An Experiment in Candidate Selection
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Skill Versus Voice in Local Development
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES SKILL VERSUS VOICE IN LOCAL DEVELOPMENT Katherine Casey Rachel Glennerster Edward Miguel Maarten Voors Working Paper 25022 http://www.nber.org/papers/w25022 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 September 2018 We thank Samuel Asher, Angélica Eguiguren, Andrés Felipe Rodriguez, Erin Iyigun, Mirella Schrijvers, Eleanor Wiseman and the Innovations for Poverty Action team in Freetown for excellent research assistance and fieldwork. We thank the Decentralization Secretariat, the GoBifo Project, Local Councillors in Bombali and Bonthe districts, and a panel of experts for their collaboration. We thank the Editor and referees, as well as Mike Callen, Macartan Humphreys, Ken Opalo, Ann Swidler, Eva Vivalt and numerous seminar participants, for valuable comments. We gratefully acknowledge financial support from the UK Economic and Social Research Council, the Governance Initiative at JPAL, NWO 451-14-001 and the Stanford Institute for Innovation in Developing Economies. All errors are our own. This study was pre- registered on the AEA registry: https://www.socialscienceregistry.org/trials/1784. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research or the Department for International Development. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2018 by Katherine Casey, Rachel Glennerster, Edward Miguel, and Maarten Voors. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. -
Gerrymandering and Malapportionment, Romanian Style
EEPXXX10.1177/0888325417711222East European Politics and SocietiesGiugăl et al. / Gerrymandering and Malapportionment 711222research-article2017 East European Politics and Societies and Cultures Volume XX Number X Month 201X 1 –21 © 2017 SAGE Publications Gerrymandering and 10.1177/0888325417711222 http://eeps.sagepub.com hosted at Malapportionment, Romanian http://online.sagepub.com Style: The 2008 Electoral System Aurelian Giugăl University of Bucharest Ron Johnston University of Bristol Mihail Chiru Median Research Centre, Bucharest Ionut Ciobanu Independent Researcher Alexandru Gavriș Bucharest University of Economic Studies Varieties of gerrymandering and malapportionment can appear not only in electoral systems where all legislative seats are allocated to plurality winners in single-member districts but also in proportional Single-Member District (SMD)–based electoral sys- tems and in settings where multi-partisan committees draw the district boundaries. This article investigates such a case, in which the main parliamentary parties collaborated in order to minimize the uncertainty regarding intra-party allocation of seats. The 2008 electoral reform in Romania created such opportunities, and both the SMD maps and the electoral results at the parliamentary election held in the same year indicate that the parties collaborated to design a number of safe seats for each of them. We draw on a novel data set that measures the degree to which the newly created SMDs reflect natu- ral or artificial strongholds of concentrated partisan support in otherwise unfavorable political territories, and also assess the malapportionment of these districts. All three types of mechanisms were frequently used, and our logistic regression analyses indi- cate that nomination from the “right” type of SMD was the main factor deciding which of each party’s candidates got elected. -
Downloaded in February 2011)
Executive Summary 1 Voter Power under First Past the Post 2 The effect of moving to the Alternative Vote 2 The VPI website 2 1. The AV Referendum in context 3 The referendum options 3 First Past the Post in the 2010 General Election 4 The effects of marginal and safe seats 4 2. The Voter Power Index 6 How the Voter Power Index is calculated 6 Voter Power under FPtP and AV 7 Numbers of marginal and safe constituencies 8 Beyond the referendum 10 Conclusion 11 Appendix 1. Summary of electoral systems 12 Appendix 2. The Voter Power Index: the statistical basis 14 Calculating the VPI for First Past the Post 14 Calculating the VPI for the Alternative Vote 15 Endnotes 18 This report examines the distribution of electoral power amongst voters in the UK and the possible impact of a change in the electoral system. It compares the distribution under the current First Past the Post system (FPtP) with the Alternative Vote system (AV) which will be put before voters in the May 2011 referendum. Our aim is to help voters consider the impact of the choice on offer in the referendum. Our analysis shows that moving from FPtP to AV will mitigate some of the distortions of the current system, but that inequalities and inefficiencies in the distribution of voter power would remain. Our research builds on nef’s 2005 report Spoiled Ballot which developed the first Voter Power Index (VPI).1 The VPI measures the power of voters to change the outcome of the election. Voter power is measured for each constituency and is determined by the chance of it changing hands and the number of voters. -
