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Gerrymandering and Malapportionment, Romanian Style
EEPXXX10.1177/0888325417711222East European Politics and SocietiesGiugăl et al. / Gerrymandering and Malapportionment 711222research-article2017 East European Politics and Societies and Cultures Volume XX Number X Month 201X 1 –21 © 2017 SAGE Publications Gerrymandering and 10.1177/0888325417711222 http://eeps.sagepub.com hosted at Malapportionment, Romanian http://online.sagepub.com Style: The 2008 Electoral System Aurelian Giugăl University of Bucharest Ron Johnston University of Bristol Mihail Chiru Median Research Centre, Bucharest Ionut Ciobanu Independent Researcher Alexandru Gavriș Bucharest University of Economic Studies Varieties of gerrymandering and malapportionment can appear not only in electoral systems where all legislative seats are allocated to plurality winners in single-member districts but also in proportional Single-Member District (SMD)–based electoral sys- tems and in settings where multi-partisan committees draw the district boundaries. This article investigates such a case, in which the main parliamentary parties collaborated in order to minimize the uncertainty regarding intra-party allocation of seats. The 2008 electoral reform in Romania created such opportunities, and both the SMD maps and the electoral results at the parliamentary election held in the same year indicate that the parties collaborated to design a number of safe seats for each of them. We draw on a novel data set that measures the degree to which the newly created SMDs reflect natu- ral or artificial strongholds of concentrated partisan support in otherwise unfavorable political territories, and also assess the malapportionment of these districts. All three types of mechanisms were frequently used, and our logistic regression analyses indi- cate that nomination from the “right” type of SMD was the main factor deciding which of each party’s candidates got elected. -
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Executive Summary 1 Voter Power under First Past the Post 2 The effect of moving to the Alternative Vote 2 The VPI website 2 1. The AV Referendum in context 3 The referendum options 3 First Past the Post in the 2010 General Election 4 The effects of marginal and safe seats 4 2. The Voter Power Index 6 How the Voter Power Index is calculated 6 Voter Power under FPtP and AV 7 Numbers of marginal and safe constituencies 8 Beyond the referendum 10 Conclusion 11 Appendix 1. Summary of electoral systems 12 Appendix 2. The Voter Power Index: the statistical basis 14 Calculating the VPI for First Past the Post 14 Calculating the VPI for the Alternative Vote 15 Endnotes 18 This report examines the distribution of electoral power amongst voters in the UK and the possible impact of a change in the electoral system. It compares the distribution under the current First Past the Post system (FPtP) with the Alternative Vote system (AV) which will be put before voters in the May 2011 referendum. Our aim is to help voters consider the impact of the choice on offer in the referendum. Our analysis shows that moving from FPtP to AV will mitigate some of the distortions of the current system, but that inequalities and inefficiencies in the distribution of voter power would remain. Our research builds on nef’s 2005 report Spoiled Ballot which developed the first Voter Power Index (VPI).1 The VPI measures the power of voters to change the outcome of the election. Voter power is measured for each constituency and is determined by the chance of it changing hands and the number of voters. -
Seat Safety and Female (Under)Representation in the U.S. Congress
Seat safety and female (under)representation in the U.S. Congress Akhil Rajan, Alexander Kustov, Maikol Cerda, Frances Rosenbluth, Ian Shapiro Yale University Draft: May 17, 2021 Abstract Women have made significant strides toward equal representation within the U.S. Congress, but their seat share has mostly increased within the Democratic—but not Republican—Party. We argue that one driver of women’s underrepresentation among Republicans is the proliferation of safe seats. Because safe seats encourage ideological extremism in candidates and because women are stereotyped as more liberal than men, we expect women candidates to outperform men in safer Democratic seats but underperform men in safer Republican seats (relative to more competitive seats). Based on a new dataset linking all candidates for the U.S. House and their districts’ partisan composition since 2000, we show women both enter and win elections in safer Republican (Democratic) seats at relatively lower (higher) rates than men. Our results strikingly suggest that, even conditional on running, a female Republican candidate has an overall better chance of winning in a competitive seat than in a safe Republican seat. Keywords: Congress, Gender, Representation, Inequality, Electoral Competition Word count: 3700 Introduction After a record number of women won election to the United States Congress, many commentators declared 2018 to be the “Year of the Woman.” But the use of a caveat is warranted: if 2018 was the year of the woman, it must have been the year of the Democratic woman. By contrast, Republican women lost a whopping ten seats, their largest decline in the history of the United States House of Representatives. -
Lessons on Voting Reform from Britian's First Pr Elections
WHAT WE ALREADY KNOW: LESSONS ON VOTING REFORM FROM BRITIAN'S FIRST PR ELECTIONS by Philip Cowley, University of Hull John Curtice, Strathclyde UniversityICREST Stephen Lochore, University of Hull Ben Seyd, The Constitution Unit April 2001 WHAT WE ALREADY KNOW: LESSONS ON VOTING REFORM FROM BRITIAN'S FIRST PR ELECTIONS Published by The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy UCL (University College London) 29/30 Tavistock Square London WClH 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax: 020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ 0 The Constitution Unit. UCL 200 1 This report is sold subject ot the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. First published April 2001 Contents Introduction ................................................................................................... 3 Executive Summary ..................................................................................4 Voters' attitudes to the new electoral systems ...........................................................4 Voters' behaviour under new electoral systems ......................................................... 4 Once elected .... The effect of PR on the Scottish Parliament in Practice ..................5 Voter Attitudes to the New Electoral Systems ............................................6 -
