, e hindi maganda. E ayoko ring mangyari kasi nangyari na nga sa buhay ko na walang ama yung mga anak ko, tapos makakasira pa ako ng pamilya. Yun ang iniisip ko na wag na. Hindi ko talaga ginawang kumontact.‖
―Nalaman niya (yung tunkol sa bata) nung four years old, kaya nagulat ako. Yung kaibigan naming Koreano, tumawag sa akin, sabi niya, Cecilia, may
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gustong makipagkita sa‘yo, sabi ko sino, sabi niya yung ama ng anak—Mr. Kim. Sabi ko, oh, kailan daw pupunta? Sabi niya, punta ka bukas doon sa Timog Circle, antayin mo doon. May restaurant kasi dito na nakalimutan ko na yung pangalan. Sabi niya dalhin mo si (child). Sabi ko okay, ginawa ko, binihisan ko si (child), dinala ko. Nag-antay kami doon, nagulat na lang kami, may bumaba sa van. Yun na yun, si Mr.Kim, yung ama ng anak ko. Marami siyang ginawang prove e, inaano niya sa sarili niya kung talagang anak niya. Lahat ginawa niya.‖
―Nung unang pagbaba niya pa lang, sinabi naman niya e, nung una niyang makita nasa loob pa lang siya ng van, kasi nagmamasid pala siya sa amin, nakatayo kami sa labas ng restaurant na meeting place namin. Ayun palang van na yun, doon pala siya nakasakay. Ilang minuto na ring nakahinto iyon sa harap namin. Tinitigan niya raw yung bata, parang iba yung lukso ng dugo niya. Parang sumaya siya, na hindi niya alam, gusto niyang takbuhin na yakapin yung bata. Ang ginawa niya dahil hindi na niya mapigilan, nagbukas siya ng pintuan. Nagulat din kami, siya pala yung sakay na yun. Nakita niya, di inano niya yung bata, yung anak niya. Siyempre, hindi kilala nung bata, medyo takot. Sabi niya, ―come baby‖, niyaya naman niya. Kain kami sa loob. May mga ginawa pa rin siyang test para maprove pa rin niya. Edi nagkausap na kami. Sabi niya ―ah, time na umuwi tayo ng probinsya‖, sabi ko ―oo, nung umuwi tayo ng probinsya‖. Tapos sabi niya, ―ilang taon na siya‖, tapos sabi ko ―apat‖. Sabi niya, nagkwenta siya, ―oh!‖, tapos ngayon, lahat ng luwa ng anak niya, pakainin niya, niluluwa ng bata. Kasi hindi gusto, apat na taon pa lang e. Parang panibago kasi nasanay siya sa pagkaing pangmahihirap lang, yung mga lugaw, noodles. Hindi pa kami masyadong nakakain ng mga sosyal. Siyempre, nanibago yung bata sa panlasa, pagsubo niya niluwa. Sinahod niya ngayon. Yung niluwa ng bata na yun, kinain niya. Sabi niya, ―my baby‖, ganun na siya ng ganun, ginaganun (pat) niya na sa likod. Lahat ng iluluwa ng bata, kinakain niya. Doon na siya nag-ano, nung ininterview sa akin kung kalian yung last menstruation ko, kalian kami pumunta ng province, ilang taon yung bata…lahat yun klinaro niya na akma doon sa edad ng bata.‖
―Nakikipagkitasiya sa bata every time na nandirito siya.‖
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―Nung magmula ng four years old kasi si (child), seven years old ata siya, bumalik yung ama, birthday ng anak niya, pumunta rito.‖
(On communication now) ―Mayroong communication, pa-hi, take care, minsan yung ama magsasabi, katulad nung November may sakit daw siya, naoperahan daw siya. Nagca-care naman itong si (child), ―appa, mag-iingat ka palagi, alagaan moa ng sarili mo‖. Sa chat, nagcha-chat chat lang.‖
Financial ―After nung pagmeet namin ng four years old yung support of the anak ko, iniwanan din naman kami ng 20,000 pero The father also Korean father yun na yun. Hindi naman siya nagsalita na expressed help through on the child tutulungan niya kami, susuportahan niya ako, wala financial support, but naman siyang sinabing ganoon. Pagmeet namin ng such support is not isang beses, ilang araw nun, balik na rin siya sa constant or regular. Korea.‖ Whenever the father ―Kung kailan siya babalik dito, saka na naman siya visits, he leaves 20,000. (magbibigay). Tuwing uuwi siya, nag-iiwan siya ng But these visits only 20, 000.‖ happen once in years.
