DOCSLIB.ORG

The Political Leaders of Ukraine, 1938-1989

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Political Leaders of Ukraine, 1938-1989 THE POLITICAL LEADERS OF UKRAINE, 1938-1989: The Burden of History Hiroaki Kuromiya University of Indiana The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 910 17th Street, N.W. Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Hiroaki Kuromiya Council Contract Number: 819-21g Date: October 25, 2004 Copyright Information Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER. However, NCEEER possesses the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows: (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U.S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials of foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the U.S. government that grants the public access to documents held by the U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research, scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All papers distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U.S. Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). The analysis and interpretations contained herein are those of the author. ii Executive Summary1 Where is Ukraine going as a newly independent state? This question has been asked by numerous observers ever since Ukraine’s independence in 1991. Yet the question appears to have become even more complex in recent years than before. The present working paper attempts to answer the question indirectly by contexualizing the political thinking of the Ukrainian political leaders who preceded Ukraine’s independence. In the thinking of Westerners, the choice of a “Western” orientation is obvious, because Ukraine’s geopolitical situation is obsolete. Such a choice is possible, but the historical trajectory of Ukraine suggests that Ukraine is likely to meander politically for some time between “West” and “East” (an orientation towards Russia). 1My thanks go to my colleagues in Kyiv, Roman Podkur, Yuri Shapoval, and Valerii Vasil’ev as well as Professor Amir Weiner of Stanford University, all of whom have contributed to this essay by providing to the author archival documents they have collected and engaging me in stimulating discussions. Part of this essay was presented at a working seminar “From Document Collections to Writing History,” Moscow, Russia, 15-18 June 2004. iii Introduction: Past as Prologue in Ukrainian Politics Who will succeed Leonid Kuchma as the president of Ukraine after the presidential election this coming autumn? Will Kuchma manage to manipulate the constitution and the court to stay in power for another term? Will he succeed in placing his favorite in power, just as Boris Yeltsyn did Vladimir Putin in Russia almost five years ago? What is the possibility of an opposition leader emerging as a decisive winner with a clear and determined vision for the future of Ukraine? The prospect, as expected, is not clear. On the one hand, the influence of Ukraine’s former “overlord,” Russia, remains strong. Russia courts Ukraine intensely (especially through Russian business concerns), and Ukraine appears to flirt politically with its eastern neighbor. On the other hand, the lure of the West (represented by the European Union and the United States) remains equally strong. In March 2004, for instance, Ukraine had 2,000 soldiers deployed in Iraq, the third largest (except for the U.S. and U.K. troops) after Italy (2,700) and Poland (2,400), whereas Russia had none. The present preliminary report on the the project in progress “The Political Leaders of Ukraine, 1938–1989” does not pretend to predict the future of Ukraine, but it does analyze some long-term trends in the political thoughts of Ukrainian leaders. Ukraine is one of the largest countries in Europe, much larger than Poland (which is by far the largest among the recent European Union entrants) in geographical and population terms and even larger than France in geographical terms. Ukraine is a new country and, in general, little understood: even specialists of Russia in this country often have only the vaguest of ideas about Ukraine and its history; a great majority of textbooks still refer to Kiev Rus’ as Kiev Russia (Russia as such did not exist then.) The field of Ukrainian studies, in turn, tends to be both isolated and isolationist. This state of affairs obtains in many fields, from international 1 security and political economy to literature and culture. Yet it is inconceivable to envision a stable “Mitteleuropa” (or “Eastern Europe” however one may define these terms) without a finer and more profound understanding of this big yet obscure country called Ukraine. The present project concentrates on the post-Great Terror leaders of Ukraine. No part of history is truly discrete. Although the Great Terror of 1937–38 had liquidated most of the Ukrainian political leadership who had believed in the pro-Ukrainian policy