ISSN 2029-2074 THE RUSSIAN POPULATION IN TALLINN, BUILDING OF THE BICULTURAL CITY Vincent Dautancourt University of Paris VIII (France) Keywords: Estonia, Tallinn, inter-ethnic relations, Russian minorities, elections. Pagrindinės sąvokos: Estija, Talinas, tarpetniniai santykiai, rusų tautinės mažumos, rinkimai. Introduction The issue of the integration of the non-Estonian population living in Estonia represents one of the main topics for scholars who are interested in this country. We know that about one fourth of the population declares itself as Russian (Estonian Russians include Russians, Ukrainians, and Bielorussians), speaking of nationality and that one third of the population speaks the Russian language as mother tongue. However, the numerous re- searches do not pay attention enough to the geographical distribution of this, or rather those populations. While speaking of the Russian popula- tions in Estonia, the plural having all its sense, one might speak as if the Russian community is equally distributed on the national territory. It is known as well that the northeastern part of Estonia hosts a popu- lation, which is mainly Russian or Russian-speaking. But in fact, the area hosting the most important part of those populations is the Estonian capi- tal. While 33.6 % of the Estonian Russians live in Ida-Viru county, 166,429 individuals, 43 % of the 386,561 Estonian Russians live in Tallinn (Rahvas- tik soo rahvuse ja maakonna… 2009). The fact that the Russian population represents 76.6 % of the northeastern county population (reaching 95 % in 40 urban areas versus only 41.7 % in Tallinn) induces a biased image of the geography of the Russian community elsewhere in Estonia. The aim of this paper is to show some of the characteristics of the situa- tion in Tallinn regarding the issue of the integration of the Russian popula- tion. The city of Tallinn presents a unique case as far as the ethnicity of its inhabitants is concerned, being the only territory in Estonia where Estoni- ans and Russians literately live side by side. The “promiscuity factor” should not be neglected when the integration process tries to increase the contacts between the both communities. This particular situation can be a starting point of a better understanding of the “others”, but also a source of greater frictions, for example the affair of the Bronze Soldier. Before any further development, it is essential to explain that this paper will rather study the Russians populations than one homogeneous commu- nity. Even if the Russians share a common language and a common culture, different criteria allow us to distinguish several groups. Using the language criterion, the relations to the Estonian community, to the State may be dif- ferent if one speaks the Estonian language fluently, a little or not at all. The citizenship of one person could also place him or her in three main differ- ent groups: the Estonian citizens, the Russian citizens and the stateless per- sons. It is though complicated to present who the Estonian Russians are, the groups being not separated one from another. However, this paper mostly uses the data concerning the ethnic Russians, other data remaining unavail- able for every example quoted. It is essential to explain the context of Tallinn regarding the Russian populations, using the ethnic criteria. A closer look on the geographical distribution of the population within the city limits is required. The terri- tory will be one of the key elements in this paper, using geographical and geopolitical approach. The available statistical data allows the presentation of the population in each of the eight administrative districts of Tallinn. Until recently, the unique available data were the result of the 2000 Housing and Population census. Before presenting the 2008 data, let us recall what the situation did look like in 2000, and in 1989. As the Census held in 2000 was the first one since the collapse of the USSR, the results were essential 41 to get a better idea of the distribution of the non-Estonians and the ethnic proportion among the population of each district. The Russians accounted for more than half of the population only in the district of Lasnamäe. In the districts of Põhja-Tallinn, Haabersti, and Mustamäe, the proportions were higher than 30 %. The proportion in the remaining districts was lower than the average in Estonia, with for example only 13.6 % in Nõmme and 7.5 % in Pirita (2000 Population and Housing Census... 