―Kinikilala naman yung anak, wala lang suporta. For Cecilia, if the Madalang at maliit. Nung siguro, 9 years old father really wanted to dumating siya ulit dito, birthday ng anak niya. support the child, they Pinangakuan niya itong si (child) na taon-taon, uuwi won‘t have to be the siya. Nag-expect yung bata. Hindi nangyari yung first to ask the father— pangako na ‗yun. Kaya yung bata, parang ang nasa he would do it on his isip niya, sinungaling naman ‗tong papa ko, wala own will. However, if siyang one word—liar. Pinapaliwanagan ko na lang, they ask, the father will sabi ko, intindihin mo na lang yung papa mo, kasi give. businessman yun, may pamilya siya doon, hindi natin mahawakan ang oras ng papa mo. Pero nung nag-9 years old siya, hindi siya nakarating ng 8, tsaka siya umuwi ulit dito. May dala-dala siyang card, yung ATM Card pero nakapangalan sa kanya, na kung ano man daw ang problema ko, sabihin ko lang daw sa kanya kung kailangan ko daw ng suporta, sabihin ko sa kanya at doon daw siya maghuhulog. Sabi ko naman sa kanya, hindi ko na kailangan magsalita. Yung kung gusto mong suportahan yung anak mo, it‘s up to you, pero kung ayaw mo naman, okay lang, kasi nakaano naman dito (sa shelter) yung anak ko e.‖
―Minsan (may financial support) pero hindi regular.
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Kung kailan ka humingi, doon ang bigay.‖ Details about ―Nung nakilala ko itong Kopino Association, four the Kopino child years old si (Kopino child). 15 na siya ngayon, nag- According to Cecilia, 15 siya noong March.‖ her child has been staying in the shelter ―Four years old nandito na siya (sa shelter). Kasi since she was four ako noon, sobrang hirap talaga ng buhay. Kinausap years old. din naman ako dito nung unang nag-alaga, sabi niya ―Cecilia para makapagtrabaho ka nang maayos, She observed that the kunin muna namin si (child)‖. Binigay ko, sa awa child has initially been ng Diyos, laking tulong na rin na kinuha nila sa akin looking forward to the si (child). Tuwing Linggo nandirito ako.‖ father‘s regular support, but since ―Yan yung hanap ng bata, regular support. Pero knowing that her father nung pinaliwanagan ko naman na pamilyado kasi has a prior family, has yun, sabi niya ―sige ma, wag ka nang humingi sa been more kanya, pabayaan na natin si papa doon‖. Sabi ko oo understanding. naman, kaya nga nagtratrabaho na lang ako ngayon e.‖ The child, however, has expressed longing ―Hindi niya pinapahalata (na miss niya ang papa towards seeing her niya). Maski gustong-gusto niyang makita, hindi father. This manifests niya sinasabi pero nararamdaman ko. Kasi sa salita when she sulks about naman niya, ―puro pangako lang naman yan‖, sabi his broken promises. ko may hinanakit yung bata. Basta hindi niya pinapakita na namimiss niya.‖ On the possible ―Ay hindi naman po siya natutukso, parang naging discrimination proud pa siya at naging proud din yung kaklase sa Cecilia states that her faced by the kanya, naiinggit din kasi may komunikasyon silang child is not child due to his / mag-ama. (Kung sa panunukso sa lahi) hindi, hindi experiencing bullying her biraciality siya nakakaencounter ng ganyan.‖ or discrimination in terms of her biraciality.
