ISSN 2029-2074

THE RUSSIAN POPULATION IN , BUILDING OF THE BICULTURAL CITY

Vincent Dautancourt University of Paris VIII (France)

Keywords: , Tallinn, inter-ethnic relations, Russian minorities, elections. Pagrindinės sąvokos: Estija, Talinas, tarpetniniai santykiai, rusų tautinės mažumos, rinkimai.

Introduction

The issue of the integration of the non-Estonian population living in Estonia represents one of the main topics for scholars who are interested in this country. We know that about one fourth of the population declares itself as Russian (Estonian Russians include Russians, Ukrainians, and Bielorussians), speaking of nationality and that one third of the population speaks the Russian language as mother tongue. However, the numerous re- searches do not pay attention enough to the geographical distribution of this, or rather those populations. While speaking of the Russian popula- tions in Estonia, the plural having all its sense, one might speak as if the Russian community is equally distributed on the national territory. It is known as well that the northeastern part of Estonia hosts a popu- lation, which is mainly Russian or Russian-speaking. But in fact, the area hosting the most important part of those populations is the Estonian capi- tal. While 33.6 % of the Estonian Russians live in Ida-Viru county, 166,429 individuals, 43 % of the 386,561 Estonian Russians live in Tallinn (Rahvas- tik soo rahvuse ja maakonna… 2009). The fact that the Russian population represents 76.6 % of the northeastern county population (reaching 95 % in 40

urban areas versus only 41.7 % in Tallinn) induces a biased image of the geography of the Russian community elsewhere in Estonia. The aim of this paper is to show some of the characteristics of the situa- tion in Tallinn regarding the issue of the integration of the Russian popula- tion. The city of Tallinn presents a unique case as far as the ethnicity of its inhabitants is concerned, being the only territory in Estonia where Estoni- ans and Russians literately live side by side. The “promiscuity factor” should not be neglected when the integration process tries to increase the contacts between the both communities. This particular situation can be a starting point of a better understanding of the “others”, but also a source of greater frictions, for example the affair of the Bronze Soldier. Before any further development, it is essential to explain that this paper will rather study the Russians populations than one homogeneous commu- nity. Even if the Russians share a common language and a common culture, different criteria allow us to distinguish several groups. Using the language criterion, the relations to the Estonian community, to the State may be dif- ferent if one speaks the Estonian language fluently, a little or not at all. The citizenship of one person could also place him or her in three main differ- ent groups: the Estonian citizens, the Russian citizens and the stateless per- sons. It is though complicated to present who the Estonian Russians are, the groups being not separated one from another. However, this paper mostly uses the data concerning the ethnic Russians, other data remaining unavail- able for every example quoted.