Allied Social Science Associations Atlanta, GA January 3–5, 2010
Allied Social Science Associations Atlanta, GA January 3–5, 2010 Contract negotiations, management and meeting arrangements for ASSA meetings are conducted by the American Economic Association. i ASSA_Program.indb 1 11/17/09 7:45 AM Thanks to the 2010 American Economic Association Program Committee Members Robert Hall, Chair Pol Antras Ravi Bansal Christian Broda Charles Calomiris David Card Raj Chetty Jonathan Eaton Jonathan Gruber Eric Hanushek Samuel Kortum Marc Melitz Dale Mortensen Aviv Nevo Valerie Ramey Dani Rodrik David Scharfstein Suzanne Scotchmer Fiona Scott-Morton Christopher Udry Kenneth West Cover Art is by Tracey Ashenfelter, daughter of Orley Ashenfelter, Princeton University, former editor of the American Economic Review and President-elect of the AEA for 2010. ii ASSA_Program.indb 2 11/17/09 7:45 AM Contents General Information . .iv Hotels and Meeting Rooms ......................... ix Listing of Advertisers and Exhibitors ................xxiv Allied Social Science Associations ................. xxvi Summary of Sessions by Organization .............. xxix Daily Program of Events ............................ 1 Program of Sessions Saturday, January 2 ......................... 25 Sunday, January 3 .......................... 26 Monday, January 4 . 122 Tuesday, January 5 . 227 Subject Area Index . 293 Index of Participants . 296 iii ASSA_Program.indb 3 11/17/09 7:45 AM General Information PROGRAM SCHEDULES A listing of sessions where papers will be presented and another covering activities such as business meetings and receptions are provided in this program. Admittance is limited to those wearing badges. Each listing is arranged chronologically by date and time of the activity; the hotel and room location for each session and function are indicated. CONVENTION FACILITIES Eighteen hotels are being used for all housing. -
Seat Safety and Female (Under)Representation in the U.S. Congress
Seat safety and female (under)representation in the U.S. Congress Akhil Rajan, Alexander Kustov, Maikol Cerda, Frances Rosenbluth, Ian Shapiro Yale University Draft: May 17, 2021 Abstract Women have made significant strides toward equal representation within the U.S. Congress, but their seat share has mostly increased within the Democratic—but not Republican—Party. We argue that one driver of women’s underrepresentation among Republicans is the proliferation of safe seats. Because safe seats encourage ideological extremism in candidates and because women are stereotyped as more liberal than men, we expect women candidates to outperform men in safer Democratic seats but underperform men in safer Republican seats (relative to more competitive seats). Based on a new dataset linking all candidates for the U.S. House and their districts’ partisan composition since 2000, we show women both enter and win elections in safer Republican (Democratic) seats at relatively lower (higher) rates than men. Our results strikingly suggest that, even conditional on running, a female Republican candidate has an overall better chance of winning in a competitive seat than in a safe Republican seat. Keywords: Congress, Gender, Representation, Inequality, Electoral Competition Word count: 3700 Introduction After a record number of women won election to the United States Congress, many commentators declared 2018 to be the “Year of the Woman.” But the use of a caveat is warranted: if 2018 was the year of the woman, it must have been the year of the Democratic woman. By contrast, Republican women lost a whopping ten seats, their largest decline in the history of the United States House of Representatives. -
Democracy and Elections
10 Democracy and Elections Key Terms Boundaries Commission (p. 406) A body that recommends changes to election boundaries. By-election (p. 422) A district-level election held between general elections. Campaign Finance regulations (p. 409) Laws that govern political fundraising and/or spending. Disclosure (p. 411) Revealing otherwise private information, such as campaign expenses. Election Platform (p. 414) A list of political pledges announced before or during an election campaign. Gerrymandering (p. 406) The purposeful manipulation of electoral districts to maximize one party’s chances of winning. GOTV (p. 420) Efforts to mobilize supporters to vote, such as telephone reminders. Government Subsidy (p. 410) Public funds used to support an individual, group, or cause. Incumbent (p. 421) An elected official who currently represents an electoral district. Leader’s tour (p. 414) A visit of various electoral districts by the party leader and an entourage of staffers and journalists. Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) System (p. 404) An electoral system that combines geographic and partisan representation by providing extra seats to parties whose share of seats is lower than their share of the popular vote. Party Nomination (p. 420) An internal contest to decide who should represent a party locally in an upcoming election. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Permanent Campaign (p. 413) The practice of electioneering outside of an election period, especially by leveraging government resources. Plebiscite (p. 422) A citizen vote held to inform a decision by a representative body. Political Contribution (p. 410) Donations to a political candidate, group, or cause. Recall (p. 423) Legislated process by which electors of a given district may petition for a by-election. -
Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending. -
Personalities and Public Sector Performance: Evidence from a Health Experiment in Pakistan
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES PERSONALITIES AND PUBLIC SECTOR PERFORMANCE: EVIDENCE FROM A HEALTH EXPERIMENT IN PAKISTAN Michael Callen Saad Gulzar Ali Hasanain Muhammad Yasir Khan Arman Rezaee Working Paper 21180 http://www.nber.org/papers/w21180 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge MA 02138 May 2015, Revised April 2018 We thank Farasat Iqbal (Punjab Health Sector Reforms Project) for championing and implementing the project and Asim Fayaz and Zubair Bhatti (World Bank) for designing the smartphone monitoring program. Support is provided by the International Growth Centre (IGC) state capabilities program, the IGC Pakistan country office, and the University of California Office of the President Lab Fees Research Program Grant #235855. Callen was supported by grant #FA9550-09-1- 0314 from the Air Force Office of Scientific Research. We thank Tahir Andrabi, Eli Berman, Ali Cheema, Julie Cullen, Clark Gibson, Naved Hamid, Gordon Hanson, Asim Khwaja, Jennifer Lerner, Jane Mansbridge, Edward Miguel, Craig McIntosh, Ijaz Nabi, Rohini Pande, ChristopherWoodruff, and seminar participants at UC Berkeley, UC Los Angeles Anderson, UC San Diego, Paris School of Economics, New York University, University of Washington, Harvard Kennedy School, and participants at the IGC Political Economy Group, Development and Conflict Research (DACOR), Pacific Development (PacDev), New England Universities Development Consortium (NEUDC), Southern California Conference in Applied Microeconomics (SoCCAM), Bay Area Behavioral and Experimental Economics Workshop (BABEEW), Symposium on Economic Experiments in Developing Countries (SEEDEEC), and the Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development (BREAD) conferences for insightful comments. Excellent research assistance was provided by Muhammad Zia Mehmood. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. -
The Political Economy of IMF Surveillance
The Centre for International Governance Innovation WORKING PAPER Global Institutional Reform The Political Economy of IMF Surveillance DOMENICO LOMBARDI NGAIRE WOODS Working Paper No. 17 February 2007 An electronic version of this paper is available for download at: www.cigionline.org Building Ideas for Global ChangeTM TO SEND COMMENTS TO THE AUTHOR PLEASE CONTACT: Domenico Lombardi Nuffield College, Oxford [email protected] Ngaire Woods University College, Oxford [email protected] THIS PAPER IS RELEASED IN CONJUNCTION WITH: The Global Economic Governance Programme University College High Street Oxford, OX1 4BH United Kingdom Global Economic http://www.globaleconomicgovernance.org Governance Programme If you would like to be added to our mailing list or have questions about our Working Paper Series please contact [email protected] The CIGI Working Paper series publications are available for download on our website at: www.cigionline.org The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Board of Directors and /or Board of Governors. Copyright © 2007 Domenico Lombardi and Ngaire Woods. This work was carried out with the support of The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), Waterloo, Ontario, Canada (www.cigi online.org). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution - Non-commercial - No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecom mons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. CIGI WORKING PAPER Global Institutional Reform The Political Economy of IMF Surveillance* Domenico Lombardi Ngaire Woods Working Paper No.17 February 2007 * This project was started when Domenico Lombardi was at the IMF - the opinions expressed in this study are of the authors alone and do not involve the IMF, the World Bank, or any of their member countries. -
Getting It in Proportion?
