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Notes and References Notes and References Introduction 1. As will be discussed in Chapter 3, the RAF's ideology has global visions, but its primary target is the Federal Republic of Germany. 2. This of course assumes that propaganda's initial target is an uncom­ mitted actor, and the aim is to transform this actor into a sympathetic one. But as will be seen in Chapter 5, both groups involved in this study defined a pre-existing sympathetic audience. 1 Terrorism 1. D. Rapoport, 'The Politics of Atrocity', in Y. Alexander and S. M. Finger (eds), Terrorism: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (New York: John Jay Press, 1977) p. 46. 2. The rider 'for a political purpose' excludes the use of fear-inducing violence for personal gain. 3. T. Honderich, Political Violence (New York: Cornell University Press, 1976) p. 9. 4. ibid. 5. P. Wilkinson, Terrorism and the Liberal State, 2nd edn (London: Macmil­ lan, 1986) p. 23. 6. A. Etzioni, 'Violence', in R. K. Merton and R. Nisbet (eds) Contemporary Social Problems, 3rd edn (New York: Harcourt, 1971) p. 712. 7. E. Van den Haag, Political Violence and Civil Disobedience (New York: Harper and Row, 1972) p. 55. 8. Wilkinson, op. cit, pp. 23-4. 9. ibid., p. 54. 10. ibid., p. 55. II. ibid. 12. M. Crenshaw-Hutchinson, 'The concept of Revolutionary Terrorism', Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol 16 (1972) p. 385. 13. ibid. 14. See also T. P. Thornton, 'Terror as a Weapon of Political Agitation', in H. Eckstein (ed.) Internal War (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964) pp. 71-99. 15. Wilkinson, op cit., p. 54, and Thornton, op. cit., p. 81. 16. W. H. Smith, 'International Terrorism: A Political Analysis', in The Yearbook of World Affairs, 1977 (London: Stevens and Smith) vol. 31 (1977) pp. 138-9. 17. See, for example, A. Kaplan, 'The Psychodynamics of Terrorism', in Y. Alexander and J. M. Gleason (eds) Behavioural and Qualitative Perspec­ tives on Terrorism (New York: Pergamon, 1981) pp. 35-50, and E. Mick- 237 238 Notes and References olus, Transnational Terrorism: A Chronology of Events 1968-1979 (London: Aldwych Press) 1980, p. XIII. 18. A. P. Schmid and J. de Graaf, Violence as Communication (London: Sage, 1982) p. 15. 19. Dum-dum bullets for example. 20. R. Debray, Revolution in the Revolution? (trans.) B. Oritz (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968) p. 74. 21. C. Guevara, Guerrilla Warfare (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969) p. 26. 22. C. Marighella, 'Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla', reprinted as an appendix to R. Moss, 'Urban Guerrilla Warfare', Adelphi Paper, no. 79 (London: IISS, 1971) p. 30. 23. ibid., p. 36. 24. ibid., pp. 30-7. 25. Mao Tse-Tung quoted in S. B. Griffith, Mao Tse-Tung: On Guerrilla Warfare (New York: Praeger, 1961) pp. 20-1. 26. However, while such a theory does have some applicability, and as we shall see it has certain characteristics in common with the terrorists who hope that their terrorism will develop into more general confron­ tation, there are many exceptions to it. Terrorism was not a preliminary stage in Malaysia, Burma, the Philippines or EI Salvador. Sabotage rather than terrorism per se can be seen as a preliminary stage in both China and Cyprus. 27. G. Fairbairn, Revolutionary Guerrilla Warfare: The Countryside Version (Har­ mondsworth: Penguin, 1974) p 354. 28. B. Crozier, The Rebels (London: Chatto and Windus, 1960) pp. 127-8. Crozier notes, however, that the Indonesian experience was in fact the reverse. See -also Thornton, op. cit., especially pp. 91-2. 29. ibid. In Cuba, he says, terrorism was used to heighten publicity in the early days. (p. 127) See also R. Moss, Urban Guerrillas (London: Temple Smith, 1972) pp. 142-3, and H. Thomas, Cuba or the Pursuit of Freedom (London: Harper and Row, 1971). In Vietnam, Crozier argues that from 1952 onwards, 'terrorism played a reduced role', (p. 162). See also R. Asprey, War in the Shadows: The Guerrilla in History (London: Macdonald and Jane's, 1976) p. 921. And in Algeria, although he notes that terrorism flared up again, Crozier argues that 'terrorism died down during 1957, when the National Army of Liberation was at its strongest and set battles were being fought'. (p. 129). 30. General G. Grivas, Guerrilla Warfare and EOKA's Struggle (trans.) A. Pallis (London: Longmans, 1964), pp. 36-70. It is clear from his writings that Grivas attached no pejorative connotations to terrorism. See also The Memoirs of General Grivas (ed. and trans. C. Foley) (London: Longmans, 1964). 31. A Burton, Urban Terrorism: Theory, Practise and Response (New York: The Free Press, 1975) p.l1. 32. Various groups operating in Beirut are probably more accurately con­ sidered 'militia'. See L.W. Snider, 'The Lebanese Forces: Their Origin and Role in Lebanon's Politics', The Middle EastJoumal, vol. 38 (1984) no. I, pp. 10-13. Notes and References 239 33. W. Laqueur, Guerrilla (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977), p. IX. 34. ibid., p. 403. 