It is essential to explain the context of Tallinn regarding the Russian populations, using the ethnic criteria. A closer look on the geographical distribution of the population within the city limits is required. The terri- tory will be one of the key elements in this paper, using geographical and geopolitical approach. The available statistical data allows the presentation of the population in each of the eight administrative districts of Tallinn. Until recently, the unique available data were the result of the 2000 Housing and Population census. Before presenting the 2008 data, let us recall what the situation did look like in 2000, and in 1989. As the Census held in 2000 was the first one since the collapse of the USSR, the results were essential 41 to get a better idea of the distribution of the non-Estonians and the ethnic proportion among the population of each district. The Russians accounted for more than half of the population only in the district of Lasnamäe. In the districts of Põhja-Tallinn, , and Mustamäe, the proportions were higher than 30 %. The proportion in the remaining districts was lower than the average in Estonia, with for example only 13.6 % in Nõmme and 7.5 % in (2000 Population and Housing Census... 2001: 78). It is in- teresting to know that compared to the last Soviet census held in 1989, the proportion of Russians lowered in each district. This general trend could be differently quantified, depending on the district. In the newly build suburb of Lasnamäe, the proportion of Russian populations diminished by 4.3 %, meanwhile the Russian community of the central city (comprising of the old town) underwent a drastic shortening in 11 year (55.9 %). What has the evolution been since 2000? Are Russian populations still dwelling in the same districts? On the other hand, in the suburban area, people tended to remain in the apartment they had been living in since their arrival to Estonia. Did the situation changed since 2000, in other words are Russians still dwelling in “Russian neighborhoods”? The follow- ing data is from the beginning of 2008, as the Tallinn. Facts and figures 2008 do not present the place of residence of each national group (Tallinn. Facts and Figures 2008... 2009). Eight years after the 2000 Census, the statistics reveal new trends. One can state that the proportion of Russians has increased in several districts, including those where the Russian population had remained low until then. This evolution is both due to the increase of the number of Russians and the decrease of the Estonian population. The population mostly increased in the districts where the Russians where already living, but also in “Estonian” district, such as Pirita, where the Russians represent nowadays 13.7 % of the local population (9.7 % and 7.5 % in 1989 and in 2000). This district is not the most “Estonian” district anymore, which is Nõmme, with 12.5 %. (21 % in 1989 and 13.6 % en 2000) (Tallinna Arvudes ... 2008: 10). Russians decide and have the possibilities to move and live away from the Soviet- era dwellings in individual houses, in a better environment. Pirita is the district where real estate is among the most expensive in Tallinn. As people become richer, they prefer to change their living environment. This element goes against the idea that Russians are segregated in Tallinn. However, the statistics show that the district of Lasnamäe becomes more Russian than previously during the Soviet and immediate post-Soviet periods, with a 42

proportion as high as in 1989: 54.1 % in 1989 and 57.8 % 20 years later. It is essential to notice that this data reflect the factual increase of the number of Russians in absolute figures: their number increased not only due to the departure of Estonians (-20 % from 2000 to 2008) but also by the arrival of new Russians who come here to live (+8 %). The same trend, but on a smaller range, exists in Mustamäe, Põhja-Tallinn and Haabersti. At the same time, we should not forget that the proportion increased also because the Estonian population decreased or stabilized in each of these districts. In the abovementioned case of Pirita, the increase of the proportion is due to a higher number of Russian immigrants than Estonian ones. All implies that the Russian population continues to be more concen- trated in several districts. The Russian population of Lasnamäe, which rep- resented 31 % of the Russian population of Tallinn in 1989 (2000 Popula- tion... 2001: 69), now represents 41.9 % of the same population (Tallinna Arvudes... 2008: 10). As a matter of the place of residence, even if Russians go to live in new districts, it concerns few persons compared to the popula- tion of Lasnamäe. This evolution since the beginning of the 1990’s imposes to study the relations between Estonians and Russians.