2001: 78). It is in- teresting to know that compared to the last Soviet census held in 1989, the proportion of Russians lowered in each district. This general trend could be differently quantified, depending on the district. In the newly build suburb of Lasnamäe, the proportion of Russian populations diminished by 4.3 %, meanwhile the Russian community of the central city (comprising of the old town) underwent a drastic shortening in 11 year (55.9 %). What has the evolution been since 2000? Are Russian populations still dwelling in the same districts? On the other hand, in the suburban area, people tended to remain in the apartment they had been living in since their arrival to Estonia. Did the situation changed since 2000, in other words are Russians still dwelling in “Russian neighborhoods”? The follow- ing data is from the beginning of 2008, as the Tallinn. Facts and figures 2008 do not present the place of residence of each national group (Tallinn. Facts and Figures 2008... 2009). Eight years after the 2000 Census, the statistics reveal new trends. One can state that the proportion of Russians has increased in several districts, including those where the Russian population had remained low until then. This evolution is both due to the increase of the number of Russians and the decrease of the Estonian population. The population mostly increased in the districts where the Russians where already living, but also in “Estonian” district, such as Pirita, where the Russians represent nowadays 13.7 % of the local population (9.7 % and 7.5 % in 1989 and in 2000). This district is not the most “Estonian” district anymore, which is Nõmme, with 12.5 %. (21 % in 1989 and 13.6 % en 2000) (Tallinna Arvudes ... 2008: 10). Russians decide and have the possibilities to move and live away from the Soviet- era dwellings in individual houses, in a better environment. Pirita is the district where real estate is among the most expensive in Tallinn. As people become richer, they prefer to change their living environment. This element goes against the idea that Russians are segregated in Tallinn. However, the statistics show that the district of Lasnamäe becomes more Russian than previously during the Soviet and immediate post-Soviet periods, with a 42 proportion as high as in 1989: 54.1 % in 1989 and 57.8 % 20 years later. It is essential to notice that this data reflect the factual increase of the number of Russians in absolute figures: their number increased not only due to the departure of Estonians (-20 % from 2000 to 2008) but also by the arrival of new Russians who come here to live (+8 %). The same trend, but on a smaller range, exists in Mustamäe, Põhja-Tallinn and Haabersti. At the same time, we should not forget that the proportion increased also because the Estonian population decreased or stabilized in each of these districts. In the abovementioned case of Pirita, the increase of the proportion is due to a higher number of Russian immigrants than Estonian ones. All implies that the Russian population continues to be more concen- trated in several districts. The Russian population of Lasnamäe, which rep- resented 31 % of the Russian population of Tallinn in 1989 (2000 Popula- tion... 2001: 69), now represents 41.9 % of the same population (Tallinna Arvudes... 2008: 10). As a matter of the place of residence, even if Russians go to live in new districts, it concerns few persons compared to the popula- tion of Lasnamäe. This evolution since the beginning of the 1990’s imposes to study the relations between Estonians and Russians. While keeping in mind the distribution of the population, it is essential to concentrate on the main issue related to the Russian speakers in Tallinn: the relationship between this linguistic group and the Estonian-speaking majority. It is important to study what the chances are that groups to meet in the city. The language issue is a coreconcerne Estonian legislation requires skills in the sole official language for those who wish to become a citizen of the Republic. According to the Estonian authorities, the result of a basic knowledge of the Estonian language will help for a better understanding of one another. However, improvements are still needed especially concern- ing the Soviet past of Estonia. More than a language issue, it is a cultural question that must be studied. This aspect is not new for scholars or for officials in Estonia. Many papers and books have been written, integration programs, with support from European institutions were implemented. The hope for closer relations exists among Russian youngsters who have to learn the official language throughout their education in schools. Statistics 43 had already shown in 2000 a new trend, with more Russian speakers hav- ing knowledge of the Estonian language, than Estonians had skills with the Russian language. This fact is not without consequences as Russian speak- ers are not any longer automatically understood by Estonian interlocutors. However, how could those people be able to communicate in one or another language if they do not spend time together? I mentioned that the district of Pirita, in northeastern Tallinn became the home district of more Russians. The place of residence may play a great role for the communica- tion, but the school or the place of work is even more essential.