Getting it in Proportion? Trade unions and electoral reform Contents Foreword 4 1 Introduction and background 6 2 Is there a case for change? 9 3 Different electoral systems 17 4 The practicalities of change 23 5 Conclusion 25 6 Voices on electoral reform 27 References 29 2 TOUCHSTONE EXTRAS Getting it in Proportion? This report has been prepared by the TUC as a discussion paper for the trade union movement. Getting it in Proportion? This Touchstone Extra pamphlet sets out the arguments for and against changing Britain’s electoral system. It puts the debate in context by summarising the political and historical background against which our democracy has developed, examines how well the existing system works and looks at possible reasons for change. It describes the various alternative electoral systems, discusses the practicalities of change and concludes with a useful comparison of different systems and their advantages and disadvantages. It is not intended to draw any final conclusion about whether or not electoral reform is needed, but rather to be used as a starting point for further debate. Touchstone Extra These new online pamphlets are designed to complement the TUC’s influential Touchstone Pamphlets by looking in more detail at specific areas of policy debate raised in the series. Touchstone Extra publications are not statements of TUC policy but instead are designed, like the wider Touchstone Pamphlets series, to inform and stimulate debate. The full series can be downloaded at www.tuc.org.uk/touchstonepamphlets TOUCHSTONE EXTRAS Getting it in Proportion? 3 Foreword Brendan Barber At our 2009 Congress, delegates voted in support of a motion calling on the TUC to stimulate debate about electoral reform for Westminster elections. -
City Council Election Methods in Order to Ensure That the Election Please Do Not Hesitate to Contact Us
The Center for Voting and Democracy City 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610 – Takoma Park, MD 20912 Phone: (301) 270-4616 – Fax: (301) 270-4133 Council Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.fairvote.org Election This Manual is intended to assist Charter Review Comissions, city officials, and other community Methods leaders in determining what electoral systems will best meet the needs and goals of their community. Given that no system can accomplish every goal, this manual will help you analyze the INTRODUCTION consequences of adopting one system over The range of options that exists for electing a municipal government is broader than many people realize. Voting systems can have a another and will aid you in comparing the features striking impact on the type of candidates who run for office, how of various electoral systems. representative the council is, which candidates are elected, which parties control the city council, which voters feel well represented, Should you desire more information about any of and so on. This booklet is intended to aid in the evaluation of possible the voting systems discussed within this manual, city council election methods in order to ensure that the election please do not hesitate to contact us. method is determined by conscious choice, not inertia. A separate companion booklet, Mayoral Election Methods , deals with the selection of an executive. A summary of this booklet can be found in the city council election method evaluation grid at Page 11. 1 CRITERIA FOR EVALUATING CITY COUNCIL ELECTION METHODS 1. VOTER CHOICE Different election methods will encourage different numbers of It is important to recognize from the outset that no election candidates to run, and will thus impact the level of choice which method is perfect. -
859 Partisan Gerrymandering As a Safeguard Of
PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING AS A SAFEGUARD OF FEDERALISM Franita Tolson* I. INTRODUCTION In 1954, Herbert Wechsler argued that congressional statutes that encroach on state power should not be subject to judicial review because the states’ role in the composition of the federal government is sufficient to protect the institutional interests of the states from federal power.1 Writing almost fifty years later, Larry Kramer agreed with Wechsler’s basic point, but observed that these structural safeguards do little to protect the governing prerogatives of the states.2 These mechanisms do not explain the continued success of American federalism, according to Kramer, because mediating institutions such as political parties and public interest organizations link politicians at every level of government and undermine the federalism originally envisioned by the Founders.3 These institutions destabilized the political competition between the levels of government that the Founders had hoped would protect the states from being consumed by the federal government.4 Kramer concluded that, despite this link between politicians at every level of government, the decentralized American party system provides a solution to the problem of mass politics that deprives Wechsler’s argument of much of its force—that political parties protect the states by making national party officials politically dependent on state and local party organizations.5 * © 2010 Franita Tolson, Assistant Professor, Florida State University College of Law. For helpful comments and suggestions, I would like to thank Lisa Bernstein, Charlton Copeland, Adam Cox, Robin Craig, Kareem Creighton, Heather Gerken, Tara Grove, Richard Hasen, Samuel Issacharoff, Michael Kang, Holning Lau, Wayne Logan, Dan Markel, Jide Nzelibe, J.B.