of Moscow (“Ukrainization”), it was the post-Great Terror leadership who defined the complex course of history leading to the 1991 independence of Ukraine. Their term of tenure coincided roughly with the unification (in 1939 under Stalin) of most Ukrainian ethno-linguistic territory which had been divided among several neighboring powers. Ukrainian Identity and Soviet Leaders Some top Ukrainian political leaders are well known, but many others are not. Nikita S. Khrushchev and Lazar M. Kaganovich (who led Ukraine in the 1920s and briefly in the 1940s) are perhaps the most famous. The political records of both are infamous in Ukraine: their roles in political repression are widely documented. Yet it is little known that, for example, Kaganovich, a native of Ukraine and perhaps the most ruthless executioner of Stalin’s policy, spoke the Ukrainian language and, according to his own account, became a professional revolutionary inspired by the literary work “Talisman” (whose hero was a Jew, like Kaganovich himself) by none other than the Ukrainian nationalist and writer Volodymyr Vynnychenko, Kaganovich’s 2 political enemy. 2“Dve besedy s L. M. Kaganovichem,” Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, 1999, no. 2, 120–21. Kaganovich fondly shared this critical episode in his life with his interviewer seventy years after the fact! 2 As this story of Kaganovich suggests, a preliminary picture of the Ukrainian leaders that emerges from our work to date is that they were violently anti-separatist3 but not necessarily anti-Ukrainian (in fact, many had very fond feelings for Ukraine and its people), promoted Ukrainian interests so long as they did not interfere with all-Union interests, and were very proud of the fact that it was under the Soviet regime that Ukraine achieved a stable “statehood.” However, they remained ambivalent about Ukraine’s future in world history, a reflection of Ukraine’s precarious position between the “East” (a Russian orientation) and the “West” (a European orientation). This ambivalence accounts at least for the enigmatic course of post-Soviet leadership in Ukraine. It is not clear yet whether future Ukrainian leaders will be able to extricate themselves from this historical bind. Khrushchev, who ruled Ukraine from 1938 to 1949 (with a short hiatus after the war when Kaganovich replaced him), may have been purely hypocritical when, at the beginning of WWII, on 6 July 1941, he addressed the Ukrainian people as “Comrades Workers, Peasants, Intelligentsia of the Great Ukrainian people! ”, using the heroic history of the Ukrainian people to full effect: The cursed enemy has captured part of our native Ukraine by a perfidious attack. This cannot frighten our mighty militant people. The German dog-knights were slashed by the sword of the warriors of [Prince] Danylo of Galicia [who founded L’viv in the thirteenth century], by the sabres of Cossacks under Bohdan Khmel’nyts’kyi, and the kaiser’s hords were destroyed by the Ukrainian people under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin in 1918. 4 3According to Khrushchev, Kaganovich “was fond of saying that every Ukrainian is potentially a nationalist.” Khrushchev Remembers, tr. and ed. Strobe Talbott, introduction, commentary, and notes by Edward Crankshaw (Boston, 1970), p. 172. 4Tsentral’nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv hromads’kykh ob"iednan’ Ukrainy [TsDAHO] (Kyiv, Ukraine), f. 1, op. 13, spr. 17, ark. 11–12. 3 True, Khrushchev did not fail to remind the “great Ukrainian people” of their “brother, the great Russian people.” Yet it was also Khrushchev who consciously promoted the awakening of Ukrainian national sentiments (within certain limits) to win the war.5 This new awakening led to serious complications after the war, and a civil war against the Ukrainian nationalists was fought ruthlessly, mainly in western Ukraine. Khrushchev made it clear that the independence of Ukraine was anathema. As soon as Western Ukraine was liberated from the Germans, Khrushchev addressed the population, “Dear Brothers, Ukrainians, and All Citizens who Reside in the Western Region of Our Native Ukraine! ” Emphasizing the Soviet liberation of Ukraine, Khrushchev challenged the Ukrainian nationalists: What [kind of] independent Ukraine can exist, when now Ukraine already is free and Soviet, where the Ukrainians are the masters of their situation? Everything is set to serve the Soviet Ukrainian people: our workers live by the laws decided according to their will, develop their own native culture, speak in their native tongue, lay their own national cultural foundations, create their own poems, their own arts.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ukrainian Revolution”