Details about how the NGO ―May allowance siya dito. Yung sa allowance Regarding the various helps the naman niya, minsan tinitipid niya kasi kung may forms of NGO Kopino families kailangan siya, doon niya kinukuha ngayon. Minsan assistance, Cecilia nagbibigay din naman ako sa kanya, maski sabihin starts off with talking niyang ―ma, wag mo na akong padalhan‖, about allowances papadalhan ko pa rin siya kasi iniisip kong baka provided for by KCAI, may kailangan na naman siya. Yung parang hindi which amounts to 250 a naman siya ano sa financial niya, gumagawa siya ng day. paraan tsaka ako, ang ginagawa ko, kusa ko siyang pinapadalhan kasi yun yung iniisip ko, kung may Education is also kailangan siya sa school, mayroon siyang provided for by the madudukot.‖ organization, through collaboration with a ―Yung sa edukasyon, sagot ng Kopino. Sa pabahay, private school, and sagot din siya ng Kopino kasi dito siya naka-stay e. through enrolling the Edukasyon, pabahay, sa pinansiyal naman, others in public
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tumutulong din naman ako. Yung 250 allowance schools. every day, hindi kakasya kung merong bibilhin pa, baon, pamasahe.‖ Cecilia also talks about the attempts of the ―Sa ngayon hindi kasi tatlo pa silang pinag-aaral ko, NGO to organize the hindi ko kakayanin. Kasi kung itong si (child), mothers into a aalisin ko rito (sa KCAI), sasama-sama ko silang cooperative. The NGO mga anak ko, hindi ko kaya. Kasi biglang malilipat does not only help the siya sa public school. Private siya e, scholar siya sa children, but also the APEC.‖ mothers by helping them learn livelihood ―Noong unang bukas nitong KCAI, inaalok kaming skills, and even offer to magkaroon ng coop ba, yung matulungan kaming teach them about the bigyan ng hanapbuhay sa magulang. Tuwing Korean language. Sabado yan, minimeeting kaming lahat. Kasi yung Cecilia attributes being mga bata pinapag-aral muna, pinapaturuan ng able to sell ricecakes on salitang Korean, Hangul. Kami namang mga nanay the street to Mrs. Son, minimeeting naman kami, kung anong dapat gawin who gave her the nila para itulong sa amin. Pinag-uusapan din naming starting capital she yan, may nagtuturo din sa amin. Nung nabigyan needed. She believes kami ng tulong ng hanapbuhay, tapos napahiram that the NGO has ako ni maam ng puhunan, yun nga yung sinasabi helped her greatly in kong nagtitinda ako ng puto at kutsinta, nakabili ako terms of livelihood. sa pinahiram sa akin ni ma‘am. Nakabili ako ng gamit sa pangluto ng kakain. Malaki na rin ang naitulong nila sa akin, panghanap-buhay.‖
―Lahat dito, yung pagtira, edukasyon, lahat dito sagot. Kung ano lang yung, basta ito lang si (child) kapag may gusto na hindi naman dapat dito hingiin sa Kopino, sa akin humihingi. Assessment on ―Oo naman, laking tulong din nitong KCAI na ito. the degree of the Kaso, bandang huli, nung marami nang lumabas na For Cecilia, the NGO NGO’s association, humina. Pati mga nanay, hindi na has helped greatly in assistance makapag-ano din dahil hirap na yung may-ari dito. terms of providing Basta sila, inaacknowledge nila na mapag-aaral, education to the mapapatapos nila yung bata.‖ children.
―Oo, naano naman ako sa KCAI, okay siya, kasi She also states that the halos dito na lumaki yung bata e, magmula 4 years NGO‘s assistance in old hanggang 15 years old. Malaki ang naitulong taking care of the ng KCAI sa amin, kasi yung dating hindi namin children has helped the kayang gawin, ngayon nagagawa namin.‖ mothers become more mobile in terms of ―Ayan, hawak nila yung mga anak namin, kaming searching for jobs or mga nanay, nakakakilos kami ng maayos, katulad working, because they ng pagtratrabaho. Yung isip kasi namin, safe yung know that their children mga anak namin dito, kaya kami, komportable are in a safe place and kaming mga nanay na makakilos sa labas, kaya yun in good living din yung pasasalamat ko sa KCAI. Napatira nila ng conditions. matagal, napag-aral nila ng matagal, maski hirap na
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hirap sila, nagawa pa rin nilang itaguyod at pag- Through the skills that aralin yung bata, private pa (scholar).‖ they learned from the NGO, Cecilia believes ―Tuwing Sabado, nandidito kami (mga nanay), that mothers have tinuturuan kaming mag-Hangul, tinuturuan kaming become more capable pangkabuhayan, panghanap-buhay. Yung mga of sustaining their nagtretraining sa amin, binabayaran nila yun para families. Before, itraining kami mismo sa KCAI. Ang paggawa ng mothers would usually tocino—yun pala yung sinasabi kong coop— have their share of the paggawa ng longganisa, lahat yan napag-aralan na profits. Cecilia is rin namin.‖ confident that in case she loses her job, she ―Tulong-tulong kaming mga nanay, yung kwenta / has these skills to use. tubo, yun yung pinaghahati-hatian namin. Yung puhunan na iyon, binabalik namin kanila ma‘am. She also believes that Yun, parang livelihood na talaga siya. Kasi training, not only does the NGO lahat ng magagawang tulong nila sir, basta sa uplift the children—it livelihood, kung kaya nilang mag-okupa ng also uplifts the mothers. magtretraining sa amin, ginagawan nila ng paraan talaga yan para maitraining din kami dito. Ngayon yung mga pinag-trainingan din namin, ginagawa din namin. Kaya doon ko masasabi na naging okay ako kasi kung tutuusin, maski hindi na ako magsecurity ngayon, nakakagawa ako ng paraan. Ang kulang lang talaga sa akin is puhunan, napahiram ako dati nila maam ng puhunan pero dati that time, ang alam ko lang lutuin noon ay kakanin. Oo, umangat naman yung kakanin na niluluto ko, ang naging problema lang, yung puhunan na iyon, sa sobrang tumal, nawala. E yung mga pinapahiram sa amin, kailangan din naming ibigay. Yun yung tulong na iginagawad sa amin ni mam at sir.‖