35. For a discussion of levels of RAF membership see Chapter 7. 36. Wilkinson, for example, defines terrorism as the 'systematic use of murder and destruction in order to terrorise individuals, groups, com­ munities or governments into conceding to the terrorists' political demands'. Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 51. 37. G. Wardlaw, Political Terrorism (Cambridge University Press, 1982) p. 13. 38. Laqueur, op. cit., p. 403. 39. C.W.Jenks, 'Hersch Lauterpacht - The Scholar as Prophet', The British Year Book of International Law 1960, vol. XXXVI, (London: Oxford Univer­ sity Press, 1961) p. 83. 40. Article 4A(2) Prisoner of War Convention, quoted in W.T. Mallison, Jr and S.V. Mallison, 'An International Law Appraisal of the Judicial Characteristics of the Resistance of the People of Palestine: The Strug­ gle for Human Rights', in M.C. Bassiouni (ed.) International Terrorism and Political Crimes (Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1975) p. 174. 41. Article 1, United Nations Charter. 42. The British government would also prefer to prosecute PIRA members under ordinary domestic criminal legislation. 43. See, for example, An Phoblachtl&publican News, 5 Jan. 1984. 44. It was also Turkish attitudes that caused Makarios to settle for inde­ pendence rather than enosis, and thus the split with Grivas. 45. Crozier, op. cit., p. 181. 46. Moss, op. cit., p. 211. 2 Historical Background 1. Admittedly, since 1968 the European states have taken some action to overcome this, and to prevent terrorists avoiding extradition on the basis that their actions are political. 2. K. L. Shell, 'Extraparliamentary Opposition in Postwar Germany', Comparative Politics no. 1 (July 1970) p. 657. See also G. A. Craig, The Germans (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982) pp. 61-80. 3. ibid., p. 660. 4. ibid., p. 666. 5. Helmut Schauer, Chairman of the SDS, at 19th Delegate Conference of the SDS, reported in Neue Kritik, 25-6 October 1964, p. 12. 6. R. L. Merritt, 'The Student Protest Movement in West Berlin', Com­ parative Politics no. 1 (July 1969) p. 528. 7. W. Euchner, 'Zur Lange des Parliamentaris', Der CDU Staat, pp. 63-79, quoted in Shell, op. cit., p. 668. 8. Guevara and Fanon as well as Marcuse and Sartre are all important in the RAF's ideology, as will be discussed in the next chapter. 9. H. J. Krahl, in B. Vesper (ed.) 'Bedingungen und Organisation des 240 Notes and References Widerstandes; Der Kongress in Hannover', Flugschrift, no. 12 (Berlin, 1970) pp. 71-2. Quoted in Shell, op. cit., p. 672. 10. R. Dutschke, 'Die Widerspruche des Spatkapitalismus, die antiautori­ taren Studenten und ihr Verhaltnis zur Dritten Welt', in V. Beremann, R. Dutschke, W. Lefevre, and B. Rebehl (eds), Rebellion der Studenten oder Die neue Opposition (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1968) p. 82. Quoted in Merritt, op. cit., p. 521. 11. The phrase Irish Republican Army, however, was first used to describe a group of Irish-American rebels who made a rather farcical 'invasion' of Canada in 1866. See R. Kee, The Bold Fenian Men (London: Quartet, 1976) p. 30. 12. In terms of contemporary levels of popular support and perceptions of success Grattan, O'Connell, Parnell and Redmond are all far more significant. 13. T. P. Coogan, The IRA (London: Fontana, 1980) p. 420. 14. J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army The IRA 1916--1979 (Dublin: The Acad­ emy Press) 1979, p. 357. 15. The Irish Times, 29 Jan. 1969. In April, Bernadette Devlin was elected as MP for Mid-Ulster. 16. Bowyer Bell suggests by a margin of 39 to 12, op. cit., p. 366. 17. Most of the propaganda referring to this period was used to discredit the Official IRA. See Chapter 4. 18. The Volunteers were formed as a countermeasure to the Ulster Volun­ teers who had been formed to oppose Home Rule. 19. See Chapter 3. 20. Connolly, who was not a Fenian but joined the rebels with his Citizens' Army, expressly stated '[w]e are going out to be slaughtered'. See J. Connolly, Labour and Easter Week, Desmond Ryan (ed.) (Dublin: At the Sign of Three Candles, 1949) p. 21. 21. See Kee, op. cit., pp. 234-41 and p. 250. 22. Other reasons included the powerful and emotional propaganda left behind by leaders such as Pearse (discussed in Chapter 3) and the romanticism associated with the event itself, such as Joseph Plunkett's marriage just hours before his execution. 23. Bowyer Bell, op. cit., pp. 12-13. 24. Thirty-four were in gaol and another eight were on various missions. 25. For an excellent account of this period see C. Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland 1919-1921, (Oxford University Press, 1975) and, by the same author, Political Violence in Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press) 1983.
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