While keeping in mind the distribution of the population, it is essential to concentrate on the main issue related to the Russian speakers in Tallinn: the relationship between this linguistic group and the Estonian-speaking majority. It is important to study what the chances are that groups to meet in the city. The language issue is a coreconcerne Estonian legislation requires skills in the sole official language for those who wish to become a citizen of the Republic. According to the Estonian authorities, the result of a basic knowledge of the Estonian language will help for a better understanding of one another. However, improvements are still needed especially concern- ing the Soviet past of Estonia. More than a language issue, it is a cultural question that must be studied. This aspect is not new for scholars or for officials in Estonia. Many papers and books have been written, integration programs, with support from European institutions were implemented. The hope for closer relations exists among Russian youngsters who have to learn the official language throughout their education in schools. Statistics 43 had already shown in 2000 a new trend, with more Russian speakers hav- ing knowledge of the Estonian language, than Estonians had skills with the Russian language. This fact is not without consequences as Russian speak- ers are not any longer automatically understood by Estonian interlocutors. However, how could those people be able to communicate in one or another language if they do not spend time together? I mentioned that the district of Pirita, in northeastern Tallinn became the home district of more Russians. The place of residence may play a great role for the communica- tion, but the school or the place of work is even more essential. In an ar- ticle published in the Journal of Baltic Studies in March 2009, Külliki Korts presented that Estonians and Russians meet mostly (53 %) at work (Korts 2009: 127). This concerns only adults, and contacts between youngsters are also a key element in a study of the Russian-Estonian relations. According to the website of the city of Tallinn, there are 151 kindergar- tens and 85 schools, from primary school to high school (gümnaasium). The list composed by the municipality for the usage of parents presents the location and the teaching language of each school. Out of the 151 kinder- gartens, the Estonian language is used in 98 and the Russian language in 35, and the both languages in 19 of them. Out of the 85 schools, 55 schools offer an education in the Estonian language and 28 schools use the Rus- sian language. Only one high school use both languages in Mustamäe dis- trict (Tallinna Haridusamet Koolid 2009, Tallinna Haridusamet Lasteaiad 2009). The pupils may have a chance to meet in kindergartens, if parents decide that their children must learn a different language than their mother tongue. Bilingual kindergartens are present in every district but Nõmme and Haabersti. Their number remains low and they are not located in cen- tral places. The absence of bilingual schools prevents massive opportuni- ties for interaction. Meetings, such as sport meetings may be organized between Estonian schools and Russian ones, but is it sufficient enough to create a trend among youngsters? Russian schools exist in all districts but three (Kristiine, Pirita, and Nõmme). As Russian families move to other districts such as Pirita, the chance to register the children in schools using the Estonian language in- creases, especially if there is no Russian school in the neighborhood and if the children went to Estonian or bilingual kindergartens. In the district of Pirita, the increasing Russian population creates a new territory where Estonians and Russians may meet. However, can one be so optimistic? Liv- ing in one district does mean living with the other persons of the district, 44

especially in Pirita where real estate is mostly individual houses, and some- times gated-communities. Concerning the schools, will the increase of the Russian population in Pirita be a factor to develop Russian schools? The evolution is still new and the number of persons is not very important in comparison with the whole population of Tallinn. Though, it is difficult to imagine the consequences of the presence of the larger Russian population in “Estonian” neighborhoods. As a matter of schools, what would the trend be? Several scenarios are possible. On the one hand, the Russian inhabit- ants of Pirita could decide that their children have to learn the Estonian language and go to Estonian schools. On the other hand, the increase of the Russian population could be an opportunity to open new schools, which use the Russian language as the teaching language. This would prevent chil- dren and teenagers to meet in new places. Another fact goes against the creation of closer relations. Even if the city of Tallinn spreads on a wide territory, the distances do not impose a particularly localized life. A young inhabitant of the district of Pirita will go to school in Lasnamäe (Tallinna munitsipaalkoolid... 2009), though parents can choose a school and have the choice for the teaching language. Although families dwell in new dis- tricts, it does not mean they will spend time there. More generally, the dis- trict of Pirita is similar to a rural municipality, where people only spend the night and work in the city.