―Kaya na naming tumayo sa sarili naming pamumuhay, kasi marami na kaming alam. Kung inaangat nila yung mga bata, inaangat din kaming mga nanay, kaming mga magulang. Yun ang tulong na binibigay sa amin ng KCAI.‖
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4. Irma Cruz, 40 (not her real name)
Themes Insights Remarks Current living ―Sa ngayon, nagtatrabaho ako bilang caregiver. Last conditions 2 years galing akong Lebanon, 6 years ako doon. Irma works as a Hopefully, this coming June or July, makaalis ako caregiver abroad ; ulit, Dubai naman. Syempre, magka-college na yung while waiting for anak ko, kailangan ko ng ano, kailangan ko ng extra renewal, however, she income. Dito may sideline ako ditto pero hindi rin takes care of an old sapat kasi nga madami rin silang projects. Kahit na, Chinese person as a nakakakuha ako sa Kopino ng pang ano niya, hindi sideline. She has four pa din sapat kasi nasa akin siya eh, kinuha ko siya sa children, one being a shelter eh. Tapos, yun nga, nag sisideline ako dito sa Kopino. She is a Greenhills, nag aalaga ako ng matandang Chinese, regular employee as a every other day yun.‖ caregiver, and has been working under the ―Bale apat kami rito, apat kami, yung isa nasa Bicol. profession for 9 years. Apat ang anak ko, pero isa lang ang Kopino. Oo, (single mom ako).‖ For educational attainment, she only ―Hindi ako talagang, sa pagtatrabaho ba ganon, kasi finished up to high sideline nga lang eh. Kasi pag tumawag yung school, but was able to employer ko sa Dubai, hindi ako pwedeng train as a caregiver, and mamasukan talaga ng mag aalaga ako ng tuloy- able to receive a tuloy, hindi. Kasi kapag tumawag yung sa Dubai at certificate in Lebanon. hindi ako natuloy, magpepenalty ako, malaki ang penalty ko. , (regular ako). Initially, her salary has 9 years na (akong caregiver). not been enough in sustaining her four ―Highschool lang (and natapos ko). Pero hindi ako children, but due to the sa Pilipinas nag train ng caregiving, sa Lebanon. raise, she decided to Bago ako umalis dito, nagte-train lang ako pero continue working hindi ako nabigyan ng certificate. Doon na ako sa overseas. Lebanon nabigyan ng certificate.‖
―Noong una kasi hindi eh (sapat yung sahod). Noong una kasi mababa lang ang sinasahod ko. Sumasahod lang ako ng 16,000. Kulang pa. Kaya noong tinanong ako ng employer ko sa Lebanon kung gusto ko pa mag-extend, pag nag-extend ba ako, ano bang benefits na makukuha ko? Mag re-raise daw sila ng salary ko. Magkano naman ang ire-raise ninyo sakin, sabi ko. ―Dodoble ang sasahurin mo sa amin.‖ Pumayag na ako, kaya every year naman ako renew ng renew. Hindi ako umuuwi ng Pilipinas. Ngayon sapat na.‖
(On satisfaction with living conditions) ―Sa ngayon, Despite their living oo, satisified na ko. Kasi kahit paano napapag aral conditions, Irma ko yung mga anak ko. Okay naman sila, napapalaki showed satisfaction at ko sila ng maayos, hindi naman sila katulad ng the fact that she is able
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ibang bata na yung pariwara sa labas, hindi naman to raise her kids alone sila ganon. Kahit na nasa malayo ako, kahit na nasa without much abroad ako, hindi sila katulad nung iba bata na kung problems. She wishes saan saan mo lang nakikita. that she can stay in the country to be with her ―Oo, kung para lang sa akin, para lang sa mga anak children because even ko, ayoko na umalis eh. Kasi kumbaga, kahit if it‘s difficult, at least naghihirap ka na dito sa Pilipinas, nahihirapan ako, she‘s with them. nahihirapan sila, at least nakakasama ko yung mga anak niyo.‖ Irma believes that the lack of funds really (Constraints) ―First, financially, pera. Kasi syempre constrains her in kapag oras ng klase, ang kailangan niya yung baon, providing for her projects. Mga, siyempre una, dito rin sa bahay, yung children, specifically mga kakainin nila. As a single mom, marami akong for extra expenses. hinaharap na problema pero hindi ko, hindi ko pinapaalam sa mga anak ko yun, kumbaga, ngayong As a mother working alam nila na hindi ko kaya tong ibigay, halimbawa abroad, she always sinasabi ko sa kanila, para matuto din silang reminds her children umunawa sa akin. Kasi halimbawa man na tulad ng that communication ibang magulang na kahit hindi na kaya, bigay pa din online is constant, ng bigay, bandang huli, mapapariwara ang bata.‖ despite her being away.