    © 2018 Author(s). Open Access. This article is “Studi Slavistici”, xv, 2018, 2: 141-154 distributed under the terms of the cc by-nc-nd 4.0 doi: 10.13128/Studi_Slavis-22777 Submitted on 2018, February 25th issn 1824-761x (print) Accepted on 2018, October 19th issn 1824-7601 (online) Ulrich Schmid Volodymyr Vynnyčenko as Diarist, Historian and Writer. Literary narratives of the “Ukrainian Revolution” Volodymyr Vynnyčenko was an acclaimed writer at the time of his inauguration as head of the Ukrainian state in 1918. He firmly believed in the possibility of combining po- litical independence with a just social order. When the Bolsheviks established the Soviet Ukrainian Republic in 1919, he left the country. For a short time, he offered his service to the new government and hoped the state would develop into a national communist system. Among all available options, the Bolsheviks seemed to provide the best perspectives for a socialist Ukrainian state. For quite a long time, Vynnyčenko was convinced of the following syllogism: The Ukrainian nation is comprised of proletarians. The Bolsheviks are the natural advocates of the proletarian cause. Hence they must also support the Ukrainian national cause (Gilley 2006: 513, 518). However, the situation turned out to be more complicated. Gripped by disappointment, Vynnyčenko eventually declared his dissolution with politics, and announced his intention to live on as a writer. However, in 1935 he stressed his inability to separate political views from his literary and artistic activities (Stelmashenko 1989: 260). Undoubtedly, the main event in Vynnyčenko’s adventurous life was what he called the “Ukrainian revolution”.
    [Show full text]
  • Volodymyr Vynnychenko and the Early Ukrainian Decadent Film (1917–1918)
    УДК 008:791.43.01 O. Kirillova volodymyr vynnychenKo and the early uKrainian decadent film (1917–1918) The article is focused on the phenomenon of the early Ukrainian decadent cinema, in particular, in rela- tion to filmings of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s dramaturgy. One of the brightest examples of ‘film decadence’ in Vynnychenko’s oevre is “The Lie” directed by Vyacheslav Vyskovs’ky in 1918, discovered recently in the film archives. This film displays the principles of ‘ethical symbolism’, ‘dark’ expressionist aesthetics and remains the unique masterpiece of specifically Ukranian film decadence. Keywords: decadent film, fin de sciècle, cultural diffusion, cultural split, ethical symbolism, filming, editing. The early Ukranian decadent film as an integral screening, «The Devil’s Staircase», filmed by a Rus­ part of the trend of decadence in the world cinema sian producer Georgiy Azagarov in 1917 (released can be regarded as a specific problem for research­ in February 1918) put the central conflict in the area ers because of its diffusion within the cinematogra­ of circus actors. This film had been considered des­ phy of Russian Empire. Ukrainian subjects in the perately lost. The second “Black Panther” was taken cinema of 1910s, on the one hand, had traditionally into production by Sygyzmund Kryzhaniv’sky on been related to «ethnographical topics» (to begin “Ukrainfil’m” – in 1918. Unfortunately, the produc­ with the one of the earliest Russian silents «Taras tion had not been finished due to the regular change Bul’ba», 1909, after Mykola Hohol’), but, on the of government in Ukraine. Finally, the third one, other hand, had been represented partly in Russian “Die Schwarze Pantherin” filmed in Germany by film, though totally diffused in its cultural contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • State Building in Revolutionary Ukraine
    STATE BUILDING IN REVOLUTIONARY UKRAINE Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM This page intentionally left blank Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM STEPHEN VELYCHENKO STATE BUILDING IN REVOLUTIONARY UKRAINE A Comparative Study of Governments and Bureaucrats, 1917–1922 UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2011 Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com Printed in Canada ISBN 978-1-4426-4132-7 Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable- based inks. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Velychenko, Stephen State building in revolutionary Ukraine: a comparative study of governments and bureaucrats, 1917–1922/Stephen Velychenko. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4426-4132-7 1. Ukraine – Politics and government – 1917–1945. 2. Public adminstration – Ukraine – History – 20th century. 3. Nation-building – Ukraine – History – 20th century 4. Comparative government. I. Title DK508.832.V442011 320.9477'09041 C2010-907040-2 The research for this book was made possible by University of Toronto Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grants, by the Katedra Foundation, and the John Yaremko Teaching Fellowship. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the fi nancial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the fi nancial support of the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund for its publishing activities.