The issue of the integration of these Russian populations must also be studied from the point of political parties. One of the specificities of the po- litical life in Estonia is that no Russian party gathers the votes of the Russian speakers. The Russian parties had no members f Parliament after the na- tional election of 2003 and the following elections in 2005 and 2007 which were two failures in Tallinn. The Citizens’ initiative got 2.9 % of the votes in 2005 and the Constitutional Party 1.93 % in 2007 (Kohaliku omavalitsuse... 2005, Valimine... 2007) The 2009 local elections were worse, since the two Russian lists, Russian Left Union – Our city Vene( Vasak Liit – Meie Linn) and the List of Klenski – Russian Center (Spisok Klenskogo – Russkij Tsentr) gathered overall 1.48 % of the votes (Kohaliku omavalitsuse... 2009). One of the reasons why the Russians do not vote for Russian parties is this heterogeneity of the community. However, it is possible to describe 45 common behaviors considering the electoral votes. The elections showed in the past that the Russian populations mostly vote for the Center Party (Keskerakond), whose leader is Edgar Savisaar, mayor of Tallinn since 2007. The Center Party got its best results in Ida-Viru county (31 % in 2005, 55 % in 2007, and 41 % in 2009) and in Tallinn (41 % in 2005, 35 % in 2007, and 53 % in 2009). (The elections to the European Parliament in 2009 were also a success for this party in Tallinn, with 40 % of the vote (Euroopa Parlamen- di... 2009). The electoral map and the map of geographical distribution of the Russian populations show a strong link between this data. In the case of Tallinn, the percentage of votes given to Edgar Savisaar and his party were higher for the local elections, in which the stateless persons are allowed to participate, unlike in Latvia. The non-Estonians see the actual mayor of Tallinn, as the defender of the national minorities, as it was written in the 2007 elections’ platform of the party. “Our goal is to avoid the tensions and hatred between national groups. We will provide to every inhabitant an education in Estonian, in order them to acquire the Estonian citizenship. We will develop the integration of national minorities at each level of the social life, including local government. We will guarantee a good education in Russian and the Russian high schools will not be closed.” (Eesti Kes- kerakonda... 2007). It is essential to notice that the Center Party gets more votes among the persons who cannot vote for the national elections. Be- fore the local elections held in October 2009, poles showed that the Center Party would get more votes in local elections than in a national elections, which exclude the non-citizens. According to a Turu-Uuringute AS survey, conducted in March 2009, 25 % of voters in Tallinn would support Edgar Savisaar and his colleagues in parliamentary elections and 37 % in local elections (Berendson 2009). But the Center Party must be careful and keep an eye on this precise electorate, since it can assure an absolute majority in the City Council of Tallinn. Until October 2009 and the coming local elections, the Center Party ruled the council with 37 representatives out of 63. To maintain this majority and to strengthen it, the party needed to convince the Russian voters to keep supporting it. The Center Party tried during the campaign to strongly control the districts where the population may vote for its candi- dates, even with method that can be seen as propaganda by the opposition’s parties. In May 2009, members of the Center Party displayed thousands of signs explaining that the Lasnamäe district’s inhabitants did not want to 46