―Kaya nga ayun yung pinapaliwanag ko sa kanila eh, na kahit malayo ako sa kanila, yung komunikasyon namin sa internet, hindi mawawala yun. Pero hindi komo‘t malayo ako, hindi ako pabayang ina. Kumbaga, lahat kaya kong gawin, kahit anong hirap kaya kong gawin.‖
Details about ―Na-meet ko yung tatay niya, pinakilala sa akin ng the Korean apo ko, si Cecilia. Siya nagpakilala sa akin, dinala The Korean man is an father and the niya diyan. One time, nag sideline sa bar, papa ng owner of a bar, and familial anak ko, may sarili siyang bar, dito sa may Irma was initially relationship Commonwealth. Eh masyadong suplado yung mga, employed as a GRO for syempre alam mo na yung mga babae doon, parang sideline. However, she maldita. Ano ako doon, kumbaga, GRO kami. Eh did not like the nature masyado ngang maldita, sabi ko, ayoko nang ganito. of the work, thus went Eh di bumalik ako sa trabaho ko, spotter kasi ako back to being a dito, waitress ganon. Bumalik siya doon, sinundan waitress. niya ko. Sabi niya ―Bakit hindi ka na bumalik doon?‖ ―Ayoko ng ganon, ayoko ng mga babae The Korean man doon.‖ ―Hindi, hindi ka magtatrabaho doon.‖ started courting her ―Anong gagawin ko doon? Paano ako kikita?‖ after a while, and even ―Hindi, basta doon ka lang, kikita ka.‖ ―Paano nga introducing himself to ako kikita kung hindi ako magtatrabaho?‖ sabi kong Irma‘s parents. Despite ganon. Sabi niya ―Trust me.‖ Eh di nagtiwala naman Irma already having 2 ako, hindi ko alam na yun na pala yun, nag uumpisa children, the man na siya manligaw sa akin tapos noon, kwento- expressed his intentions kwentuhan kaming dalawa, mabait naman siya eh, to marry her. babaero lang. Pinatunayan niya sa akin noong
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humarap siya dito sa magulang ko, sabi niya, ―Hindi They established a live- kita niloloko‖ sabi niyang ganon, ―Pupuntahan kita in relationship. Irma, sa bahay niyo.‖ Nagpunta sila dito. Nagpakilala sa however, attributes the nanay ko, sa papa ko sabi niya seryoso daw talaga breaking up of their siya sa akin at gusto daw niya akong maging asawa. relationship due to a Eh may edad siya sa akin eh, ano lang ako noon, friend who was a bad 23/24 tapos siya nasa 33.Sabi niya sa akin gusto influence to the Korean talaga niya ako maging asawa, sabi ko, ―Eh papaano father. They also fought yan may mga anak na ako?‖ ―Okay lang yun.‖ 2 na due to the latter‘s kasi anak ko noon.‖ womanizing, which caused Irma to have an STD scare. When she ―Ang sabi niya sa akin, ipapaalam kita sa magulang left the man, she didn‘t mo. Niligawan niya ako hanggang sa pumayag na know she was pregnant. ako, ibinahay niya ako dito sa may San Mateo, nangupahan kami ng apartment doon. Mabait naman One of the setbacks in siya, yun nga lang kasi, noong dumating yung Irma‘s relationship with kaibigan niya na si Mr. Kim, doon na talagang, the father was when he kumbaga, doon siya natutong mag bisyo, magsugal. didn‘t believe that the Una kasi babae lang eh, natuto siya mag sugal.‖ child was his, and had to resort to DNA ―Noong time na yun, may sakit pa ang lola ko, testing. nagpaalam siya sa akin, samahan daw niya si Mr. Kim. Eh kilala ko yung tao na yun, kumbaga sa As for financial dami ng Koreanong nakausap ko na doon, ang dami support, the father has nang nagsasabi na yung tao nga na yun, nagsusugal been giving financial tsaka babaero. Noong time na nagpaalam siya sa assistance in the course akin, binigyan niya ako ng allowance, pang grocery of Irma‘s pregnancy. tapos pang bayad sa apartment. Sinundan ko siya noon, nakita ko siya sa bar. Iyon yung huling nag- Irma also states that the away kami, nakipag hiwalay na ako. Hindi ko alam father recognized his na buntis na ako.