    [Show full text]
  • History of Ukrainian Statehood: ХХ- the Beginning of the ХХІ Century
    NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LIFE AND ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE OF UKRAINE FACULTY OF THE HUMANITIES AND PEDAGOGY Department of History and Political Sciences N. KRAVCHENKO History of Ukrainian Statehood: ХХ- the beginning of the ХХІ century Textbook for students of English-speaking groups Kyiv 2017 UDК 93/94 (477) BBК: 63.3 (4 Укр) К 77 Recommended for publication by the Academic Council of the National University of Life and Environmental Science of Ukraine (Protocol № 3, on October 25, 2017). Reviewers: Kostylyeva Svitlana Oleksandrivna, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Department of History of the National Technical University of Ukraine «Kyiv Polytechnic Institute»; Vyhovskyi Mykola Yuriiovych, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Faculty of Historical Education of the National Pedagogical Drahomanov University Вilan Serhii Oleksiiovych, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Department of History and Political Sciences of the National University of Life and Environmental Science of Ukraine. Аristova Natalia Oleksandrivna, Doctor of Pedagogic Sciences, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of English Philology of the National University of Life and Environmental Science of Ukraine. Author: PhD, Associate Professor Nataliia Borysivna Kravchenko К 77 Kravchenko N. B. History of Ukrainian Statehood: ХХ - the beginning of the ХХІ century. Textbook for students of English-speaking groups. / Kravchenko N. B. – Куiv: Еditing and Publishing Division NUBiP of Ukraine, 2017. – 412 р. ISBN 978-617-7396-79-5 The textbook-reference covers the historical development of Ukraine Statehood in the ХХ- at the beginning of the ХХІ century. The composition contains materials for lectures, seminars and self-study. It has general provisions, scientific and reference materials - personalities, chronology, terminology, documents and manual - set of tests, projects and recommended literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Iuliia Kysla
    Rethinking the Postwar Era: Soviet Ukrainian Writers Under Late Stalinism, 1945-1949 by Iuliia Kysla A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Iuliia Kysla, 2018 Abstract This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its prewar precursor. I analyze the reintegration of Ukrainian writers into the postwar Soviet polity and their adaptation to the new realities following the dramatic upheavals of war. Focusing on two parallel case studies, Lviv and Kyiv, this study explores how the Soviet regime worked with members of the intelligentsia in these two cities after 1945, at a time when both sides were engaged in “identification games.” This dissertation demonstrates that, despite the regime’s obsession with control, there was some room for independent action on the part of Ukrainian writers and other intellectuals. Authors exploited gaps in Soviet discourse to reclaim agency, which they used as a vehicle to promote their own cultural agendas. Unlike the 1930s, when all official writers had to internalize the tropes of Soviet culture, in the postwar years there was some flexibility in an author’s ability to accept or reject the Soviet system. Moreover, this dissertation suggests that Stalin’s postwar cultural policy—unlike the strategies of the 1930s, which relied predominantly on coercive tactics—was defined mainly by discipline by humiliation, which often involved bullying and threatening members of the creative intelligentsia.