receive propaganda from the Reform Party, the party leading the Estonian government (Kass 2009a). The local elections of 2009 revealed that the Center Party was well es- tablished in Tallinn as the party got 44 out of the 79 seats of the new coun- cil. This outstanding victory (53,5 %) was in a great extent due to the loyalty of the Russian populations to Edgar Savisaar and his colleagues. In Las- namäe, the Center Party got 76 % of the vote, with more than 80 % in sev- eral poll stations. On the contrary, in the “Estonian” Pirita, the Center Party gathered an average of 23 %. Even if the electorate of the party is not only constituted of Russian populations, higher is the proportion of Russians in a station, stronger is the victory. It is also essential to notice the major role played by Edgar Savisaar, chairman of the Center Party. The 2009 elec- tions revealed how the persona of Edgar Savisaar cannot be ignored. With 38.978 votes, i.e. 64 % of votes in Lasnamäe, Edgar Savisaar could claim a personal victory in Tallinn. The role of the president of the Center Party cannot be undermined and an election without him as candidate would be different, as the person who gathered the biggest amount of votes overall after mayor of Tallinn is Jüri Ratas, with only 9733 votes. More than the name of the candidates, the context is also essential to understand the victory. The economical crisis and the decisions made by the government of were an argument used by the Center Party to attract the majority of votes. Meanwhile, one fear was the impact of the removal of the Bronze Soldier in 2007. But even if it was difficult to ac- cept the defeat, Andrus Ansip did not see any sanction linked to the monu- ment. According to Estonian Prime Minister, the results did not differ for previous elections and the reasons why a majority chose the candidates of the Center Party, was that those candidates had frightened the population about economic issues, like the devaluation of the Estonian crown (Kass 2009b). It explains why the Russians populations choose the Center Party, which seems to be more reliable than the Russian parties as a matter of economics. It also shows that the elections are not ethnic elections, even if the political actors always keep this issue in mind. This question of the Russian votes for the Center Party became impor- tant at the beginning of 2009. A strong debate in Tallinn appeared when the chairman of the City Council presented a project of administrative re- form. In the context of economic crisis, the Center Party majority decided to prevent useless spendings by unifying Tallinn and the neighboring rural 47 municipalities of Viimsi, Saku, Rae, Saue and Harku and the city of Maardu. This project of a “Great-Tallinn” was to delete services dispensed at differ- ent locations because of the administrative division in the area in Tallinn and around. The eight districts would have been reorganized and the dif- ferent independent units would have become new districts of the Estonian capital city. The presentation of the reform by Toomas Vitsut, chairman of the City Council, did not mention the question of the coming elections, but the reform would have been completed before the elections. The theme was present in some of the criticism from the opposition’s leaders. Speeches presented the reform proposal as a way for the city government to strength- en the majority in the municipal assembly. A union with the neighboring administrative units would include in Tallinn the city of Maardu, where 10,331 Russians live, 61 % of the city population (2000 Population and Housing Census... 2001: 78) and 7,246 non-citizens (2000 Population and Housing Census... 2001: 40) The Center Party would be able to capitalize more votes from the stateless residents and get an absolute majority in the City Council. “The wish to unify Tallinn and Maardu cities increased the possibility for the Center Party to gain the benefits of the absolute majority that exists [since 2007] in Maardu in the coming local elections,” as , chairman of the IRL party, declared (Henno 2009). The issue of the nationality and the citizenship remains complex. The statistics show that the proportion of the Russian is lower when Tallinn and the neighboring administrative units are united. Even if the city of Maardu is one of the most “Russian” city in Estonia, the Estonian population in the rural municipalities is more numerous. The proportion on Estonians and Russians in the “Great-Tallinn” would be 56 % and 34 %, so an increase and a decrease of higher than 2 points. Using the statistics concerning the non- citizens, the difference is smaller, but the proportions are not higher in a “Great-Tallinn” administrative unit. Also according to the 2000 Population and Housing Census, the proportion of stateless residents would be 17.46 %, against 18.02 % in Tallinn, which implies that the idea presented by opposi- tion’s leaders may not be exact. However, those statistics give a false idea, since they show neither the proportion of voters nor the participation in the elections. Using the results of the local elections of 2005 and the parliamentary elections of 2007, it is possible to present the weight of the Center Party in each municipality, without taking in account the nationality of the voters. (The Center Party 48

is one of the main parties in Estonia and gets many votes from Estonians voters). In 2007, 34.85 % of the electors of Tallinn, who voted, voted for Edgar Savisaar and his fellow candidates. In 2005, the result had been better for the local elections, with a result of 41.1 % of the votes. The “Great-Tal- linn” would not help the Center Party, since the party got only 15.45 % and 15.28 % of the votes in 2005 and 2007, even with a result of 43 % in Maardu in 2007. The result of Maardu is not significant enough, because the non- citizens could not vote. Meanwhile, as Mart Laar explained, a new majority appeared in 2007, since the Center Party was not so strong in 2005 with only 15.25 % of the votes. The inhabitants had voted for the United Party of Estonia, a Russian party. But twice more persons chose the Center Party in 2007, which means that the Center Party may be stronger in Maardu (Ko- haliku omavalitsuse... 2005, Riigikogu Valimine... 2007). Finally the reform was repealed by the Estonian Parliament, where the parties of the opposition in Tallinn City Council compose the majority. It shows how the majority in the Riigikogu considered the reform as an elec- toral reform, only several months before the elections. It also indicates that the Russian populations, if even not well integrated, are well integrated in the electoral strategy of politicians in Estonia, especially in Tallinn.