‖ child, and even offered financial assistance to ― Oo. Kasi on and off kami, lagi kaming nag aaway support the child. dahil sa babae nga. Lagi kaming nag aaway, sabi ko However, due to her ayoko ng ganon. Nagkasakit pa ako noon, sabi ko sa pride, Irma did not kanya, muntik ako magkaron ng impeksyon— accept the financial sexually transmitted. support in her fear that Doon na ako natakot kaya sabi ko sa kanya, hindi ko the father will go after gugustuhin mamatay para lang makasama ako the custody of the sa‘yo. Kung gusto mo talagang magkasakit, child. She believes that maghihiwalay nalang tayo. Hindi siya pumayag it is important for her to noon eh. Iniwanan ko na siya sa apartment namin, be with her child. sumama pa rin talaga siya doon sa bahay namin. Hindi ko alam na buntis na pala ako.‖ As of now, she has no more communication ―Noong buntis na ako, hindi siya naniwala na sa with the child‘s father, kanya. Pina-DNA niya yung anak ko. Kung hindi and the last news that niya pina DNA yung anak ko, kasi pinalabas niya na she heard was about the hindi siya nagtiwala sa akin eh, na niloloko ko siya. father contracting some Kung hindi niya ginawa yun, babalik ako sa kanya. illness and being back
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Kasi sabi niya sa akin, nakikipagbalikan siya sa akin in Korea. kasi nga buntis ako. That time, mayroon siyang kinakasama, buntis ako ah, may kinakasama siya. Yung babaeng yun, tawag pa ng tawag sa akin, sinasagot ng kapatid ko. Sabi ng kapatid ko, ―Bakit mo pa kailangan tawagan ang ate ko, eh kasama mo na yung ex ng ate ko. Oo, buntis ang ate ko sa taong yan pero ayaw na niya diyan.‖ Bakit daw kasi ako tinatawagan pa at pinadadalhan ng pera? Sabi ng kapatid ko, ―Natural buntis eh, saan kukuha ng pinansyal ang ate ko kung hindi siya padadalhan, eh siya yung tatay.‖ Noong lumabas yung anak ko, pinakita ko sa kanya. Sabi ko ―ayan.‖ Binigyan ko siya ng isang buhok ng anak ko, talagang tinanggalan ko ng buhok yung anak ko. Pina DNA niya, noong pina-DNA niya yung anak ko, saka siya pumipilit na makipagbalikan sa akin. Sabi ko, ―Hindi.‖ Pinakita niya kasi sa akin talaga yung papel eh, ibig sabihin, talagang hindi siya nagtiwala sa akin. Ako pinagkatiwalaan kita, ginago mo ko. Kaya sabi ko talaga, ―Hindi na ko babalik sa‘yo.‖‖
―Mahal ko naman talaga yung tatay ng anak ko kaso yun nga lang, yung sa ginawa niya na hindi siya nagtiwala sa akin, bat ko pa ipapakita sa taong ganon kung wala naman siyang tiwala, diba?‖
(On communication) ―Wala na ngayon. Noong nasa Malaysia ako. Bumiyahe na ako ng Malaysia-PH. 2 years lang ako doon. Ang kumontak sa akin ay si Kuya, yung katiwala niya sa shop, yun ang unang tumawag sa akin. Nalaman niya yung number ko dito sa amin, nagpunta siya sa nanay ko, tapos ayun na. Binigay kay Mr. Hwang, tapos tawag na ng tawag sa akin. Sabi ko, ―Sige, pagbalik ko ng Pilipinas, mag usap tayo.‖
―Kinilala naman niya yung anak ko. Nag offer siya (ng financial support) pero hindi ko tinanggap. Ma pride kasi akong tao. Ma-pride ako, kasi nga ang tatay ko sinabi rin na ―huwag kang tatanggap ng kahit anong suporta para lang hindi niya isipin na pera lang ang habol sa kanya. Although hiwalay na kayo, huwag na huwag kang hihingi ng kahit isang kusing sa tatay niyan, kaya natin buhayin ang batang yan, kaya mo.‖ Sabi ko ―Kaya ko.‖ Noong nag offer sa akin ang papa niya ng financial support, ng fee, hindi ko talaga tinatanggap. Una ang katwiran ko, baka kapag tinanggap ko, well siyempre bata pa ako noon, kapag tumanggap ako