    [Show full text]
  • Problems of Post-Communism Political Leadership and Ukrainian
    This article was downloaded by: [University of Sussex Library] On: 26 March 2015, At: 07:56 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Problems of Post-Communism Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mppc20 Political Leadership and Ukrainian Nationalism, 1938-1989 : The Burden of History Hiroaki Kuromiya a a Indiana University Published online: 08 Dec 2014. To cite this article: Hiroaki Kuromiya (2005) Political Leadership and Ukrainian Nationalism, 1938-1989 : The Burden of History, Problems of Post-Communism, 52:1, 39-48 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2005.11052191 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • Village Social Organisation and Peasant Action: Right-Bank Ukraine During the Revolution 1917-1923
    VILLAGE SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND PEASANT ACTION: RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE DURING THE REVOLUTION I9I7-I923 GRAHAM TAN PhD SCHOOL OF SLAVONIC AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON » UNIVERSITY ) " F J . LONOOf,' ' / ProQuest Number: U642459 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642459 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT 2 VILLAGE SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND PEASANT ACTION: RIGHT’-BANK UKRAINE DURING THE REVOLUTION 1917-1923 The thesis studies the role of peasant village institutions in the revolution in Right-Bank Ukraine during 1917-1923. The two schools of study which have so far dominated discussion of the subject, the Soviet and the Ukrainian National, have failed to produce a balanced history of events or follow the recent progress made in studies of the Russian peasantry. The work studies events from a village-level perspective and is based on records from peasant meetings and local government institutions, gathered from recently declassified fonds in Ukrainian and Russian archives. The thesis begins by considering the roots of the region’s economic and political diversity and their effect on peasant society before 1917.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ambiguities of Soviet “Piedmonts”: Soviet Borderland
    THE AMBIGUITIES OF SOVIET “PIEDMONTS”: SOVIET BORDERLAND POLICIES IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR AND THE MOLDOVAN ASSR, 1922-1934 Alexandr Voronovici A DISSERTATION in History Presented to the Faculties of the Central European University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Budapest, Hungary 2016 CEU eTD Collection Supervisor: Professor Alexei Miller ii Copyright in the text of this dissertation rests with the author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained by the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copied made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. I hereby declare that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees and no materials previously written and/or published by another person unless otherwise noted. CEU eTD Collection iii Abstract The dissertation analyzes Soviet borderland policies in the Ukrainian SSR and the Moldovan ASSR in the 1920s and early 1930s. Adopting the situational approach, I explore the Soviet struggle for borderlands on the Western border and the role of the cross-border cultural ties in it. The dissertation argues that the negotiations, different interpretations and the interplay between actors on both sides of the Soviet Western border influenced and framed the evolution of borderland policies in the Ukrainian SSR and the Moldovan ASSR in 1920s. Although, the Soviet Union was a centralized state with a disciplined party, there was still considerable space for conflicting interpretations of Moscow's directives and the promotion of personal agenda by Soviet leaders and activists.
    [Show full text]
  • The Jewish Question in the Ukrainian Revolution (1919-1920)
    The Jewish Question in the Ukrainian Revolution (1919-1920): A Reappraisal of Ukrainian-Jewish Relations Based on the Daily Ukraїna By Olga Petrova Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Michael L. Miller Second Reader: Professor Alfred J. Rieber CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Copyright Notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Abstract The Russian Revolution of March 1917 brought about democratization of the Russian society and provided Ukrainians with an opportunity to realize their right to self- determination. The project of the Ukrainian state evolved from the proclamation of autonomy to the daring effort of establishing an independent Ukrainian People`s Republic. This republic was one of the first states in the world to recognize the right of the Jewish population to national-personal autonomy and to attempt implementing it in practice. This effort, however, was doomed to fail due to the mounting Bolshevik threat and as a result of the destructive wave of anti-Jewish violence that swept across ethnically Ukrainian territories, coinciding largely with the period of the so-called Directory, the rule of the provisional body established by Ukrainian national forces at the end of 1918.