After a decade of major evolutions and the departure of thousands of Russians, the situation seems to have stabilized since 2000. However, it is essential to notice that the situation has changed even after the first post- Soviet census. Some Russians choose to live in other districts, creating a new geographical distribution and though new possibilities for Estonians and Russians to meet. The integration of the Russian populations in the Estonian society could be stronger as Russians live in neighborhoods con- sidered as “Estonian” ones. But elements, such as the location of the schools and the languages used to teach, do not create opportunities for youngsters to meet. The gap between the Estonian and the Russian populations re- mains strong. Even if Russians and Estonians live side by side, it does not mean that they will live together. Integration programs may concentrate on the relations at work or at school, places where they can spend time together. The lack of schools using both Estonian and Russian languages creates a brake to better contacts between youngsters. As Russian families 49 move to new places of residence, it could be useful to develop new oppor- tunities for pupils to study together, even with a certain risk of conflicts. New schools using two teaching languages might attract people to other districts, where they could not live before as their children could not study in the language of their choice. The main problem is to know if the number of students would be sufficient to open new classes in Pirita or Nõmme and make young residents study in the district of residence and if authorities are ready to invest in such programs. The actual economic crisis rather goes against education spending (small Russian classes are under the threat of being close, for example in small town of Sindi in Pärnu county (2010) and the actual government is more likely to close schools than open new ones. In the short term, evolutions in the integration process will remain rather small compared to the needs in the city of Tallinn, where the two cultures will remain relatively separated.

1. Berendson, R. 2009. Keskerakond liigub kindlalt valimisvõidu suunas. Postimees, 23 March. Retrieved from http://www.postimees.ee/?id=97442. 2. Eesti Rahvusringhääling. 2010. Aktuaalne Kaamera [Television broadcast], March 11. Tallinn. 3. Henno, E. 2009. Mart Laar: Eesti ei vaja Suur-Maardut. Tallinna Postimees, 21 February. Retrieved from http://www.tallinnapostimees.ee/?id=85626. 4. Kass, M. 2009a. Savisaar: lasnamäelased ise soovisid STOP-kampaaniat. Tallinna Postimees, 25 May. Retrieved from http://www.tallinnapostimees.ee/?id=123529. 5. Kass, M. 2009b. Ansip: Pronkssõdur ei mõjutanud valimistulemusi. Tallinna Postimees, 28 October. Retrieved from http://www.tallinnapostimees.ee/?id=180862. 6. Keskerakond. 2007. Eesti Keskerakonda Valimisplatvorm Riigikogu XI Koosseisu Valimistel. 14 January. 7. Korts, K. 2009. Inter-ethnic Atitudes and Contacts between Ethnic Groups in Estonia. The Journal of Baltic Studies40(1): 121–137. 8. Statistical Office of Estonia. 2001.2000 Population and Housing Census II, Citizenship, Nationality, Mother Tongue, and Command of Foreign Languages. Tallinn. 9. Statistical Office of Estonia. 2009. Rahvastik soo rahvuse ja maakonna järgi, 1. jaanuar. Retrieved from http://pub.stat.ee/px-web.2001/Dialog/varval.asp?ma= RV0222&ti=RAHVASTIK+SOO%2C+RAHVUSE+JA+MAAKONNA+J%C4RGI %2C+1%2E+JAANUAR&path=../Database/Rahvastik/01Rahvastikunaitajad_ja_ koosseis/04Rahvaarv_ja_rahvastiku_koosseis/&lang=2. 10. Tallinn City Government. 2008. Tallinna Arvudes 2007. Tallinn. Retrieved from http:// www.tallinn.ee/est/g6714s41815. 11. Tallinn City Government. 2009. Tallinn. Facts and Figures 2008. Tallinn. Retrieved from http://www.tallinn.ee/eng/g2607s23099. 12. Tallinna haridusamet. 2009. Tallinna Harisdusasutused Koolid. Retrieved from http:// www.haridus.ee/lisad/asutused/?t=k. 50