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ng pera sa papa niya, baka kunin niya lang sa akin yung bata. Pangalawa, inisip ko na baka, syempre, anak niya, anak niya, may iba siyang papel na anak niya, dahil sa DNA test, kumbaga, wala akong pera tapos may pera siya, baka ilaban niya na pwede niyang makuha yung bata. Kaya sabi ng tatay ko, ―Kahit piso, huwag kang kukuha sa kanya.‖ Sinunod ko siya, hindi talaga ako kumukuha.‖
―(Ngayon, sa communication) wala na. Ang huli kong balita sa kanya, nagkasakit siya eh, nasa Korea, may sakit siya. Nasa Lebanon pa ako noong nalaman ko na nagkasakit siya eh.‖
Details about Si (Kopino child) ko, oo medyo napabayaan ko kaya the Kopino child parang nag-rebelde, medyo bumaba yung grades One of the problems niya, kumbaga parang hinanap daw niya yung faced by the child is the atensyon ko noon na hindi ko naibigay noong nasa need for attention. He abroad ako. Kasi ang palagi kong nakakausap noon felt that his mother ay yung ate niya, yung kuya niya, kasi siya laging didn‘t pay enough wala, laging nasa school, minsan sa Kopino.. So attention to him, until akala niya sa akin, hindi ko siya inaalala. Kaya they were able to talk parang nagloko, naging makulit siya, naging properly. pasaway. So tumawag sa akin sila Miss Cathy noon, hindi pa si Miss Lala noon, si Miss Cathy pa. Sabi The child is also sa akin noon, ―Medyo napapariwara yata yung anak longing for his father. niyo, kausapin niyo‖ Eh ang guardian niya noon, While the mother made yung kapatid ko. Ngayon, kinausap ko sabi ko efforts to search for the ―Anong nangyayari sa‘yo?‖ Sabi niya ―Mama, child in Facebook, she parang wala ka nang pakialam sa akin.‖ ―Hindi was not able to find totoo yun, kaya nga ako nandito. ‖ Kaya sabi ko sa him in the many name kanya kapag ano, uuwi ako. ―Uuwi ako, matches that there magkakasama na tayo.‖ were. Irma believes that even without telling it, ―Nag try ako (na makipagcommunicate). Nag try the child has been akong hinanap sa facebook yung name ng tatay wanting to get to know niya. Maraming lumalabas na Hwang pero hindi about his father. siya, kasi syempre, kahit hindi naman hingiin ng anak ko eh, alam ko na gusto niyang makilala ang papa niya, personally. Nag try ako, many times, hanggang di ko pa din makita.‖
―Kahit hindi naman magsalita yung anak ko, alam ko na yun lang naman yung gusto niya. Yun yung, kahit hindi niya sabihin, alam kong gusto niyang makilala yung papa niya. Everytime na magsasalita ako ng pangit para sa papa niya, kinokontra niya. Kapag sinasabi kong papa niya kasi may iba, sasabihin niya ―Hindi Mama kasi ayaw mo lang talaga kay Papa.‖‖
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Details about ―Matagal na, oo, baby palang siya noon na-recruit how the NGO ako ng KCAI, 3 months old siya noon. Yung mga KCAI has been helps the pang gatas niya, pampers niya, naibibigay sa akin ng assisting Irma since her Kopino families KCAI. Syempre sa akin bilang nanay din, yung Kopino child was a bigas namin, budget, tapos nabigyan din kami ng baby. She felt the trabaho ng KCAI. Tapos yung sa pag-aaral niya, assistance through the habang lumalaki siya, nabibigyan siya, hindi siya immediate needs that nawawalan, pati sa pag-aaral niya.‖ the NGO was able to provide, such as baby ―(Nalaman ko yung KCAI) sa pinsan ko nga, sa apo needs. As the child ko, si Cecilia. Kasi si Cecilia, talagang member na grew up, they were also ng Kopino noon. Kumbaga, sila kasi marami silang able to offer him kilalang mga Koryano, so noong na member sila educational assistance. noon sa Kopino, naalala niya na meron akong anak sa Koryano. So sinama ako doon, sa The NGO also paid for Commonwealth, pinakilala ako doon kay Ms. the child‘s hospital fees Cathy, kay Ms. Normi.