    [Show full text]
  • Volodymyr Levyts'kyi Papers 1880S-1980 BA#0526
    Volodymyr Levyts'kyi Papers 1880s-1980 BA#0526 ©2009 Columbia University Library SUMMARY INFORMATION Creator Volodymyr Sofronovych Levyts'kyi Title and dates Volodymyr Levyts'kyi Papers, 1880s-1980 Abstract The papers comprise correspondence, personal documents, organizational records and documents, financial statements and receipts, manuscripts, research notes, photographs, sheet music, Ukrainian song lyrics, printed materials, periodicals relating to the life and professional activities of Volodymyr Levyts'kyi, an editor, prominent political and social activist, and leader of the Ukrainian émigré community. Size 14 linear feet (22 archival document boxes, 2 flat boxes, 1 oversize folder) Call number BA#0526 Location Columbia University Butler Library, 6th Floor Rare Book and Manuscript Library 535 West 114th Street New York, NY 10027 Volodymyr Levyts'kyi Papers Language(s) of material English, German, Polish, Russian, Ukrainian Biographical Note Volodymyr Levyts’kyi, prominent Ukrainian émigré political and social activist, community leader, journalist, and editor, was born 16 August 1888 in the village of Krychka, Stanislav district, Ivano- Frankivs’k region. He studied law in the universities in L'viv, Krakow, and Vienna in 1912-1914. After the beginning of World War I, Levyts’kyi became a member of the Soiuz Vyzvolennia Ukrainy (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine) and worked for the organization in German internment camps in 1915- 1918. He organized cultural and educational work for Ukrainian internees. In 1919-1920, Levyts’kyi headed the press office of the mission of the Ukrains’ka Narodna Respublika in Berlin. After emigrating to the United States in 1924, he became a leading member of Oborona Ukrainy (Defense of Ukraine) and later its secretary (1933- 1941), and editor of its Orhanizatsiini visti (1936- 1941).
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Change of Signposts' in the Ukrainian Emigration: A
    The failure of the attempts to create a Ukrainian state during the 1917-21 SPPS revolution created a large Ukrainian émigré community in Central Europe 91 which, due to its experience of fighting the Bolsheviks, developed a decid- edly anti-Communist ideology of integral nationalism. However, during the Gilley SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET POLITICS AND SOCIETY 1920s some in the Ukrainian emigration rejected this doctrine and began Edited by Dr. Andreas Umland to advocate reconciliation with their former enemies and return to Soviet Ukraine. This included some of the most prominent figures in the Ukrainian governments set up after 1917, for example Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Volody- myr Vynnychenko, and Yevhen Petrushevych. On the basis of published Christopher Gilley and unpublished writings of the Sovietophile émigrés, Christopher Gilley The 'Change of Signposts' in the Ukrainian Emigration reconstructs and analyzes the arguments used to justify cooperation with the Bolsheviks. In particular, he contrasts those who supported the Soviet The ‘Change of Signposts’ in the regime because they saw the Bolsheviks as leaders of the international Ukrainian Emigration revolution with those who stressed the apparent national achievements of the Soviet Ukrainian republic. In addition, Gilley examines Soviet poli- A Contribution to the History of Sovietophilism cy towards pro-Soviet émigrés and the relationship between the émigrés and the Bolsheviks using documents from historical archives in Kyiv. The in the 1920s Ukrainian movement is compared to a similar phenomenon in the Russian emigration, “Smena vekh” (“Change of Signposts”). With a foreword by Frank Golczewski The book contributes to the study of the era of the New Economic Policy and Ukrainianization in the Soviet Union as well as to the histories of the Ukrainian emigration in the 1920s and of Ukrainian political thought.
    [Show full text]
  • The Annals of UVAN, Volume X, 1962-1963
    The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. are published by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., Inc. editorial committee: Alexander Archimovich, President of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the United States Dmitry Čiževsky, Heidelberg University Alexander Granovsky, University of Minnesota John S. Reshetar, Jr., University of Washington George Y. Shevelov, Columbia University Volody- myr P. Timoshenko, Stanford University e d i t o r : Leonid C. Sonevytsky The views expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of the editor of The Annals All correspondence, orders, and remittances should be addressed to The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., 206 West 100 Street, New York, New York 10025 SUBSCRIPTION RATE FOR ONE VOLUME: $6.00 Price of this volume: $6.00 Copyright 1964, by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., Inc. THE ANNALS OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN TH E U.S., INC. V o l u m e X, 1962-1963 N u m b e r 1 (29) CONTENTS STUDIES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND HISTORY Lenin’s Idea of a Multinational Commonwealth.................... 3 T h e o d o r e B. C iu c iu r a The Ukrainian Question in R. H. Lord’s Writings on the Paris Peace Conference of 1 9 1 9 ....................................................... 65 L e o n id C. So n e v y t sk y Herodotus and Hippocrates on the Anthropology of the Scyth­ ians .
    [Show full text]