13. Tallinna haridusamet. 2009. Tallinna Harisdusasutused Lasteaiad. Retrieved from http:// www.haridus.ee/lisad/asutused/?t=l. 14. Tallinna haridusamet. 2009. Tallinna munitsipaalkoolid asumite kaupa. Retrieved from http://www.tallinn.ee/est/haridus/Tallinna-munitsipaalkoolid-asumite-kaupa. 15. Vabariigi Valimiskomisjon. 2005. Kohaliku omavalitsuse volikogu valimised 2005. Retrieved from http://www.vvk.ee/varasemad/k05/. 16. Vabariigi Valimiskomisjon. 2007. Riigikogu Valimine 2007. Retrieved from http://www. vvk.ee/varasemad/r07/. 17. Vabariigi Valimiskomisjon. 2009. Kohaliku omavalitsuse volikogu valimised 2009 Retrieved from http://www.vvk.ee/kov09. 18. Vabariigi Valimiskomisjon. 2009. Euroopa Parlamendi valimised 2009. Retrieved from http://www.vvk.ee/ep09/.

The Russian populations of Estonia live mostly in north-eastern Estonia and the capital Tallinn. As the Russian-speakers represent 43 % of the city inhabitants, the situation is par- ticular in Estonia: contacts between Estonians and Russians may be easier than elsewhere in the country. The statistical data show a concentration of those populations in several districts including the district of Lasnamäe, built during the Soviet period. However, new trends reveal that the proportion of Russians increases in recent years in districts which had been mainly Estonian. The decision of Russian families to live in individual houses, like in the district of Pirita implies that inter-ethnic contacts could be better. However, the example of the location of schools in Tallinn reveals that even if the families move to other places, the relations may remain the same between Estonians and Russians. However, the analysis of the recent local and national elections that the Russian popula- tions are well integrated regarding political issues. The elections in October 2009 reinforced the relations between the Russian populations and the Center Party, led by Mayor of Tal- linn Edgar Savisaar and the absence of Russian parties in Estonia. Finally, the integration in the Estonian political life is real since the Estonian parties struggled to gather votes from the Russian populations of Tallinn, which essential to claim victory.

Rusų tautinė mažuma Estijoje daugiausia gyvena šiaurės rytuose ir sostinėje Taline. Ru- siškai kalbantys Talino gyventojai sudaro 43 proc., todėl kontaktai tarp estų ir rusų čia yra dažnesni nei kitose šalies vietose. Statistiniai duomenys rodo, kad rusų tautinė mažuma yra susitelkusi tam tikrose Estijos dalyse, įskaitant ir Lasnamę, sukurtą sovietmečiu. Tačiau esama naujų tendencijų, kad pastaraisiais metais rusakalbių gyventojų daugėja estiškai kal- bančiose vietovėse. 51

Rusų šeimų sprendimas gyventi nuosavų namų kvartale (kaip Piritos atveju) liudija, kad etninių grupių kontaktai gali būti geresni. Tačiau mokyklų išsidėstymas Taline rodo, kad, net šeimoms persikėlus gyventi kitur, santykiai tarp estų ir rusų gali likti tokie patys. Vietinių ir nacionalinių rinkimų rezultatų analizė atskleidė, kad politikos srityje rusų tau- tinė mažuma yra gerai integravusis. 2009 metų spalio rinkimai atnaujino ryšius tarp rusų tautinės mažumos ir Centro partijos, vadovaujamos Talino mero Edgaro Savisaaro, ir paro- dė, kad Estijoje nėra rusų partijų. Tad rusų tautinės mažumos integracija politinėje sferoje yra gana pozityvi, kadangi rinkimų Taline metu estų partijos varžėsi dėl rusų balsų, būtinų pasiekti pergalei.