Strategic Coalition Voting: Evidence from Austria Meffert, Michael F.; Gschwend, Thomas
www.ssoar.info Strategic coalition voting: evidence from Austria Meffert, Michael F.; Gschwend, Thomas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Meffert, M. F., & Gschwend, T. (2010). Strategic coalition voting: evidence from Austria. Electoral Studies, 29(3), 339-349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.005 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. -
Democracy and Elections
10 Democracy and Elections Key Terms Boundaries Commission (p. 406) A body that recommends changes to election boundaries. By-election (p. 422) A district-level election held between general elections. Campaign Finance regulations (p. 409) Laws that govern political fundraising and/or spending. Disclosure (p. 411) Revealing otherwise private information, such as campaign expenses. Election Platform (p. 414) A list of political pledges announced before or during an election campaign. Gerrymandering (p. 406) The purposeful manipulation of electoral districts to maximize one party’s chances of winning. GOTV (p. 420) Efforts to mobilize supporters to vote, such as telephone reminders. Government Subsidy (p. 410) Public funds used to support an individual, group, or cause. Incumbent (p. 421) An elected official who currently represents an electoral district. Leader’s tour (p. 414) A visit of various electoral districts by the party leader and an entourage of staffers and journalists. Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) System (p. 404) An electoral system that combines geographic and partisan representation by providing extra seats to parties whose share of seats is lower than their share of the popular vote. Party Nomination (p. 420) An internal contest to decide who should represent a party locally in an upcoming election. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Permanent Campaign (p. 413) The practice of electioneering outside of an election period, especially by leveraging government resources. Plebiscite (p. 422) A citizen vote held to inform a decision by a representative body. Political Contribution (p. 410) Donations to a political candidate, group, or cause. Recall (p. 423) Legislated process by which electors of a given district may petition for a by-election. -
Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending. -
Getting It in Proportion?
Getting it in Proportion? Trade unions and electoral reform Contents Foreword 4 1 Introduction and background 6 2 Is there a case for change? 9 3 Different electoral systems 17 4 The practicalities of change 23 5 Conclusion 25 6 Voices on electoral reform 27 References 29 2 TOUCHSTONE EXTRAS Getting it in Proportion? This report has been prepared by the TUC as a discussion paper for the trade union movement. Getting it in Proportion? This Touchstone Extra pamphlet sets out the arguments for and against changing Britain’s electoral system. It puts the debate in context by summarising the political and historical background against which our democracy has developed, examines how well the existing system works and looks at possible reasons for change. It describes the various alternative electoral systems, discusses the practicalities of change and concludes with a useful comparison of different systems and their advantages and disadvantages. It is not intended to draw any final conclusion about whether or not electoral reform is needed, but rather to be used as a starting point for further debate. Touchstone Extra These new online pamphlets are designed to complement the TUC’s influential Touchstone Pamphlets by looking in more detail at specific areas of policy debate raised in the series. Touchstone Extra publications are not statements of TUC policy but instead are designed, like the wider Touchstone Pamphlets series, to inform and stimulate debate. The full series can be downloaded at www.tuc.org.uk/touchstonepamphlets TOUCHSTONE EXTRAS Getting it in Proportion? 3 Foreword Brendan Barber At our 2009 Congress, delegates voted in support of a motion calling on the TUC to stimulate debate about electoral reform for Westminster elections. -
City Council Election Methods in Order to Ensure That the Election Please Do Not Hesitate to Contact Us
The Center for Voting and Democracy City 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610 – Takoma Park, MD 20912 Phone: (301) 270-4616 – Fax: (301) 270-4133 Council Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.fairvote.org Election This Manual is intended to assist Charter Review Comissions, city officials, and other community Methods leaders in determining what electoral systems will best meet the needs and goals of their community. Given that no system can accomplish every goal, this manual will help you analyze the INTRODUCTION consequences of adopting one system over The range of options that exists for electing a municipal government is broader than many people realize. Voting systems can have a another and will aid you in comparing the features striking impact on the type of candidates who run for office, how of various electoral systems. representative the council is, which candidates are elected, which parties control the city council, which voters feel well represented, Should you desire more information about any of and so on. This booklet is intended to aid in the evaluation of possible the voting systems discussed within this manual, city council election methods in order to ensure that the election please do not hesitate to contact us. method is determined by conscious choice, not inertia. A separate companion booklet, Mayoral Election Methods , deals with the selection of an executive. A summary of this booklet can be found in the city council election method evaluation grid at Page 11. 1 CRITERIA FOR EVALUATING CITY COUNCIL ELECTION METHODS 1. VOTER CHOICE Different election methods will encourage different numbers of It is important to recognize from the outset that no election candidates to run, and will thus impact the level of choice which method is perfect. -