‖ when he fell off a hammock, a manifestation of the ― Pera, bigas, grocery, tapos ano noong ma-ospital NGO‘s assistance with ang anak ko dahil nga nalaglag sa duyan, sila ang regard to healthcare. gumastos talaga. Kasi ano eh, nabagok yung ulo niya tapos sila ang nagbayad. Habang lumalaki As for livelihood, Irma hanggang noong mag-aral, lahat gastos na nila. talked about how Tumira siya doon sa shelter.‖ mothers were invited to engage in business ―Yung sa livelihood namin, syempre kami-kaming through poultry, but it mga magulang, pagka nabibigyan kami ng, is still in planning halimbawa pagka nagtitinda kami, kapag may stage. binigay sa amin si Sir Cedric na halimbawa, Sunkist, nagtitinda kami noon, popcorn. Mayroon pang ino-offer sa amin si Sir Cedric ng sa poultry, kaming mga parents. Sabi ko naman, sana gawin kaagad para bago ako umalis sana makapag umpisa din ako kahit paano. Sabi sa akin ni Sir Cedric ―You‘re leaving again?‖ kasi nga hindi na ako gaano nakaka attend sa ano naming, mga meeting.‖
Assessment on ―Malaking tulong sa akin ang KCAI, sa totoo lang. the degree of the Apat ang anak ko, single mom, kumbaga isa sa mga Irma affirms that the NGO’s anak ko, halos sila na yung bumuhay sa totoo lang. KCAI has significantly assistance Kasi magmula noong baby siya, sa mga needs niya, helped her in raising sa gatas, sa pag aaral niya, lahat. Hanggang last her Kopino child ever year, hanggang ngayon naman nabibigyan pa rin since he was a baby. siya, sa mga damit niya, Kopino ang nag provide.‖ ―Sobrang laking tulong sa amin, sa kanya, sa akin She also states that the din. Nakatulong talaga. NGO has been effective in helping ―Oo (effective ang KCAI), kasi noong last na others, since more umattend ako ng meeting naming, maraming mothers have been bagong parents, maraming bagong babies na seeking assistance. She
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Kopino. Sinabi sa amin na iyan mga bagong parents, cites that they (the kayo matagal na. Kung ano yung mga pinagdaanan older mothers) have naming, ituro namin sa kanila. Kumbaga, parang been sharing nakakatuwa na kahit hindi ako gaanong umaattend, experiences to the new may mga bagong parents na dumating sa Kopino, mothers on how to nakapag share pa din kami kahit paano. Kasi nga handle situations. hindi pa rin nila alam kung paano ang gagawin nila, dahil yun nga, na-anakan lang din sila ng Koryano In terms of livelihood, tapos iniwanan, pinangakuan, pinaasa, yung iba the NGO has also been naman, namatay. Kaya siyempre, katulad naming, effective in giving nag share nalang kami kung anong dapat gawin. alternatives to mothers. Tapos yung mga sinasabi ni Sir Cedric, yun nalang Irma cites an example din yung inaano namin sa kanila. Halimbawa, may where they were able to mga ano si Sir Cedric sa parents din kung paano earn money within a kumita, sinasabi namin na sundin niyo kasi para rin day. sa inyo yan. Kasi noong nagbenta kami ng orange ni Sir Cedric, sa totoo lang, kumita ako sa isang araw Irma finds that the ng 1,700. Dinadala namin sa Makati, doon kami founder is satisfied nagtitinda. Kami nila Sir Cedric, Cecilia, lahat kami, when mothers nagtitinda kami. Sa isang araw na yun, naka 1,700 cooperate with the kami. Mayroon noon isang van yun, naubos namin livelihood projects. yun, na ponkan. Kaming mga parents, tuwang tuwa kami kasi kumita kami ng 1,700.‖
―Tuwang tuwa din si Sir Cedric sa amin kasi nakipag cooperate kami. Akala kasi sa amin ni Sir, akala niya mga maarte kaming nanay, hindi. Kapag sinabi ni Sir Cedric na magtitinda tayo, magtitinda tayo. Nagtinda kami, hindi naming alam, malaki pala siyang chapel ng Korean, doon kami nagtinda. Sabi netong pamangkin kong si Cecilia, kaya nating magtinda, kaya natin yan. So ayun, nagtinda kami.‖
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