The Many Faces of Strategic Voting
Revised Pages The Many Faces of Strategic Voting Strategic voting is classically defined as voting for one’s second pre- ferred option to prevent one’s least preferred option from winning when one’s first preference has no chance. Voters want their votes to be effective, and casting a ballot that will have no influence on an election is undesirable. Thus, some voters cast strategic ballots when they decide that doing so is useful. This edited volume includes case studies of strategic voting behavior in Israel, Germany, Japan, Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Canada, and the United Kingdom, providing a conceptual framework for understanding strategic voting behavior in all types of electoral systems. The classic definition explicitly considers strategic voting in a single race with at least three candidates and a single winner. This situation is more com- mon in electoral systems that have single- member districts that employ plurality or majoritarian electoral rules and have multiparty systems. Indeed, much of the literature on strategic voting to date has considered elections in Canada and the United Kingdom. This book contributes to a more general understanding of strategic voting behavior by tak- ing into account a wide variety of institutional contexts, such as single transferable vote rules, proportional representation, two- round elec- tions, and mixed electoral systems. Laura B. Stephenson is Professor of Political Science at the University of Western Ontario. John Aldrich is Pfizer- Pratt University Professor of Political Science at Duke University. André Blais is Professor of Political Science at the Université de Montréal. Revised Pages Revised Pages THE MANY FACES OF STRATEGIC VOTING Tactical Behavior in Electoral Systems Around the World Edited by Laura B. -
859 Partisan Gerrymandering As a Safeguard Of
PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING AS A SAFEGUARD OF FEDERALISM Franita Tolson* I. INTRODUCTION In 1954, Herbert Wechsler argued that congressional statutes that encroach on state power should not be subject to judicial review because the states’ role in the composition of the federal government is sufficient to protect the institutional interests of the states from federal power.1 Writing almost fifty years later, Larry Kramer agreed with Wechsler’s basic point, but observed that these structural safeguards do little to protect the governing prerogatives of the states.2 These mechanisms do not explain the continued success of American federalism, according to Kramer, because mediating institutions such as political parties and public interest organizations link politicians at every level of government and undermine the federalism originally envisioned by the Founders.3 These institutions destabilized the political competition between the levels of government that the Founders had hoped would protect the states from being consumed by the federal government.4 Kramer concluded that, despite this link between politicians at every level of government, the decentralized American party system provides a solution to the problem of mass politics that deprives Wechsler’s argument of much of its force—that political parties protect the states by making national party officials politically dependent on state and local party organizations.5 * © 2010 Franita Tolson, Assistant Professor, Florida State University College of Law. For helpful comments and suggestions, I would like to thank Lisa Bernstein, Charlton Copeland, Adam Cox, Robin Craig, Kareem Creighton, Heather Gerken, Tara Grove, Richard Hasen, Samuel Issacharoff, Michael Kang, Holning Lau, Wayne Logan, Dan Markel, Jide Nzelibe, J.B. -
Economic Security Issues for Women and Families in the 2014 Midterm Election, As Presented on Candidates’ Campaign Websites Date: November 10, 2014
To: Interested Parties From: National Partnership for Women & Families Re: Economic Security Issues for Women and Families in the 2014 Midterm Election, as Presented on Candidates’ Campaign Websites Date: November 10, 2014 In 2014, the economic security of women and families was a noticeable and important theme in the national dialogue on public policy. Lawmakers at all levels of government introduced, debated and, in some cases, enacted policies to combat gender-based pay discrimination, provide paid sick days and paid family and medical leave, and promote reasonable workplace accommodations for pregnant workers.1 The U.S. Department of Labor awarded grants to four states to study paid family and medical leave programs.2 Media coverage and editorial board support reflected much of this activity.3 And, on election night, voters in Massachusetts as well as in the cities of Montclair and Trenton, N.J., and Oakland, Calif., overwhelmingly approved paid sick days laws, bringing the number of jurisdictions that do or will soon guarantee workers the right to earn paid sick days to 16.4 Against this backdrop of heightened awareness of and momentum around public policies that create greater economic fairness and opportunity for working families, the National Partnership for Women & Families reviewed the websites of all the declared general election candidates for governor, U.S. Senate and U.S. House of Representatives to see whether candidates’ issue platforms and press statements included references to four key issues: fair or equal pay, paid sick days, paid family and medical leave, and pregnancy discrimination/workplace accommodations for pregnant workers.* The National Partnership’s analysis shows that some candidates – but, in our view, not enough – addressed these issues on their websites.